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Thai Regional Elites and the Reforms of King Chulalongkorn

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 March 2011

Michael Vickery
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Abstract

Beginning in 1892 Prince Damrong as minister of the interior in King Chulalongkorn's reformed government began a reorganization of provincial administration. At that time the country was divided into provinces of four different classes and vassal states. The latter were recognized as quasi-independent under their own hereditary ruling families, and many of the former, although in theory completely subordinate to the capital were in fact ruled by local elite families in which the governorship remained from one generation to the next. Over this structure Prince Damrong established the monthon as a supra-provincial unit headed by an appointed official from the central government bureaucracy, and within a few years was able to replace the old-style hereditary governors with appointed officials changed at frequent intervals. The elite families of the different regions appear to have been affected in different ways. The old rulers of the vassal states kept their nominal positions until death. Many of the governing elite of the southern provinces maintained themselves in the national bureaucracy in positions of comparable rank. The greatest change was in the northeast where the governing elite families lost their old positions and were unable to integrate into the reformed bureaucracy.

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Articles
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The Journal of Asian Studies , Volume 29 , Issue 4 , August 1970 , pp. 863 - 881
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Copyright © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc. 1970

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References

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5 This may seem to some an impermissable inference from the content of these laws. However, R. Lingat in his article cited above made it sufficiently clear that in the question which precipitated the revision of the laws by Rama I, which is the only matter on which more or less full information has been preserved, Rama I changed the content of the law to suit his conception of equity. The present writer believes such would have been the case with all the law texts and that the revised version of Rama I thus represents what to his mind was a satisfactory statement of the ideal situation in 1805. Lingat's discussion of the method of revision (op. cit., pp. 21–22) and, in particular, his statements, “On se trouve par suite obligé de considérer l'oeuvre résultant de la revision de 1805 comme étant stricto sensu l'expression du droit en vigueur à cette époque, et rien d'autre …” (op. cit., p. 22), and “Ce qu'on demande à la commission, ce n'est pas de faire la critique du texte … c'est d'éffacer les contradictions à l'intérieur de l'exemplaire qui lui est soumis …” (italics of the original) seem to indicate that he held the same opinion.

6 Identifications of these vassal states, along with some discussion and further references concerning the questionable cases are found in Wyatt, op. cit., note 4, above. The present writer would only like to draw attention to the fact that “Sri Satanakanahut” may refer to Vientiane as well as to Luang Prabang, and in 1805 it was more probably understood as Vientiane. Both traditions are current among Lao writers. See, for example, Viravong, Maha Sila, Phongsawadan Lao (History of Laos), BE 2500-AD 1957, pp. 55, 117Google Scholar, and Phommavongsa, Ou Kham, Khwam Pen Ma Khong Lao (The Lao past), Vientiane, 2507, p. 113, 137Google Scholar. The epigraphic evidence would seem to favor Vientiane, for the 1560 inscription of Dansai has “muong candapuri sri satanaganahuta, etc,” as the title of the Lao capital (Finot, L., “Stele dc Dansai,” in “Notes d'épigraphie XIV, les inscriptions du musée de Hanoi,” BEFEO 15(2), pp. 1–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 28–36.

7 PKPS, Vol. 1, pp. 191–229Google Scholar, esp. pp. 223–29. The thirty-three fourth class provinces are listed on pp. 227–28. Just over half are still provinces today. Others, such as muong Chaybadan in Lophburi province, muong In(th) (Inthraburi) in Singhaburi province, muong Kuy (Kuyburi) in Prachuabkhirikhan province, muong Manorom in Chainat province, muong Phrohm (Phrohmburi) in Singhaburi province, muong Pranburi in Prachuabkhirikhan province, muong Sri Savat in Kanchanaburi province, and muong Saiyok in Kanchanaburi province are easily identifiable as present-day amphoe. Muong Paknam probably was at the mouth of the Chao Phraya River or possibly was intended to indicate Paknam Poh, an old name for Nakhon Sawan. Muong Mae Klong must have been somewhere along the river of the same name flowing through Kanchanaburi, Ratburi and Samut Songkhram provinces. The Akkharanukrom Phumisat Thai (Dictionary of Thai Geography), Chbap Rachabanditsthan, Bangkok, B.E. 2507 identifies muong Tha Chin as a popular name for Samut Sakon, muong Bua Chum as a tambon in amphoe Chaybadan, Lophburi province, and muong Tha Rong as an old name for amphoe Vichienburi, in Pechabun province, thus the only name on the list outside the region of Central Thailand. The writer has found no reference to muong Bang Ramung, but it could be a variant spelling for Bang Lamung which the Akkharanukrom locates in Chonburi province. One name on the list, muong Kam Pran, remains completely unidentified.

