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The Japanese Adaptation of the Pao-Chia System in Taiwan, 1895–1945*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 March 2011

Ching-Chih Chen
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Imperial China under the Ch'ing Administration (1664–1912) relied on a bureaucratically organized rural police system, known as the pao-chia, and other administrative institutions for the purpose of local control. The Ch'ing imperial view concerning the theoretical usefulness of this policing system is reflected in a number of edicts. In a 1799 edict, for example, Emperor Chia-ch'ing (1796–1820) said: “The method of pao-chia … as a means of detecting wicked and criminal persons and suppressing bandits at its source, is truly an excellent way to maintain local order.” In the early years of the mid-nineteenth century rebellions, at least through 1852, the imperial court retained its faith in this particular control institution.

Type
Symposium: Taiwan in Chinese History
Information
The Journal of Asian Studies , Volume 34 , Issue 2 , February 1975 , pp. 391 - 416
Copyright
Copyright © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc. 1975

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References

1 For the nature of the pao-chia system under the Ch'ing, see Kung-chCüan, Hsiao, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle, 1960), pp. 43–83.Google Scholar For a comprehensive history of the pao-chia, sec Chün-t'ien's, WenChung-kuo pao-chia chih-tu (The pao-chia system of China; Shanghai, 1935). For a discussion on the pao-chiaGoogle Scholar and the population registration, see Ho Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1938–1953 (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), pp. 36–55.Google Scholar 67–72 82–89. Philip Kuhn's recent study on the late Ch'ing China is useful for understanding the relationship between the pao-chia institution and local militarization in the late Ch'ing. (Kuhn, Philip, Rebellion and lit Enemies in Late Imperial China [Cambridge, Mass., 1970], particularly pp. 24–28, 43–44,93–104, 211–215.)Google Scholar

2 Quoted in Hsiao, pp. 49–50. Another example can be found in Ibid, p. 51.

3 Ibid, pp. 142–143.

4 Ibid, p. 72.

5 Ibid, pp. 56, 72–73.

6 Ibid, pp. 55, 73; Ho, p. 40; Kuhn, pp. 100–101 T'ung-tsu, Chü, Local Government in China under the Ch'ing (Cambridge, Mass., 1962), p. 152.Google Scholar

7 For modern scholars having such view, sec Kuhn, pp. 101, 215; Hsiao, pp. 46, 55, 82–83; Chu, pp. 151, 301; Ho, pp. 40, 71–72. Wen Chün-t'ien holds that pao-chia was very successful in the Ch'ing. His conclusion, however, is based largely upon the regulations and on discussions of the system rather than on their actual application. (Wen, pp. 272 ff.)

8 Hsiao, p. 55.

9 Ibid, pp. 55–56.

10 Ibid, pp. 75–83.

11 Ibid, p. 74.

12 For recent studies on Taiwan under the Japanese rule, sec Tsurumi, Elizabeth Patricia, “Japanese Colonial Education in Taiwan” (Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1971); Chen I-tc,Google Scholar“Japanese Colonialism in Korea and Formosa: A Comparison of Its Effects upon the Development of Nationalism” (Ph.D. thesis. University of Pennsylvania, 1968);Google ScholarChing-chih, Chen, “Japanese Sociopolitical Control in Taiwan, 1895–1945” (Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1973).Google Scholar

13 Kuhn, pp. 24, 33, 93; Hsiao, p. 43.

14 Ibid, p. 48. There appears to be different opinions as to whether the pao-chia was extended to include ethnic minorities during the Ch'ing. Hsiao Kung-chüan quotes imperial edicts ordering the extension of the pao-chia to the ethnic minorities while Ho Ping-ti cites the Board of Revenues directives instructing their exclusion from this local control institution. (See Hsiao, pp. 46–48, and Ho, p. 51 respectively.) Judging from the fact that the system was not effective in the communities of the Han Chinese, it is SHnBBf. to imagine that the pao-chia could actually beAapplied to the ethnic minorities who were unfamiliar with this genuinely Chinese system.

15 Hsiao, p. 48; In;ō Yoshinori, Taiwan bunka shi (A cultural history of Taiwan; Tokyo, 1928), I, 676–677;Google ScholarTaiwan kyūkan chōsakai daiichibu, comp., Chōsa dainikai hōkokusho (The second report on the investigation; Kobe, 1907), vol. 2, pt. 1} pp. 648'649, 652'653.Google Scholar

16 Inō, I, 672–710; Tai Ycn-hui, “Ch'ing-tai T'ai-wan hsiang-tsuang chih chien-li chi ch'i tsu-chih” (The establishment and organization of villages in Taiwan in the Ch'ing period), Tax-wan yen-chiu ts'ung-k'an (A collection of reprints on Taiwanese studies), 76: 56–85 (1963).Google Scholar

