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Robert Southey and the Meanings of Patriotism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

Extract

Whether he traced historic truths with zeal,Whether he traced historic truths with zeal,

For the state's guidance or the public weal;

Or fancy, disciplined by curious art,

Informed his pen; or wisdom of his heart;

Or judgements, sanctioned in the patriotic mind

By reverence for the rights of all mankind:

Wide were his aims, yet in no human breast

Could private feelings meet in holier rest.

[From William Wordsworth's public epitaph on Robert Southey]

The language of politics is, by its very nature, both imprecise and artificial. Its meaning is shaped, not so much by linguistic conventions, but by the very political processes of which language constitutes the essential currency. One can, therefore, only understand the nuances of a given political vocabulary when one relocates it within those historical and political frameworks that it both animated and circumscribed. Once political language is viewed as central to the political process, one can begin to appreciate the extent to which even the basic vocabulary of politics must itself be plastic. One might indeed go further and suggest that the dynamism of a given political system is reflected in organic transformations in the political language it employs. These transformations are most apparent in the radically different meanings that are imputed to terms such as “legitimate” and “constitutional,” on the one hand, or “liberty” and “equality,” on the other. The process of political evolution can be traced as clearly in the development of political vocabulary as it can in the reform of political institutions. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that one of the principal impacts of the French Revolution in Britain lay in its stimulating a renewed struggle over the language of politics.4 Nowhere was that struggle more apparent than in the transformed language of patriotism that emerged from the debates of the 1790s.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1992

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References

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16 Perhaps the best and certainly the most influential example of this kind of patriotic discourse was Price, Richard, A Discourse on the Love of Our Country …. (London, 1789)Google Scholar.

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19 Colley, , “Radical Patriotism,” p. 182Google Scholar. Betty Kemp's suggestion that by the end of the eighteenth century patriotism had shed “its domestic meaning” as a language of reform, “keeping only the more obvious concern for one's country abroad,” seems well wide of the mark. See Kemp (n. 7 above), p. 37.

20 Useful entrees into a now burgeoning literature include Eastwood, David, “Patriotism and the English State in the 1790s,” in The French Revolution and British Popular Politics, ed. Philp, Mark (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 146–68Google Scholar; Gee, Austin, “Volunteering in Britain, 1793–1815” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar; Cookson, John, “The English Volunteer Movement and the French Wars, 1793–1815: Some Contexts,” Historical Journal 32 (1989):867–91Google Scholar; Dickinson, H. T., “Popular Loyalism in Britain in the 1790s,” in The Transformation of Political Culture: Britain and Germany in the Late Eighteenth Century, ed. Hellmuth, Eckhart (Oxford, 1990), pp. 503–34Google Scholar; Dozier, R., For King, Constitution, and Country: The English Loyalists and the French Revolution (Lexington, Ky., 1983)Google Scholar.

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23 Dinwiddy, , “England” (n. 6 above), pp. 6469Google Scholar; Cunningham (n. 6 above), p. 15.

24 See, e.g., the Loyalist ballad The Patriot Briton; or England's Invasion (London, 1796)Google Scholar.

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26 Dinwiddy, J. R., “‘The Patriotic Linen-Draper’; Robert Waithman and the Revival of Radicalism in the City of London, 1795–1818,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 46 (1973): 72, 94Google Scholar; 1. Prothero, J., Artisans and Politics in Early Nineteenth-Century London: John Gast and His Times (London, 1979), pp. 88, 146Google Scholar.

27 Montagu, Basil, “The Patriot and the Demagogue,” in Essays and Selections (London, 1837), p. 185Google Scholar. Montagu was a barrister and a noted campaigner for reform of capital punishment. In the 1790s, he had been intimate with William Godwin and William Wordsworth and, in the context of his views on patriotism, it is significant that Montagu remained a lifelong friend and admirer of Coleridge.

28 Ibid., p. 186.

29 Coleridge, S. T. and Southey, R., The Fall of Robespierre: An Historic Drama (Cambridge, 1794)Google Scholar; Cottle, Joseph, Reminiscences of Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Robert Southey (London, 1847), pp. 1326Google Scholar passim; Curry, Kenneth, Southey (London and Boston, 1974), pp. 1842Google Scholar.