8 Wyatt, David K., “Siam and Laos 1767–1827,” JSEAH 4(2), 09 1963, pp. 13–32Google Scholar, hereafter cited as Wyatt, , “Siam and Laos,” states on p. 22Google Scholar that by the end of the first reign (1809) the Thais controlled almost all of the northeast. Pallegoix (see present article, pp. 867–68) and the chronicle of Phu Khieu (see present article, p. 870) would seem to contradict this. However this may be, the present writer's interpretation is not necessarily in contradiction to that of Wyatt for both Vientiane (see note 6 above) and Nakhon Rachasima were cited in the laws of 1805 as dependencies of the Thai capital, and these laws did not list any of the provinces dependent on other provinces, only those directly dependent on the capital.

9 Phra racha phongsawadan krung ratanakosin chbap ho samut haeng chat (Royal chronicles of the Bangkok reigns, National Library Edition), compiled by Chao Phraya Thipakorowongse and edited by Prince Damrong Rachanuphap, Samnak Phim Khlang Vithaya, Bangkok, 2505 and 2506 (AD 1962 and 1963), hereafter cited as Phongs, Reign II, pp. 528–30.Google Scholar

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11 Ibid., Reign IV, p. 733. It should be noted that in this article we are only concerned with the territorial function of the ministries, not their historical development or other duties.

12 Ibid., Reign II, p. 528.

13 damruot. The term now means “police,” but Prince Damrong wrote that at the time he took over the Ministry of Interior there were no officials to pursue outlaws and the functions of damruot had been forgotten. See Thailand, krom mahat thai (Department of the Interior), Somdet Phra Chao Boromvongthoe Krom Phraya Damrong Rachanuphap lae ngan thang pokhrong phra ong (Prince Damrong Rachanuphap and his work in the field of administration), Bangkok, 2506 (1965), part II, p. 53.Google Scholar

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15 Phongs, Reign II, pp. 528–30.Google Scholar

16 Chakkrit, pp. 61–62.Google Scholar

17 Ibid., pp. 103 ff., and Damrong Rachanuphap and Phraya Rachasena, Thesaphiban (Local administration), Bangkok 2503, cited hereafter as Thesa, part I, pp. 25–26.Google Scholar

18 Thailand, khana kammakan prachasamphan lae phim ekkasan kan chat ngan chalong 25 phuttha satawat, ph. s. 2500 (Committee for public relations and the publishing of documents concerntions ing the celebration of the 25th century of Budmuong dhism, B.E. 2500 (1957), Changwat tang tang nai prathet thai (The Provinces of Thailand), which will be cited hereafter as Changwat followed by the name of the province. Page numbers refer to the individual booklet within the collection.

19 Surnames were made obligatory in the reign of Rama VI (1910–1925). The first law concerning names was promulgated on March 22, 2455 (1913), (PKPS, Vol. 25, pp. 259–262Google Scholar). It allowed people choose their surnames freely with the exception, among others, of names identical to those of royalty or official titles. Another law, three years later, forbade the use of the particle “Na” without the king's permission. It was to be reserved for people who could prove that dieir “ancestors … were families of officials or distinguished persons (sethi, khahabodi) who had had long established residence the locality, (and) who were respected and wellknown …” (PKPS, Vol. 28, p. 372Google Scholar). The name “Na Krungthep” was reserved for descendents of the Chakri family (Kotmay rachakan thi VI (Laws the Sixth Reign), Bangkok, n.d., Vol. BE 2458, pp. 386–90Google Scholar). Another law of the same year (1916) forbade the use of names of former capital cities, both of the kingdom and its vassal states and major provinces, as surnames of commoners. Royal permission was required to adopt such a surname (PKPS, Vol. 28, pp. 463–70).Google Scholar