17 For the early anti-Japanese resistance and Japanese counter measures, see Sanbō, honbu, ed, Nisshin sen shi (A history of the Sino-Japanes War; Tokyo, 1907), vol. 7;Google Scholar Koh Se-Jcai, “Taiwai tōchi kakuritsu katei ni okeru kōnichi undo” (Th anti-Japanese movement in the process of establishing dominance over Taiwan), Kokka SaKKa zasshi (Journal of the political science association) 81.3–4: 45–116, 81.5–6: 79–127 and 81.7–8: 98–139 (1967–1968); Taiwan sōtokufu keisatsu enkaku shi (A history of the development of the Taiwai Government-General's police), ed., Taiwan sotokufi keimukyoku, (Taipei, 1933–1941), vol. 2; Ng Yuzin Chiaotong, Taiwan minshūkou no kenkyūGoogle Scholar (A study on the Taiwan republic; Tokyo, 1970) Lamley, Harry J., “The 1895 Taiwan War of Resistance: Local Efforts against a Foreign Power,” Gordon, Leonard H. D., ed., Taiwan, Studies it Chinese Local History (New York, 1970), pp. 23–77; Chen Chine-chih, dd. 7–68.Google Scholar

18 Atsuya, Washizu, Taiwan keisatsu yonjūnen shiwa (Forty-year historical anecdotes of the Taiwan police; Taipei, 1938), pp. 237–238.Google Scholar

19 This set of criteria is reproduced in Washizu, Taiwan keisatsu yonjiinen shiwa, pp. 238–239.Google Scholar

20 Ibid

21 The entirety of these criteria can be found in ibid, Taiwan keisatsu yonjunen shiwa, pp. 240–241.Google Scholar

22 Ibid

23 Ibid, p. 239.

24 Ibid

25 For the contribution that Kodama and Gotō made to Japanese colonial administration in Taiwan, see Tsurumi, Patricia, “Taiwan under Kodama Centaro and Goto Shimpei,” in Craig, Albert, ed., Papers on Japan, vol. 4 (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), pp. 98–146; Chen Ching-chih, pp. 90–118.Google Scholar

26 Tetsu, Nakamura, Shokuminchi tōchihō ron (On colonial administration; Tokyo, 1943), p.Google Scholar 173; Yūsuke, Tsurumi, GotōShimpei den (A biography of Got”; Tokyo, 1937), II, p. 15.Google Scholar

27 Washizu, Taiwan kyisatsu yonjūnen shiwa, p. 242. The “Hokō jorei” and “Hoko jorei shiko kisoku” arc reproduced in Taiwan ch'ho seido hüki shŭran (A collection of laws and regulations pertaining to the local government system in Taiwan), comp. Taiwan sōtokufu (Taipei, 1938), pp. 479 and 279–480 respectively.

28 Civil affairs Handbook,: Taiwan (Formosa), comp.. United States Office of Naval Operations (Washington, D. C, 1944), OPNAV 13–28, p. 38. (There arc altogether twelve such handbooks, each dealing with a different aspect or region of Taiwan. These handbooks are given serial numbers, such as OPNAV 50E-I2, OPNAV 13–28.)Google Scholar

29 For instance, in May 1903 was issued the “Hokō jōrei shikō saisoku hyōjun” (Detailed criteria for the enforcement of the hokō law) and in 1904 was dispatched to district heads on “Hokō oyobi sōteidan no hensei ni kansuru chūi no ken” (Matters requiring attention on the organization of the hokō and soteidan). Both sets of regula(ions are found in Taiwan chihō seido hōki shuran, pp. 480–483 and 484–486 respectively.

30 Washizu, pp. 243–244. Virtually all prc-1945 Japanese writings, particularly official publications, termed the Taiwanese dissidents as “bandits” while all Taiwanese and Chinese writers understandably prefer to call them “anti-Japanese elements.”

31 Washizu, Taiwan keisatstt yonjūnen shiwa, p. 244. As of 1903 the application of the pao-chia system was not yet extended to the districts of Taitung, Han and P'enghu on account of the fact that there was no serious insurgent problem in these areas. [Washizu Atsuya, Taiwan hokō kōminka tofyihon (A reader on the Japanization of Taiwan's hokō; Taipei, 1941), p. 107.] It can be assumed that the Japanese had formed pao-chia units in the remaining districts by that year.

32 “Hokō jōrei shikō saisoku hyōjun,” art. 12. See also Nakamura, pp. 174–176.

33 Ho, p. 51; Chü, p. 153.

34 For the formal organization of the pao-chia-p'ai, see Hsiao, pp. 44, 49; Chü, p. 150.

35 FOR rules regulating the united hokō meeting see “Hokō jōrei shikō saisoku hyōjun,” arts. 15, 16.

36 “Hokō jōrei shikō kisoku,” art. 1.

37 “Hokō oyobi sōteidan no hensei ni kansuru chūi no ken,ō item I.

38 “Hokō jōrei shikō saisoku hyōjun,” art. 3.

39 Professor Arthur Wolf of Stanford University informed this writer at the Taiwan History Conference (September, 1972) that the Japanese pao-chia records in the Shulin area of northern Taiwan show that the pao-chia headmen had to be at least functionally literate.

40 “Hokō jōrei shikō kisoku,” art. 2; “Hokō jōrei shikō saisoku hyōjun,ō arts. 5–8; “Hokō oyobi sōteidan no hensei ni kansuru chūi no ken,” item 3.

