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Political Economism in the Thought of Dazai Shundai (1680–1747)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 March 2011

Tetsuo Najita
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Abstract

This essay deals with the concept of “political economism” (keiseisaimin) as expressed by Dazai Shundai, one of the leading practical thinkers in the school of “ancient studies” in early eighteenth century Japan. It argues for the need to look seriously at “traditional” schemes of political conceptualization. Exploring Dazai's analytical perception of political structure and of how political structure should perform in concrete historical situations, the essay shows how Dazai takes the logic of “ancient studies” beyond agrarianism and status quo economics toward die possibility of permitting maximum economic development as a function of politics.

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Articles
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The Journal of Asian Studies , Volume 31 , Issue 4 , August 1972 , pp. 821 - 839
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Copyright © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc. 1972

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References

1 Some outstanding studies on Tokugawa thought are Maruyama Masao, Nihon seiji shisōshi kenkyū (1961; first published 1952); Bitō Masahide, Nihon hōken shisōshi kenkyū (1966; first published 1961); Naramoto Tatsuya ed., Kinsei Nihon shisōshi kenkyū (1965); Sagara Tūru, Kinsei no jukyō shisō (1966).

2 I have written on two possibilities for extreme action based on totally disparate intellectual assumptions: “Ōshio Heihachirō (1793–1837)” in Personality in Japanese History, eds., Craig, Albert M. and Shively, Donald H. (Berkeley, 1970)Google Scholar; and “Restorationism in the Political Thought of Yamagata Daini (1725–1767),” The Journal of Asian Studies (November 1971). Yamagata Daini drew heavily from the ideas of Dazai Shundai.

3 Between 1694 and 1700, Dazai studied and served as a minor official in Izushi han. Displeased with his position, Dazai repeatedly asked to be released from service, and finally bolted from the han without official permission. In 1711, Dazai accepted service in Dewa. After four years he feigned illness and resigned, apparently out of dissatisfaction with his low stipend of 200 koku of rice. After about twelve years of study with Ogyū Sorai, Dazai established in 1724 a school, Shishien, in Koishikawa. His major writings, which will be cited later, were published mostly in the 1730's. Good biographies of Dazai are conspicuously missing. Maezawa Engetsu's Dazai Shundai (1920) is informative. Other useful works are: Azuma Shintaro, Dazai Shundai no keizai rinri (1943); Nakamura Kōya, Genrokju oyobi Kyōhō jidai ni okjeru keizai shisō no kenkyū (1927); Iwahashi Junsei, Sorai kenhyū (1934 and republished 1969); Iwahashi Junsei, Dai Nihon rinri shisō hattatsu shi 2 vols. (1915); Imanaka Kanshi, Soraigaku no kisoteki kenkyū (1966); Inoue Tetsujirō, Nihon kogakuha no tetsugaku (1902); Nomura Kanetarō, Tokugawa jidai no keizai shisō (1939). A fascinating essay on Dazai Shundai is by the literary critic, Noguchi Takehiko, in his “Dazai Shundai no kodoku,” Edo bungaku no shi to shinjitsu (1971), pp. 173–208. In English there is R. J. Kirby's comments on Dazai among select translations in the following volumes of The Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan: Vol. 28, 1900, pp. 46–58; Vol. 32, 1905, 24–47; Vol. 34 part 4, 1907, 133–144; Vol. 35 part 2, 1908, 115–190; Vol. 36 part 1, 1908, 97–135; Vol. 38 part 2, 1910, 23–35; Vol. 41 part 2, 1913, 195–214.

4 Kamo Mabuchi was a student of Watanabe Môan (1687– ?), a disciple of Dazai Shundai. The intricate intellectual and personal relationships between Dazai, Kamo, Hattori, Hiraga Gennai and others have yet to be studied and worked out. See Maezawa, Dazai, p. 415; and also Nagata Hiroshi, Nihon tetsugaku shisōshi (1938), pp. 145–158. Dazai's comments on the waka are in Dokugo, which is included in Nihon zuihitsu taisei 41 vols. (1927–1931), Vol. 9, pp. 235–261, especially 235–236 and 240–246.