Surnames granted by royal permission were published in Rachakechanubeksa (The government gazette), hereafter cited as Rachakech, under the heading prakat phrarachathan nam sakun (announcement of royal grant of surname), hereafter cited as Prakat. While the legal texts do not state specifically that surnames consisting of “Na” plus the name of a city, such as “Na Songkhla,” “Na Lamphun,” etc., were reserved for former governing families, such appears to be the intent of the above-cited laws taken as a whole, and such was the practice in all the cases for which I have found full information. Examples are die above-mentioned “Na Krungthep,” “Na Ranong” (see p. 871), “Na Songkhla” (see p. 871), “Na Roi Et” (Prakat no. 15, name no. 1189, Rachakech Vol. 31(1), 64Google Scholar), “Na Kalasin” (Prakat no. 15, name no. 1190, Rachakech Vol. 31(1), p. 64Google Scholar), “Na Lamphun” (Prakat no. 9, name no. 866, Rachakech Vol. 30(2), 2212Google Scholar). The case of Nan is particularly instructive, for in the grant of surnames to its elite (Prakat no. 14, names nos. 1162, 1163, 1164, 1165, Rachakech Vol. 31(1), p. 11Google Scholar), the name “Na Nan” was given to the ruling prince himself, while other members of the local aristocracy, whose titles of “Chao” (in Lao usage a general term for “prince”) show them to have been members of the local royalty, received different surnames. I have therefore assumed that anyone who received a surname “Na” plus the name of a locality during the reign of Rama VI belonged to a former hereditary governing family. These names do not exhaust the inventory of provincial elite families. Besides the three non-“Na” names from Nan there are the names of the descendents of the old governing families of Phanasnikom and Burirom (see p. 872, and note 120 below). Other local elite families show up among the krom kan phiset (special official), a lowlevel advisory position without salary for local dignitaries (see Thesa, part II, pp. 71–72Google Scholar), which for men who had been provincial governors would seem clearly to have been a demotion. Among former governors who were given this rank were Ke Na Kalasin (see Prakat cited above for “Na Kalasin”) and two governors of Loei with the surnames Hemabha and Vivadhanapadma (see Prakat no. 15, name no. 1210 and Prakat no. 16, name no. 1223 in Rachakech Vol. 31(1), pp. 67Google Scholar. and 222, respectively, and Changwat Loei, p. 14Google Scholar). In the two latter cases I take the change of status from provincial governor to krom kan phiset to be proof of membership in a local traditional governing family. Not all krom kfin phiset were local elite in the sense of this paper. Some, such as Luang Chinnikonphitak (literally “protector of the Chinese group”) of Phitsanulok (Prakat no. 21, name no. 1627, Rachakech Vol. 31(2), p. 1576Google Scholar), and two brothers from Phuket named Ma Sai and Ma Sieng (Prakat no. 55, name no. 3214, Rachakech Vol. 33(1), p. 1023Google Scholar) have titles or names which seem to indicate they were leaders of the Chinese community; and in Phitsanulok, within one year, at least seven men with different surnames held the rank of krom kan phiset (Prakat no. 21, names nos. 1614, 1620, 1631, 1622, 1627, 1648, 1649, Rachakech Vol. 31(2), pp. 1575–79Google Scholar). However, the names of krom kan phiset plus the names with the prefix “Na” provide a nearly maximum list of provincial elite families which may be used for comparative purposes in determining the extent to which the old local elites were able to integrate into the new bureaucracy.

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26 Ibid., p. 14.

27 Changwat Kalasin, pp. 5–9Google Scholar. There are many remains from the Angkor period in northeast Thailand. For their location see Seidenfaden, Erik, “Complément à l'inventaire descriptif des monuments du Cambodge pour les quatre provinces du Siam Oriental,” BEFEO, 22 (1923), pp. 55–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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38 Mom Chao is a royal title for the grandchildren of a king [Chakrabongse, Chula, Lords of Life, (London, 1960) p. 257Google Scholar]. The surname Navarat, however, was supposedly one of the names of Chiengmai to be reserved for local dignitaries at the king's discretion. (PKPS, Vol. 28, pp. 463–70Google Scholar, esp. table p. 468). All that is important for the present paper is that a hereditary northeastern elite line was replaced by an appointee from another region.

