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Internalizing the Demonic: Satan and the Self in Early Modern Scottish Piety

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 January 2015

Abstract

Beliefs about the Devil informed Scottish piety in a myriad of ways. This article explores, in particular, the experiential relationship between Reformed theology, the practice of introspection, and demonic belief. It locates a process of profound anxiety and self-identification as evil that occurred during inward, personal engagement with Satan. This process, loosely coined here as “internalizing the demonic,” reveals the close and consequential relationship between the clerical promotion of self-surveillance and the widely internalized belief in the Devil's natural affinity with the “evil hearts” of men and women. Through an examination of English texts circulated in Scotland and a brief comparison with Protestant groups abroad, this article suggests that internalizing the demonic was a defining component of experiential piety not just in Scotland, but also throughout the Reformed Anglophone world.

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Copyright © The North American Conference on British Studies 2015 

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References

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43 Bayly, Practice of Piety, 1.

44 Ibid., 64–65.

45 The clerical emphasis on self-surveillance and inner piety in seventeenth-century Scotland has been explored by Louise Yeoman in her excellent Ph.D. thesis. See Yeoman, “Heart-Work.” On preaching in the Reformed Protestant tradition more broadly, see Ford, James Thomas, “Preaching in the Reformed Tradition,” in Preachers and People in the Reformations and Early Modern Europe, ed. Taylor, Larissa (Leiden, 2001): 65–88Google Scholar.

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69 Ibid., 153. R. A Houston discusses the suicidal thoughts of Mistress Rutherford in Punishing the Dead?, 309–10.

70 Some sins frequently considered eternal include the deliberate rejection of the mercy of God and ascribing the work of the Holy Spirit to the Devil. The basis for belief in eternal sins comes from Matthew 12:30–32. The sin against the Holy Spirit, which Calvin, Beza, James VI, and many other theologians addressed, was the one sure sign that an individual was reprobate. On this point, see, for example, Calvin, John, A harmonie vpon the three Euangelists, Matthew, Mark and Luke (London, 1584)Google Scholar, and Beza, Theodore, Propositions and Principles of Divinity (Edinburgh, 1591)Google Scholar.

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72 John Stevenson, “A Rare Soul-Strengthening and Comforting Cordial for Old and Young Christians: Being the last advice of John Stevenson, in the shire of Ayr, to his children and grandchildren,” in Select Biographies, ed. Tweedie, 2:427.

73 Blackadder, Elizabeth, “A Short Account of the Lord's Way of Providence towards me in my Pilgrimage Journeys,” in Women's Life Writing in Early Modern Scotland: Writing the Evangelical Self, c. 1670-c. 1730, ed. Mullan, David (Aldershot, 2003), 387Google Scholar. Blackadder would have been six years old around 1665.

74 Diary of John Forbes of Corse, 1624–47, NAS, CH12/18/6, fol. 238.

75 Stevenson, “A Rare Soul-Strengthening and Comforting Cordial,” 2:417.

76 Katharine Collace, “Memoirs or Spiritual Exercises of Mistress Ros,” in Mullan, Women's Life Writing, 39–40. This entry was composed in the late seventeenth century, but a specific date is not given.

77 Confession of James Gordon, NAS, GD248/616/9, fol. 1

78 Seventeenth century sermons, NLS, MS 5770, fol. 3.

79 Ibid.

80 See Houston, Punishing the Dead , especially 292–312.

81 Johnstone, The Devil and Demonism, chapter 4; and Oldridge, The Devil in Early Modern England, chapter 3. On the genre of autobiography in Puritan England, see Watkins, The Puritan Experience; Matthews, William, “Seventeenth- Century Autobiography,” in Autobiography, Biography, and the Novel, ed. Matthews, William and Rader, Ralph W. (Los Angeles, 1973)Google Scholar; Botonaki, Effie, “Seventeenth-Century English Women's Spiritual Diaries: Self-Examination, Covenanting and Account-Keeping,” Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 1 (1999): 321CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Seaver, Paul, Wallington's World: A Puritan Artisan in Seventeenth-Century London (Stanford, 1985)Google Scholar.

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83 Ibid., paragraph 6.

84 Ibid., paragraph 139.

85 Ibid., paragraph 164.

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88 Ibid., 95.

89 Ibid., 101. On perceptions of the Devil in cases of religious melancholy in Calvinist England more broadly, see Schmidt, Jeremy, Melancholy and Care of the Soul: Religion, Moral Philosophy and Madness in Early Modern England (Aldershot, 2007), 6477Google Scholar. See also Johnstone, The Devil and Demonism, especially chapter 4.

90 Cited by Oldridge, The Devil in Early Modern England, 41–43.

91 See, for example, Diary of Sir George Maxwell of Pollock, 1655–66, NLS, MS. 3150, fol. 28; Mistress Rutherford, “Conversion narrative,” 153; Blackadder, “A short account,” 387. One exception is the colorful account of the Devil and hell found in Religious diary, 1679–1692, NAS, Ch12/20/9, fol.15.

92 On printing in Scotland, see Mann, Alastair J., “The Anatomy of the Printed Book in Early Modern Scotland,” Scottish Historical Review 80, no. 2 (2001): 181200CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a discussion of the proliferation of broadsides in early modern England, see Tessa Watt's foundational Work, Cheap Print and Popular Piety in England (Cambridge, 1993)Google Scholar.

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94 Descriptions of the Devil in cases of Scottish witchcraft were also surprisingly terse or quotidian, and very rarely monstrous or grotesque as in elsewhere in Europe. On this point, see Miller, “Men in Black.”

95 Part of the diary of Sir John Chiesly, 1667, NLS, Wod. Oct. XXXI, fol. 41rv.

96 Ibid.

97 Oldridge, The Devil in Early Modern England, 47.

98 “An account of the exercise of a Christian,” 1698, NLS, Wod. Qu. XXVIII, fols. 94r–97v.

99 Johnstone, The Devil and Demonism, 129.

100 See, for example, Marion Veitch, “An account of the Lord's gracious dealing with me and of his remarkable hearing and answering my supplications,” ca. 1670–1680s, NLS, Adv. MS. 34.6.22, fol. 20; Part of an unnamed Scottish woman's spiritual diary, 1633, NAS, GD237/21/64, fol. 9.; Diary of John Forbes of Corse (1593–1648), 1624–47, NAS, CH12/18/6, fol. 114; Nimmo, James, The Narrative of Mr. James Nimmo: Written for his own Satisfaction to Keep in some remembrance the lords way dealing and kindness towards him, 1654–1709, ed. Moncrieff, W. G. Scott (Edinburgh, 1889)Google Scholar.

101 On the comforting dimensions and intent of the doctrine of predestination, see Dixon, Practical Predestinarians in England.

102 John Welwood, “Letters, 1675–77,” in Protestant Piety, 85.

103 This point is also made about English Protestants in Schmidt, Melancholy and Care of the Soul, 54.

104 Johnstone, The Devil and Demonism, 108.

105 Schmidt, Melancholy and Care of the Soul, 541.

106 Ryrie, Being Protestant, 247.

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112 Ibid.

113 Jonathan L. Pearl has explored the political, but not experiential, dimensions of demonology in France. See Pearl, The Crime of Crimes: Politics and Demonology in France.

114 This argument has long been the subject of historical debates, which have been recently summarized in Alexandra Walsham's excellent historiographical essay, “The Reformation and ‘The Disenchantment of the World’ Reassessed,” Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (2008): 497528Google Scholar.

115 Stevenson, More New Arabian Nights, 321.