30 Southey to Grovesnor Bedford, September 27, 1794, in Curry, Kenneth, ed., New Letters of Robert Southey, 2 vols. (London, 1965) (hereafter cited as NL), 1:79Google Scholar; Simmons, Jack, Southey (London, 1945), pp. 36, 99Google Scholar.

31 See Joan of Arc in Poetical Works of Robert Southey (n. 17 above), esp. pp. 75–76. Even here one can see Southey echoing something of the idea of a patriotic king in his identifying the advancement of the rights of the poor with the dispensations of patriotically disposed rulers.

32 Godwin, William, Political Justice, ed. Kramnick, Isaac (Harmondsworth, 1976). pp. 242–47Google Scholar; Philp, Mark, Godwin's Political Justice (London, 1986)Google Scholar, esp. pp. 80–98.

33 Coleridge, S. T., The Watchman, no. 3 (March 17, 1796)Google Scholar, in The Watchman, ed. Patton, L. (Princeton, N.J., and London, 1970), p. 99Google Scholar (original emphasis).

34 The most perceptive study on Southey's political development is by Carnall, Geoffrey, Robert Southey and His Age: The Development of a Conservative Mind (Oxford, 1960)Google Scholar; but see also Cobban, Alfred, Edmund Burke and the Revolt against the Eighteenth Century: A Study of the Political and Social Thinking of Burke, Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Southey, 2d ed. (London, 1960), pp. 189232Google Scholar; Haller, William, The Early Life of Robert Southey, 1774–1803 (New York, 1917)Google Scholar; and Mendilow, Jonathan, “Robert Southey and the Communal Values of Politics,” in The Romantic Tradition in British Political Thought, ed. Mendilow, Jonathan (London, 1986), pp. 4782Google Scholar.

35 Dickinson, H. T., “Popular Conservatism and Militant Loyalism, 1793–1815,” in Britain and the French Revolution, 1789–1815, ed. Dickinson, H. T. (London, 1989), pp. 103–25Google Scholar; Dozier (n. 20 above), pp. 55–102; Eastwood, “Patriotism and the English State in the 1790s” (n. 20 above).

36 John Reeves [to William Pitt], November 7, 1795, Public Record Office (PRO), Pitt (Chatham) Papers. PRO 30/8/170. fols. 259–60; [John Reeves], Thoughts on English Government: Addressed to the Quiet Good Sense of the People of England in a Series of Letters, Letter the First (London, 1795)Google Scholar.

37 For Southey's relationship with the Quarterly Review, see Hayden, John O., The Romantic Reviewers, 1802–1824 (London, 1969), pp. 2538Google Scholar; Clark, Roy B.,William Gifford: Tory Satirist, Critic, and Editor (New York, 1930), p. 227Google Scholar.

38 Southey to Tom Southey, November 12, 1808, in Warter, J. W., ed., Selections from the Letters of Robert Southey, 4 vols. (London, 1856) (hereafter cited as SL), 2:107–8Google Scholar.

39 Robert Southey to John Rickman, October 2, 1816, in Southey, C. C., The Life and Correspondence of the Late Robert Southey, 6 vols. (London, 1850) (hereafter cited as Life), 4:215Google Scholar.

40 Southey was offered the laureateship after Walter Scott had declined the office; see Southey to Edith Southey, September 5, 1813, Life, 4:38–41.

41 Southey told his close friend Walter Savage Landor that he had accepted the office, trusting in “my own power to make the office respectable”; see Southey to Landor, November 16, 1813, SL, 2:336.

42 Broadus, Edmund K., The Laureateship: A Study of the Office of Poet Laureate in England with Some Account of the Poets (Oxford, 1921), pp. 163–82Google Scholar; Simmons (n. 30 above), pp. 138–40.

43 Southey to Mrs. Edith Southey, September 5,1813, 2:66, and cf. Southey to John King, September 17, 1813, 2:73, both in NL (see n. 30 above); and Southey to Walter Scott, November 5, 1811, Life, 4:46.

44 The Gentlemen's Magazine, which had published all official odes since 1731, and the Annual Register, which had done the same since 1759, ceased to do so after January 1814. Southey appears to have produced a few odes for private reading at court under the regency, but even this lapsed under George IV; see Broadus, pp. 170–72.