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56 Changwat Phathalung, p. 29.Google Scholar

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65 Changwat Phetburi, p. 18.Google Scholar

66 Changwat Ratburi, p. 4Google Scholar; Thesa, part II, p. 103Google Scholar; and Chakkrit, , p. 549.Google Scholar

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69 Ibid., p. 28.

70 Wyatt, David K., “The Beginnings of Modern Education in Thailand,” 1868–1910,” Ph.D. Thesis, Cornell University, 1966, p. 61.Google Scholar

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72 Examples of such centrifugal tendencies were the Cambodian negotiations with the French and the subsequent protectorate, the cession of Penang by the Sultan of Kedah, a theoretical vassal of Siam, and the ease with which the French were able to enter into direct negotiations with the ruler of Luang Prabang. Chiengmai from mid-16th to late 18th century had been a Burmese vassal.

73 See Chomchai, Prachoon, Chulalongkorn the Great, (Tokyo: The Center for East Asian Studies, 1965).Google Scholar

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77 Thesa, part II, pp. 62–63.Google Scholar

78 Thailand, Krom mahat thai, op. cit., part II, pp. 67–68.Google Scholar

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81 Thesa, part II, pp. 115–16Google Scholar, and see map. The twenty-first monthon, Maharat, dates from the post-Damrong period.

82 Chakkrit, , pp. 175–76.Google Scholar

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84 Ibid., pp. 239, 242.

85 Ibid., pp. 242–52, table p. 551.

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90 Ibid., p. 272.

91 Jolabhoom, Tongplaew, op. cit., p. 82.Google Scholar

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97 A list of the monthon Royal Commissioners is found in Thesa, part II, pp. 95–106.Google Scholar

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102 Thesa, part II, p. 97.Google Scholar

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113 Through 1915, the year in which Prince Damrong left the Ministry of Interior, there had been 64 appointments to the post of monthon Royal Commissioner held by 48 men, of whom 10 were members of the royal family and 31 were of positively identifiable non-northeastern families. I have been unable to find sufficient data on the antecedents of the remaining seven men—Thanom Bunyaket, Phor Dechakhupat, Sukh Dityabut, Pho Netipho, Taihak Phatharanavik, Im Thephanon, and Thongyu Rohitsathien—who held a total of 11 appointments, but none of them have names of recognizable northeastern elite families. The names of all the monthon Royal Commissioners are found in Thesa, part II, pp. 95–106.Google Scholar

114 At which date, “Thong Chantarangsu … a resident of the central region, came as governor of the province and instituted real democratic administration.” Changwat Roi Et, p. 10.Google Scholar

115 Mahasarakham, Changwat, p. 16.Google Scholar

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117 See note 19 above.

118 Changwat Nakhon Phanom, p. 14.Google Scholar

119 See note 35 above.

120 Changwat Burirom, pp. 31–34Google Scholar. This source says that two extant families, the Hongsaruchiko and Hongsanakhon, are descended from this old governor. I would count them among the northistration.” eastern elite, but have not yet found their names in any official position.

121 See note 19 above, and for Su'a Na Ubon, Prakat no. 51, name no. 3127, Rachakech, Vol. 33(1). p. 892.Google Scholar

122 Prakat no. 21, name no. 1618, Rachakech Vol. 31(2), p. 1575.Google Scholar

123 Thesa, part II, p. 83.Google Scholar

124 Rachanuphap, Damrong, Nithan boranakhadi (Ancient Tales), Bangkok, 2487(1944), no. 16, pp. 394–97.Google Scholar

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126 Mokarapong, Thawatt, The June Revolution of 1932 in Thailand; A Study in Political Behavior, Ph.D. Thesis, Indiana University, 1962, pp. 3, 32–39.Google Scholar

127 Ibid., pp. 6–12.

128 Keyes, , op. cit., p. 26.Google Scholar

129 Hatsabamroe, Chot, op. cit., pp. 55–60.Google Scholar

130 Ibid., pp. 140–46.

131 Ibid., pp. 160–67. The identification of Atthakon as a northeastern hereditary elite family is from Keyes, , op. cit., p. 26.Google Scholar