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The Peiyang Army, Yüan Shih-k'ai and the Origins of Modern Chinese Warlordism
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 March 2011
Abstract
The Peiyang Army was the most significant military development in China between the Hsiang and Huai Armies which suppressed the Taiping and Nien rebellions in the 1860's and the army that Chiang Kai-shek raised and employed in the northern expedition of 1926–27. The Peiyang was the first Chinese army to be comparatively modern in training and discipline as well as in weaponry. Formed for the most part by Yuan Shih-k'ai while he was governor-general of Chihli province from 1901 to 1907, the Peiyang Army grew to six divisions of about 10,000 men each. Size alone gave the army a major role in politics during the last decade of the Ch'ing dynasty and the early years of the Republic.
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The author wishes to thank Arizona University's Grants Committee for financial ante.
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40 T'ieh-liang had commanded the 1st Manchu division since 1903, so in real terms by the summer of 1907 he had gained effective control over only a division (one-half of the 5th and 6th divisions).
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51 Shih-lu, chüan 595: 9b. On the earlier rivalry between Yüan and Ma Yü-k'un, sec Stephen R. MacKinnon, pp. 15–18, 58–60; on Chiang Kuei-t'i, sec Liu Feng-han, p. 117.
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61 Satow to Grey, no. 140, 29 March, 1906, FO 228/2482.
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63Yoshihiro, Hatano in “The New Armies,” Wright, Mary C., ed., China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900–1913 (New Haven, 1968), pp. 365–82, has argued that the development of new armies during the last decade of the Ch'ing dynasty siphoned off potentially explosive peasant discontent and channeled it into the revolutionary nationalist movements of the upper classes. For the Peiyang Army there is little evidence that ordinary soldiers became politically conscious or identified themselves with the causes of their officers. They seemed more conscious of their bondage to an oppressive system which included their officers. When they could or dared, they deserted.Google Scholar
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66 Historians have assumed that splits within the Peiyang officer corps already had developed during the Ch'ing period into cleavages—such as between Chihli and Anhui cliques—which after Yüan's death in 1916 defined much of 'warlord’ politics; see T'ao Chü-yin, Pei-yang chün-fa t'ung-chih shih-ch'i shih-hua [Popular history about the period when the northern warlords ruled] (Peking, 1957-58), I, 13, II, 80–81; Ch'en, Jerome, “Defining Chinese Warlords and Their Factions,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 31.3 (October 1967), pp. 581–84; and Hatano Yoshihiro, “HokuyS gambatsu no seiritsu katei,” p. 238. I have found no documentary support for such a hypothesis. Of course there were occasional disputes between officers, but there is no evidence of permanent cleavages developing which relate to post-Yuan Shih-k'ai warlord politics. For documentation of disputes between senior officers see for example Report on Chinese Army Manoeuvres by G. Pereira, FO 371/41. 543ff.Google Scholar
67 See biographies of Tuan Ch'i-jui in Wu T'ing-hsieh, chüan 1:1–7; of Feng Kuo-chang in Ch'en Hsi-chang, pp. 254-55 and Liu Feng-han, pp. 114-15; and of Wang Shih-chen in Ch'en Hsi-chang, p. 274 and Liu Feng-han, p. 117. The Empress Dowager, not Yuan, also rewarded senior Peiyang officers with traditional Green Standard and Banner forces’ ranks and titles as well as absentia appointments as commanders-in-chief and brigade commanders in provinces other than Chihli; see Ralph Powell, pp. 211–12.
68 After Yüan was forced to retire from public office in January, 1909, the loyalties of a number of senior Peiyang commanders to Yuan evidently wavered. Upon returning to power as premier in November, 1911, one of Yüan's first moves was the removal of Wang Ying-k'ai, Chao Kuo-hsien, Wu Feng-ling, and Ma Lung-piao—former associates whom Yuan no longer could trust with command of Peiyang units. Jerome Ch'en, Yüan Shih-k'ai, pp. 60–61.
69 Liu Feng-han, pp. 116–17; Ch'en Hsi-chang. pp. 220, 247; Johnston, Reginald F., Twilight in the Forbidden City (New York, 1934), pp. 131–60; and Ralph Powell, pp. 313–14. 327–28.Google Scholar
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71 The 6th Division of the Lu-chün, report by G. Pereira, enclosure in Carnegie's no. 332 of 6 August, 1906, FO 371/39, 468ff.; The 3rd Division, 1 st Division, 29th Brigade, and 5th Division of the Lu-chün. reports by G. Pereira, enclosures no. 1–4 in Jordan's no. 420 of 15 October, 1906, FO 371/41, 160–61, 168, I79ff.; Military Schools in China, report by G. Pereira, enclosure in Jordan's no. 506 of 8 November, 1908, FO 371/435, 504/130.
72 Between 1903 and 1907 there were about 3,000 Chinese receiving some kind of military education in Japan—Sanetō Keish'ŭ, Chŭgokttpn Nippon ryŭgaku shi [A History of Chinese Students in Japan] (Tokyo, 1960), pp. 138, 528–32 and graph on p. 544. British military attachés who visited Peiyang divisions between 1904 and 1907 noticed varying but significant numbers of Japan-trained junior officers in each division—Intelligence Diary for the period ending 27 September, 1904, FO 17/1657 2356*.; Intelligence Diary for the period ending 22 November, 1904, FO 17/1686, 235ff.; The Lu-chiin, report by G. Pereira dated 14 January, 1906, FO 371/31, 388ff.; The 6th Division of the Lu-chiin, report by G. Pereira, enclosure, in Carnegie's no. 332 of 6th August, 1906, FO 371/39, 468ff.; The 5th Division of the Lu-chün, report by G. Pereira, enclosure to Jordan's no. 407 of 12th September, 1908, FO 371/434, 209ff.; The 2nd Division of Lu-chün, report no. 88 by G. Pereira, dated 2nd November, 1908, FO 371/435, 496ff. On Yuan's recruitment of graduates from southern military academics, sec Ralph Powell, p. 202.
73 See Tientsin Consul-General Hopkins' interview with Tientsin Customs Taotai Liang Tun-yen on December i8, 1905, in Hopkins to Satow, no. 62, 19 December, 1905, FO 228/1594; also T'ao Chü-yin, I, 13–14, 24.
74 Hatano Yoshihiro, “Hokuyō gambatsu no seiritsu katei,” pp. 245–53; T'ao Chü-yin, I, 24; Li Chien-nung, pp. 214–16.
75 Ch'en Hsi-chang, pp. 380–81, 378–79; Chu Yen-chia, “Wu Lu-chen yü Chung-kuo ko-ming” [Wu Lu-chen and the Chinese (1911–12) Revolution] in Wu Hsiang-hsiang ed., Chung-kuo hsien-tai shih tsung-k'an [Selected articles on the contemporary history of China] (Taipei, 1964), VI, 161–232; Feng Yu-hsiang, pp.Google Scholar 93–94; and names Sheridan, E., Chinese Warlord: The Career of Feng Yühsiang (Stanford, 1966), pp. 43–48.Google Scholar
76 On defining twentieth-century Chinese war-lordism, see Wilbur, C. Martin, “Military Separation and the Process of Reunification under the Nationalist Regime,” in Tsou, Ping-ti Ho and Tang, eds., China in Crisis (Chicago, 1968), I, Book 1, pp. 203-63, especially pp. 203–20 and Jerome Ch'en, “Defining Chinese Warlords and Their Factions.”Google Scholar
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