45 For Southey's own account of his official poetry, see Carmen Nuptiale: The Lay of the Laureate, stanzas 10–15, in Poetical Works of Robert Southey (n. 17 above), p. 757.

46 Southey, Robert, Carmen Triumphale for the Commencement of the Year 1814 (London, 1814), p. 6Google Scholar. Carmen Triumphale represented Southey's second thoughts for his first ode. His first draft was more modestly proportioned but more extravagant in its anti-Gallicanism. Friends advised him to suppress this original version, although in the event Southey later published it separately as “Ode, Written during Negotiations with Buonaparte, in January 1814.” The new title was significant insofar as it attempted to gloss the poem's anti-French sentiments as being merely a polemic against Napoleon; see Poetical Works of Robert Southey, pp. 191–92; Southey to Rev.Herbert Hill, December 28, 1813, Life, 4:54; Simmons, pp. 143–44.

47 Jeffrey, Francis, “Southey's Carmen Triumphale,” Edinburgh Review 44 (1814):447–54Google Scholar, esp. 428. Southey's published footnotes, in which he quoted extracts from the Edinburgh Review, presented the Edinburgh's equivocal attitude toward the war as abject defeatism, the very antithesis of Southey's true patriotism. Jeffrey's was not the only hostile review; see Madden, Lionel, Robert Southey: The Critical Heritage (London and Boston, 1972), pp. 194203Google Scholar.

48 Southey, Robert, The Poet's Pilgrimage to Waterloo (London, 1816), p. 13Google Scholar. The poem accorded exactly with Southey's conception of the laureate's public duties; see Southey to Wynn, December 15, 1815, NL, 2:124.

49 Privately, Southey's anti-Gallicanism was undiminished; see Southey, Robert, Journal Tour in the Netherlands in 1815 (London, 1902), esp. pp. 109, 185Google Scholar.

50 Southey to Wynn, February 21, 1816, SL (n. 38 above), 3:15.

51 Southey, “Argument,” in Poet's Pilgrimage to Waterloo; see also p. 190.

52 Southey to Bedford, December 21, 1820, SL, 3:221.

53 Roberts, R. Ellis, ed., “A Vision of Judgment” by Robert Southey and “The Vision of Judgment” by Lord Byron (London, 1932)Google Scholar; Madden, pp. 284-302; Simmons (n. 30 above), pp. 168–71. In the preface to A Vision of Judgment, Southey dubbed Byron's school of poetry “the Satanic school” whose blank atheism leads them to “labour to make others as miserable as themselves.” In Byron's work, Southey discovered “a wretched feeling of hopelessness.” A number of contemporary publishers printed both versions of Vision of Judgment, notably the radical publisher Dugdale, William, who published The Two Visions; or Byron v. Southey (London, 1822)Google Scholar on the rontispiece of which Southey was described as “Poet-Laureate and Esquire; Republican and Royalist.” Interest in the two works was maintained, and Dugdale reprinted them, with their introductions, in 1824.

54 Laqueur, T. W., “The Queen Caroline Affair: Politics as Art in the Reign of George IV.Journal of Modern History 54 (1982):417–66Google Scholar; Greville, C. C. F., Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV, ed. Reeve, Henry, 3 vols. (London, 1874), 1:3239Google Scholar.

55 Southey to Wynn, July 2, 1816, SL, 3:31. See also Warter, J. W., ed., Southey's Commonplace Book, First Series, Choice Passages: Collections for English Manners and Literature, 2d ed. (London, 1850), p. 60Google Scholar.

56 Southey was, therefore, much gratified to learn that George IV found his Vision “a very beautiful poem”; see Southey to Rev. Nicholas Lightfoot, June 2, 1821, Life n. 39 above), 5:85; cf. Southey to Wynn, April 4, 1821, SL, 3:285.

57 Southey to Bedford, January 5, 1821, Life, 5:55.

58 Southey, Robert, The Life of John Wesley, and the Rise and Progress of Methodism, 2d ed., 2 vols. (London, 1820) 2:565Google Scholar.

