Four Factors will influence British colonial policy in Burma: (1) public opinion in various countries of the world; (2) liberal thought in England itself; (3) Japan's occupation of Burma; and (4) the growth of nationalism within Burma.

Though all these factors are important, this discussion will be concerned with only the last, namely, Burmese nationalism and its development. Burmese nationalism is of fairly recent origin. After the annexation of Burma by the British in 1886, there was no nationalistic movement revolving about the dethroned Burmese king or the royal family. It was not until after the first World War that the Burmans showed any marked interest in national politics. In 1923,after certain reforms had been introduced organizations of a nationalist character known as wunthanu were formed. The avowed purpose of these groups was to obtain a larger voice in local administration.

In order to understand the current crisis in native affairs on Guam we need some knowledge of the changes that have taken place on the island since its discovery by Magellan in 1521. In the four centuries which have elapsed since discovery this small island of only 225 square miles has been the meeting place of many diverse influences from the Old World, the Americas, the Orient and the Pacific. It became a port of call for early European trans-Pacific voyagers, for the Manila galleon, and for whalers in the nineteenth century. Thus, due to certain accidents of history, we have been able to assemble a documented account of culture history and change on Guam across several hundred years, and this record is fraught with meaning as regards current problems on the island.

Gabriel Aubaret came to the China coast as a Lieutenant in the French Marine. A thorough student, he soon mastered Chinese, as he later did some of the languages of Indo-China. His career in Annam and Cochin China has been related in a previous number of this Quarterly. His work there showed him to be of a deeply sympathetic nature, and he was remembered chiefly for his interest in the native peoples. He was said to be deeply religious, with a tendency to mysticism, and seems to have had the courage, stubborness, and narrowness of view that often accompanies deep belief.

Psychological characteristics of enemy peoples were studied almost frantically during the recent war with a view to more effective psychological warfare. Answers were sought to questions like the following: How does the average enemy individual think and feel? Can his mentalemotional constitution be exploited to disrupt his will to fight? And how did he get that way?

Prior to 1941 almost no one investigated the phenomena of personality development in Japanese society. Even the Germans were subjected to very little systematic study. After the bombs began to fall, when collection of essential data had become impossible, both governmental and private initiative backed research into “character structure” among enemy peoples.

Gialong (1802–20) owed his throne and the establishment of the Empire of Annam to the assistance of the French, particularly that of the missionary, Pierre Pigneau de Béhaine, Bishop of Adran. At this time the French undoubtedly could have had a protectorate over Annam for the asking, Gialong protected the French and Spanish missionaries during his reign and tried to give the French some trade advantages; but his successors, Ming Mang (1820–41), Thieu-Tri (1841–47), and Tuduc (1847–83), persecuted the missionaries and closed the country to European trade. In 1856, Charles de Montigny, a French diplomat, returning to his post in China, was ordered to make treaties of commerce with Siam and Annam and to secure the protection of the French missionaries in Annam. At Singapore, he received orders to stop at Cambodia, in response to overtures which Ang Duong, king of that country (1842–59), had made. toward a French protectorate. In 1856 Montigny made a treaty with Mong kut, king of Siam (1851–68), and although he stopped at the Cambodian seaport of Kampot, he did not visit the capital or make an alliance with Ang Duong, much to that monarch's chagrin. He was badly received at Tourane and Hué and did not succeed in making a treaty of any kind with Annam.

French Indochina is a union not only of different states bur of geographically diverse areas. Both the physical and cultural-geographic elements have variety in their distribution on the land. This lack of uniformity presents problems for those attempting to create national unity within Indochina. The present brief review can mention only some of the more important contrasts; thoughtful persons will wish to bear in mind these physical and the equally complex cultural-geographic elements in considering those economic and political situations that have arisen in Indochina in modern times.