5 Jun wa masa ni Sensei ni shirarezu. … See Azuma, Dazai no keizai rinri, 214. In Book 6 of a collection of his miscellaneous commentaries, Shishien mampitsu (8 Books; publication date not certain), Dazai documents his dissatisfaction with Ogyū (Jun mata katsute Sensei ni mitasazu). In Dazai's eyes, Ogyū was full of superficialities and quite inadequate as a teacher: he is not interested in training a scholar better than himself; and he does not expect his students to behave in “princely” fashion. See also Noguchi, “Dazai Shundai no kodoku”, Edo bungaku no shi to shinjitsu, pp. 173–208.

6 Dazai's thoughts about Hattori's faction of philologists are scattered through all of his writings, such as in his Shishien mampitsu and Keizairoku (included in Nihon keizai taiten, 54 vols., Takimoto Seiichi ed., (1928–1930), Vol. 9, pp. 379–670). A good example is from Keizairoku (p. 395): Itazura ni shibun chōjutsu o koto to shite isshō o sugosu mono wa shin no gakusha ni arazu. Dazai's final comment on Ogyu: Oshū kana … saigo no ippen ni oyobazu shite bosseri. Maezawa, Dazai, 403–404; and see also Iwahashi, Dai Nihon rinri shisō hattatsu shi, Vol. 2, 105–142.

7 Dazai's words: Kongen to iedomo nao kogen no gotoshi. (Maezawa, Dazai, 401). Dazai's general discussion of this subject is in Bunron, included in Nihon jurin sōshō, 13 vols., ed., Seki Giichirō (1927–1929), Vol. 12, 28 pp.

8 See Dokugo, 235–236 and Maezawa, Dazai, 408–417. It should be noted that Dazai included colloquial vocabulary in his concept of language change. Just as colloquial words from ancient times cannot be understood in this day, the ancients could not understand everyday language if they were alive in Dazai's time. Dazai also rejects writing in “grass style” (sōshō) because it is not functional and is merely a “plaything” (gangu nomi). Shishien mampitsu, Books 3 and 5.

9 Bendōshō and Seigakumondō are in Nihon rinri then 10 vols., ed., Inoue Tetsujirō, (1912), Vol. 6, 214–230 and 233–300.

10 Seigakumondō, 238–245, 253–263, 269–280; and Bendōshō, 216–221. The same ideas are scattered through Shishien mampitsu.

11 Bendōshō, 219–220; Seigakumondō, 234–235.

12 Dazai's language: Seishite seiserarcnu mono o shiite seisureba nochi ni wa kokoro ni kuse tsukite yamai ni nari sōrō. Kore o shinshitsu [spiritual sickness] to mōshi sōrō. Bendōshō, 219.

13 Dazai's expression is quite clear: Oyoso tenka no hito sōkyō no kokoro naki mono wa arazu. Sōkyō wa arasoi kisou nari. Kisou to wa hito to hariau nari. Hito to arasoite wa hito ni katan koto o omoi hito to arasoite wa hito ni okureji to omou. Kore ninjō nari.… Ikko no benri o motomuru kokoro am [wa] kore tenka no hito no jitsujō nari. Kono jitsnjō wa kensha mo gūsha mo kunshi mo shōjin mo onajiku ari. … Rieki am koto o toru wa hitobito no jō nite kunshi mo shōjin mo mina kono kokoro art. Seigakumondō, 251–252. And he goes on to observe that the above holds true for “Chinese” and “barbarians” alike.

14 Shinchū ni akunen no okoru oba tsumi to sezu sōrō. … Jō no okoru tokoro oba togamczu. … Bendōshō, 220. See also Maezawa, Dazai, 312.

15 Dazai's language about society as a structure of legal agreements is as follows: Yaku wa yakusoku no i nari. Hō o tate jō to ge to aiyaku shite mamoru o yakuhō to iu. … Yaku wa seiyaku no i nite … henkaisumajiki koto o tami to aiyakusuru nari. Keizairoku, 597.

16 Throughout his writings, Dazai repeatedly rejects the idea of innate goodness and calls Mencius' ideas “misleading.” A good example of Dazai's explicit separation between external law and internal feeling or intent is the following: Seijin no kyō wa reigi o shu to shite shimpō [rules about feelings] oba sata sezu sōrō. Bendōshō, 219. In similar fashion, Dazai rejected the idea of “the way” as an abstract concept of goodness: Michi wa kyo [abstraction] nari, Rei wa jitsu nari. Rei ushinaeba michi nashi. Shishien mampitsu, Book 8.