59 Southey, Robert, The Works of William Cowper … with a Life of the Author, 15 vols. (London, 1836), esp. 1:8890Google Scholar, but also vols. 1–3 passim; cf. Butler, Marilyn, Romantics, Rebels, and Reactionaries: English Literature and Its Background, 1760–1830 (Oxford, 1981), pp. 3334Google Scholar.

60 Indeed, Southey claimed that he owed the office to his support for the war, telling Wynn in 1814 that “I owe … the Laurel to the Spaniards,” January 15, 1814, Life, 4:57.

61 Colley, Linda, “The Apotheosis of George III: Loyalty, Royalty and the British Nation, 1760–1820,” Past and Present no. 102 (1984), pp. 94–129, esp., pp. 111–29Google Scholar.

62 Diary, Reminiscences, and Correspondence of Henry Crabb Robinson, 3 vols. (London, 1869), 3:153–54Google Scholar.

63 [Southey, Robert], “Life of Marlborough,” Quarterly Review 23 (1820):71Google Scholar. Southey's “Life of Marlborough” was, nominally, a review of Coxe, William, Memoirs of John Duke of Marlborough …, 2d ed, 6 vols. (London, 1820)Google Scholar.

64 The print run for the first edition of Southey, Robert, The Life of Nelson, 2 vols. (London, 1813)Google Scholar, was 3,000 copies; see Southey to Mrs. Edith Southey, September 25, 1813, NL (n. 30 above), 2:74. Subsequent editions appeared in 1814, 1827, 1830, and 1831.

65 They appeared as Life of John, Duke of Marlborough (London, 1822)Google Scholar; Life of Horatio, Lord Viscount Nelson (London, 1822)Google Scholar; Campaigns of Arthur, Duke of Wellington (London, 1822)Google Scholar. They were offered as reprints from the Quarterly Review, and authorship was not attributed to Southey. For Rivington's relationship with the S.P.C.K., see Clarke, W. K. L., A History of the S.P.C.K. (London, 1959). pp. 188–89Google Scholar.

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67 At one stage Southey considered expanding the essay on Marlborough into a full-scale Life “which might be a companion to that of Nelson”: see Southey to Wynn. December 11 1819, SL (n. 38 above), 3:164.

68 [Southey], “Life of Marlborough,” p. 73.

69 Ibid., pp. 8–9, 17–19, 29–30: cf. Southey to John May. November 16, 1809, SL 2:176–77.

70 [Southey]. “Life of Marlborough.” pp. 5, 10.

71 Southey, , Life of Nelson, 2:275Google Scholar.

72 [Southey, Robert], “Life of Wellington.” pt. 1, Quarterly Review 13 (1815):215–75Google Scholar. Part 2 was published in July. Life of Wellington,” pt. 2, Quarterly Review 13 (1815):448528Google Scholar. Part 1 was nominally a review of Elliott's, George, The Life of the Most Noble Duke of Wellington (London, 1814)Google Scholar, which Southey dismissed as a “clumsy” book, while pt. 2 appeared as a review of six miscellaneous titles on the Peninsular War, the peace negotiations, and Waterloo.

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74 Ibid., pp. 234–35, 264: cf. Southey, Robert, History of the Peninsular War, 3 vols. (London, 1832), 3:925Google Scholar; Southey to Rickman, John, July 1808, Life (n. 39 above), 3:155Google Scholar. Southey did not distinguish systematically between England and Britain.

75 [Southey, ]. “Life of Wellington.” pt. 1, pp. 273, 526Google Scholar.

76 [Southey, ], “Life of Marlborough” (n. 63 above), pp. 19, 30–33, 6870Google Scholar.

77 [Southey, ], “Life of Wellington,” pt. 1, pp. 271–73Google Scholar. A virtually identical analysis appears in Southey's, History of the Peninsular War, 3:921–23Google Scholar.

78 Carlyle, Thomas, On Heroes and Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History (London, 1840)Google Scholar, reprinted in a corrected edition as Sartor Resartus, Lectures on Heros, Chartism: Past and Present (London, 1894), esp. pp. 185–242, 332–68Google Scholar.