The future Japanese standard of living will depend largely on that country's industries and their maintenance. In turn, those industries must depend on their mainspring, energy. And finally, since coal, oil, and electricity provide this power and are to a certain extent interchangeable, and since Japan lacks oil and coal, she must depend for energy on electricity developed chiefly from water power.

Electricity in Japan attained late but thorough popularization. Today more than 90 per cent of Japanese homes are wired for electric lights, and in 1937, just before the China incident, electric lighting was probably more prevalent in Japan than any place else in the world. Despite these impressive statements, however, most Japanese homes are but dimly lit, due to the use of only a few light bulbs of low wattage. In 1941 the average number of bulbs per family was 4.2.

When considered in retrospect, one of the most interesting phases of the recent Sino-Japanese conflict was a local condition that arose in North China between the years 1935–37, known to the Japanese as the “special trade” in China.

Following the Mukden incident of September 18, 1931, the Kwangtung Army began its inexorable march to the southward. Within two years Manchuria had been conquered, an independent “Manchukuo” had been proclaimed, and Japanese troops stood at the gates of the Great Wall. The story of Japanese penetration beyond that historic barrier is a fascinating study in diplomacy. For four years, the Island Empire sought by every means short of war to establish its position of paramountcy in North China. Intrigue on a vast scale, involving official proclamations, “spontaneous” autonomy movements, organized smuggling, threats of reprisals, and even direct military action was the order of the day.

The world's greatest repository of historical information is to be found in the twenty-five officially approved Chinese standard histories. This collection begins with legendary ages and continues to the beginning of the Tsing or Manchu period. Because only parts of a very few histories have been translated, this collection remains almost completely unavailable, except to expert sinologists. Altogether the histories have well over twenty million characters, the equivalent of at least forty-five million English words. If this series were translated with appropriate notes and printed in the same format as the parts of the first two that have appeared, there would be about 225,000 pages, making about 450 volumes of 500 pages each. This translation is the greatest single task awaiting sinologfcal scholarship today.

In 1931 Malinowski wrote, “Although a great deal is known about the technology of house building and even about the structure of houses in various cultures and although a fair amount is also known about the constitution of the family, few accounts deal with the relation between the form of the dwelling and the form of domestic arrangements, on the one hand, and the constitution of the family, on the other, and yet such a relation does exist.” Malinowski then goes on to explain that the extended house is a function of the large, or extended family; while the club house, or men's house, is a function of age grouping, secret societies, or sexual abstinence or laxity.

In our approach to the household religion of the Chinese people, we found it characterized in two essential particulars; it was integrated with the felt life needs of a village-dwelling agricultural folk, and it found expression occasionally in temple worship but more frequently in home ceremonials. Realizing that the historico-genetic study of any religion seeks the point of view of the worshiper himself, we set out to find, if possible, the answer to this insistent question: What are the benefits which the ordinary householder wishes to obtain for himself and his family in his religious practices? We felt, moreover, that the answer should come only from first-hand sources.

Cambodian history begins in the delta of the Mékong. It naturally divides itself into five periods of unequal length and importance: (1) the Funan period, from early in the first century A.D. to near the middle of the sixth century; (2) the Chenla period, from then to 802; (3) the Kambuja or Angkor period, from 802 to 1432; (4) the independent Cambodia period, from 1432 to 1864; and (5) the French protectorate, covering the period since 1864.

More than one hundred textbooks in American and world history, geography, modern problems and civics were examined recently by social studies and Asiatic specialists to evaluate the accuracy and adequacy of the material included on the Far East. Their report, Treatment of Asia in American textbooks (104 p. 40¢), has been published by the American Council, Institute of Pacific Relations, New York. Dr. Howard E. Wilson, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, coordinator and editor of the report, writes that “There may be arguments over what pupils need most to be taught about Asia; there can no longer be argument over the necessity of their being well informed.” One significant recommendation made by all the analysts was that experts in Asiatic affairs should be consulted more frequently by textbook authors and publishers to insure “accuracy, relevancy, and comprehensiveness of information included” on Asia.