17 Bendōshō, 217; and Maczawa, Dazai, 189.

18 Keizairoku, 624–656.

19 Maezawa, 312–320; and Seigakumondō, 250–251.

20 For Dazai, the concept of fixed norm (teihō) is not metaphysical but historical. Thus be means by the phrase kokka no teihō, historical norms that are fundamental to the political system. And he distinguishes this clearly from a temporary legal decree (hōrei). Keizairoli, 410–412, 460–462, 670. See also Bendōshō, 214–215.

21 The best spokesmen for the eclectics are Inoue Kinga (1732–1784) and Katayama Kenzan (1730–1782). Some of their writings are included in Nihon rinri then, Vol. 9. An excellent essay on the subject is by Inukasa Yasuki, “Setchūgakuha no seiji oyobi gakumon shisō”, Nihonshi kenkyū, Vol. 40, no. 2, 1959. pp. 28–39; and Vol. 41, no. 3, 1959, pp. 28–49.

22 Keizairoku, 387–403.

23 See Dazai's “Hōkenron,” an essay included with other miscellaneous pieces under “Furoku Shundai Sensei zatsubun kyūshu” in Nihon jurin sōshō, Vol. 4, 23–27.

24 Comments regarding imperial China such as seijin idetamawazu and seijin no hō o tōtobazu indicate Dazai's feelings. See Keizairoku, 447–448 and “Hōkenron”.

25 See Dazai's “Hōkenron”; also, Bendōshō, 223–224; and Keizairoku, 387–409, 447–450.

26 See Hirata Atsutane's polemical essay, Kabōshō, in Nihon shisō tōsō shiryō 10 vols., Washio Junkei ed-i (1930–1931) Vol. 3, pp. 75–135; and also Sasaki Kōsei, Ben bendōshō, ibid., pp. 137–165.

27 Bendōshō, 204–206, 223–224.

28 ibid., and Keizairoku, 387–400, 448–449.

29 Dazai's discussion of this theme is scattered throughout his writings. A good example is: Itsu to naku hōken no gotoku ni naritarishi. … Chi ni jujite kokka no hampeki to nashi tamai. … Tenka tsui ni shin no hōken to natte chūka no shu no yo to hobo at nitari. Kore mala ichi daihen nari. (Keizairoku, 400; and also 448–467, 560, 615–625). Another good example: Nihon no ima no yo o miru ni chūka no mukashi ni oyobazu to iedomo tenka wa mattaku seijin no michi nite osamari sōrō to zonji sōrō. Bendōshō, 224.

30 Thus: Hōken ni wa hōken no osame art. … Gunken ni wa sunken no osame ari. Keizairoku, 467.

31 Dazai's language: Wagasei shojin [referring to lowly persons like himself] kpno yo ni umaritc shitashiku kpno bi 0 mi ani saiwai ni arazaran ya. “Hokenron,” 24.

32 For example, Keizairoku, 635–656, passim.

33 Dazai's definition of keizai is marvelously straight forward: Yo o osame tami o sukuu to iu gi nari. … Kei wa do nari to chūsu; do wa hakaru to yomu.… Sai wa saido no gi nari; wataru to yomi watasu to yomu.… Mata kyūsai no gi nari; sukuu to yomu. Hito no kurushimi o sukuu nari. Mata nasu nari to chūsu. Koto no jōju sum [to accomplish] o iu. Keizairoku, 394. Discussions of Dazai's view of keizai often include a work entitled Sango (Nihon keizai taiten, Vol. 9, pp. 709–769). I have not relied on this work, however, since the authorship of it is still not certain.

34 Keizairoku, 487–491, 502–503.

35 Some of Dazai's comments: Kingin o tsukau koto wa tōdai [present] no gotoku ni wa arazarishi…. And also: Kore ima no set inishie to kotonaru tokoro nari. ibid., 503 and 539.

36 Dazai's description of trade: Kōeki to wa kore to kare to mono o torikaeru koto nari. Yūbutsu o motte mubutsu ni kaereba konohō mo kanohō mo yutsū shite yō taru nari. Ibid., 488.