79 [Southey, Robert], “The Life of Cromwell,” Quarterly Review 25 (1821): 345Google Scholar. Southey's article was nominally a review of four recent books on Cromwell but was in fact heavily reliant on Clarendon. It was reprinted by Murray in 1844 as “Cromwell and Bunyan” by Robert Southey. Southey had earlier intended to expand the essay into a two-volume biography; see Southey to Rickman, November 9, 1821, SL (n. 38 above), 3:285.

80 [Southey, ], “Life of Cromwell,” pp. 341–42Google Scholar.

81 Carlyle, , Sartor Resartus, pp. 346–48Google Scholar.

82 Ibid., pp. 352–53, 363; cf. Carlyle, Thomas, The Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell [1845], ed. Lomas, S. C., 3 vols. (London, 1940), 1:7274Google Scholar; Froude, J. A., Thomas Carlyle, 1834–1881, 2 vols. (London, 1884), 1:202, 332–33, 356–64Google Scholar.

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84 Southey to Walter Savage Landor, January 3, 1819, SL, 3:110-11: East-wood, David, “Robert Southey and the Origins of Romantic Conservatism.” English Historical Review 104 (1989): 308–31, here at pp. 308–10Google Scholar.

85 Southey, Robert, Vindiciae Ecclesiae Anglicanae (London, 1826), pp. 4243Google Scholar; Life (n. 39 above), 3:320–21: Southey to Rev, Hill, Herbert, December 31, 1811, Life, 3:320–21Google Scholar.

86 Southey to H. H. Southey. April 26, 1824, 3:416, and Southey to Wynn, August 11, 1826, 4:18, both in SL. It may well be that ideas and material originally intended for the “Book of the State” eventually found expression in Southey, Robert, Sir Thomas More, or Colloquies on the Progress and Prospects of Society, 2 vols. (London, 1829)Google Scholar.

87 Southey to Rev, Herbert Hill, January 25, 1824, SL, 3:294. The book's sales gratified Southey. By the end of 1824 the first edition of 3,000 and a second edition of 1,500 were virtually sold out, and Murray was printing a further 1,500 copies; see Southey to Rev. Herbert Hill. January 22, 1825, SL, 3:478.

88 Southey, Robert, The Book of the Church, rev. ed. (London, 1861). p. 1Google Scholar.

89 Ibid., p. 490.

90 Southey, , Vindiciae Ecclesiae Anglicanae, pp. xivxvGoogle Scholar; Southey, Robert, Essays, Moral and Political, 2 vols. (London, 1832), vol. 2, chs. 10–12Google Scholar. For a different reading, see Gilley, Sheridan, “Nationality and Liberty, Protestant and Catholic: Robert Southey's Book of the Church,” Studies in Church History (Oxford) 18 (1982): 409–32Google Scholar.

91 Southey, , Life of Wesley (n. 58 above), 2:563–65Google Scholar, and Colloquies, 2:8288Google Scholar; Southey to J. T. Lockhart, February 20, 1824, in Braekman, W., “Letters by Robert Southey to Sir John Taylor Coleridge.” Studia Germanica Gandensia 6 (1964): 135–36Google Scholar.

92 Southey to J. N. White, January 9, 1819. SL (n. 38 above). 3:112. For Southey's own faith, see Carnall (n. 34 above), pp. 215–20.

93 Southey, , Life of Nelson (n. 64 above), 2:11Google Scholar.

94 Southey, , Colloquies, 2:4748Google Scholar; cf. 1:248–54.

95 Southey, Robert, Journals of a Residence in Portugal in 1800–1801 and a Visit to France in 1838, ed. Cabral, Adolfo (Oxford, 1960), p. 205Google Scholar.

96 [Southey, ], “Life of Wellington,” pt. 1 (n. 72 above), pp. 242–43Google Scholar.

97 Southey to Senhouse, Humphrey, October 15, 1808, Life (n. 39 above), 3:175–76Google Scholar.

98 Jordan, Gerald and Rogers, Nicholas, “Admirals as Heroes: Patriotism and Liberty in Hanoverian England,” Journal of British Studies 28 (1989): 201–24Google Scholar.

99 Southey, , Life of Nelson, 2:230–32Google Scholar. See also Eastwood, David, “Patriotism Personified: Robert Southey's Life of Nelson Reconsidered,” Mariner's Mirror 77 (1991):143–49Google Scholar.