37 Ibid., 491–539, 676–677.

38 Ibid., 502–511.

39 Dazai uses the term kokkei to suggest the total national economy above the han level: Kokkei to wa shokō ijō no kokuyō sōkanjō nari. Ibid., 511.

40 “Shundai jōshō nihen,” in Nihon keizai taiten, Vol. 9, pp. 689–706. In these appeals, Dazai is harshly critical of the daimyo's practice of competing with the economic interests of the people and identifies this as the cause of their hatred of the han government.

41 Keizairoku, 511; for Dazai's discussion of the currency problem, 519–535.

42 Kayō ni hōsei no inishie to kawareru o shirazu shite ichigai ni inishie no michi o motte kono yo ni okonawan to suru wa kotoji ni nikawa suru [play a koto out of pitch] rui nari. Ibid., 539.

43 Ibid., 516–519.

44 Ibid., 540 and passim.

45 Ibid., 492–503, 557–565.

46 Dazai's language: … tenka no seido o aratamuru koto wa okkoku no chikara no oyobu tokoro ni arazu. Tenka no seido aratamurazushite wa yoki keizai wa okonawarezu. This is from Dazai's addendum to Keizairoku, Keizairoku shui, in Nihon keizai taiten, Vol. 9, pp. 675–686, especially 676.

47 Thus: Kingin o te ni ireru jutsu wa baibai yori chikaki koto nashi. Keizairokju shui, 677.

48 Dazai's language is provocative: … nannite mo ningen no yō ni tatsubeki mono o tsukuri dasashimete takoku [meaning other han but later generalized to mean nations] to kōeki shite kokuyō o tasubeshi. Kore kuni o tomasu jutsu nari. Ibid., 678.

49 Ibid., 678–682.

50 Thus: Shokō sono kuni no dosan o motte tashō ni shika sen [trade] ni nan no habakaru tokoro aran ya. Ibid., 682.

51 Keizairoku, 659–676

52 Kore osamuru wa kaette osamezaru yori mo gai ari. Ibid., 659. On Lao Tzu: Hikkyo Rōshi nado wa reigaku wa sutetaru ni arazu. Reigaku nite osamerarenu toki o shirite Rōshi no ichidō o sctsushutsu seru nari. See Bunkai zakki, compiled by Yuasa Iesato and included in Nihon zuihitsu taisei, Vol. 7, 553–711. especially 553.

53 Keizairoku, 663.

54 Dazai's language: Sono nariyuku mama ni shite suteoku [discard] gi nari. Ibid., 659.

55 This is Dazai's “Akō yonjūroku shi ron,” in Akō gijin sanshō, 3 vols. (1910), Vol. 1, pp. 44–46. See also Bitō Masahide's excellent discussion in his Nihon hōken shisōshi henkyū, pp. 105–124.

56 Dazai's comment: Ima Yoshio nado sono imu tokoro o imazu shite Yoshirō shi [the wicked official] o imu. Yoshio nado no imu tokoro wa shō [small, trite] naru kana. … Kedashi shakō no shin tada sono kun aru o shiru nomi. Ani kenkan [political authority] aru o shiran ya. See Bitō, 108.

57 See Bitō, 105–124, passim; and Azuma, Dazai no keizai rinri, 218–219.

58 Iwahashi Junsei, Kinsei jugaku shi, 2 vols., (1927), Vol. 2, p. 117. Keizairoku, 654–663.

59 Keizairoku, 544–579 passim; Iwahashi, Kinsei jugaku shi, Vol. 2, 132–133; Seigakumondō, 295–300.

60 See Hirata Atsutane's Kabōshō, in Nihon shisō tōsō shiryō, Vol. 3, 75–135.

61 Bendōshō, 221 passim; Dokugo, Nihon zuihitsu taisei, Vol. 9, 240–246.

62 Bunkai zakki, in Nihon zuihitsu taisei, Vol. 7, 695.

63 See Ōkawa Shūmei's essay on Satō Shin'en in Kinsei shakai gakusetsu taikei, Satō Shin'en shū (1937). pp. 3–93. especially pp. 5–8.

64 Ibid., p. 44.