41 “Hokō jōrei,” art. 1.

42 Ibid, art. 3; “Hokō jōrei shikō kisoku,” 3; “Hokō jōrei shikō saisoku hyōjun,” arts. 9–14 “Hokō oyobi sōteidan no hensei ni kansuru chūino ken,” items 7, 8.

43 “Hokō jōrei shiko saisoku hyōjun,” art. 27; Civil Affairs Handbook, OPNAV 13–28, p. 38; Taiwan tōchi gaiyō (A summary of the Taiwan administration), ed. sōtokufu, Taiwan (Taipei, 1945), p. 84; Ide Kiwada, Taiwan chisefy shi (A history of the Taiwan administration; Taipei, 1933). P. 886.Google Scholar

44 Washizu, , Taiwan keisatsu yonjūnen shiwa, pp. 244–246.Google Scholar

45 “Hokō jōrei,” art. 4.

46 “Hokō oyobi sōteidan no hensei ni kansuru chui no ken,” items 2, 8. For semi-official rules of conduct adopted for the pao-chia residents' observance, see Sadamu, Ishibe, Taiwan hokōmin shishin (A guidebook for the hokō residents of Taiwan; Tokyo, 1911).Google Scholar

47 “Hokō jōrei,” art. 5; “Hokō jōrei shikō kisoku,” arts. 4–8; “Hokō jōrei shiko saisoku hyōjun,” arts, 18–25; “Hokō oyobi sōteidan no hensei ni kansuru chūi no ken,” items 4–6; Tsurumi Yūsuke, II, 158.

48 For the usurpation of the pao-chia functions by the gentry-led t'uan-lien, see Kuhn, pp. 50–63, 93–151; Hsiao, pp. 66–67; Chü, pp. 183–184.

49 Ide, p. 886.

50 “Hokō j—rei kisoku,” art. 9; “Hokō jōrei shikō saisoku hyōjun,” art. 26; “Hokō oyobi sōteidan no hensci ni kansuru chūi no ken,” item 7; Eizō, Ito, Taiwan gyōsei keisatsuhō (The police administrative law of Taiwan; Taipei, 1930), pp. 137–138.Google Scholar

51 Barclay, George W., Colonial Development and Population in Taiwan (Princeton, New Jersey, 1954) p. 51.Google Scholar

52 For the nature and development of the Japanese police system in Taiwan, see Taiwan sōtokufu keisatsu enkaku shi, particularly vol. I; Chen Ching-chih, pp. 193–266.Google Scholar

53 Washizu, Taiwan hokō kōminka tokuhon, p. 107.

54 Mokutarō, Arioka, ed., Toroku dohi chintei shi (The pacification of bandits in Toroku; Taipei, 1902), pp. 48, 73–74;Google ScholarAtsuya, WashizuTaiwan keisatsu yonjiinen shiwa, p. 252; Washizu Atsuya, Taiwan tōchi kaikpian (A recollection on the administration of Taiwan; Taipei, 1943), pp. 148–149.Google Scholar

55 Shimpei, Gotō, “The Administration of For mosa (Taiwan),” in Shigenobu, Okuma, ed., Fifty Years of New Japan (London, 1909), II, 537.Google Scholar

56 Ibid

57 Ibid, p. 536.

58 Arioka, p. 74.

59 For the involvement of individual Chinese in the anti-Japanese plots of the early 1019's, see Sung Nien-tz'u, Jih-chü shih-tai T'ai-wan ka-ming shih-lüeh (A summary of the history of the Taiwanese revolutions during the Japanese occupation; Taipei, 1956), pp. 35–167;Google ScholarT'injr-i, Kuo, T'ai-wan shih-shih lyn-shuo (A summary of historical events of Taiwan; Taipei, 1954), pp. 230–244;Google ScholarChin-te, Chuang and Szu-chang, Ho, ed. and tr., Lo Fu-hsing k'ang-lih ke-ming-an chüan-tang (Cómplete files on the anti-Japanese revolutionary case of Lo; Taipei, 1956).Google Scholar

60 Taiwan hiran shōshi (A brief history of bandit disturbance in Taiwan), ed. hōmubu, Taiwan sōtokufu (Taipei, 1920), pp. 31–165;Google ScholarUsen, Akizawa, Taiwan hi shi (A history of bandits in Taiwan; Taipei, 1923), pp. 78–93,Google Scholar 159–315; Hui, Kuo, ed. and tr., Jih-chŭ-hsia chih T'ai-cheng (The administration of Taiwan under the Japanese Occupation; Taipei, 1956), II, 449–352; Sung, pp. 78–182, 120–136.Google Scholar

61 Ibid, pp. 96–97.

62 Ibid, pp. 83–85; Akizawa, pp. 98–99.

63 Ibid, pp. 126–128, 234–237; Sung, p. 96.

64 Kuo, II, 459, 624–629.

65 Washizu, , Taiwan keisatsu yonjūncn shiwa, pp. 250–251.Google Scholar

66 Ibid, p. 251; Washizu, Taiwan hokō kōminka tokuhon, pp. 123–124.

67 Ibid, p. 124.

68 Barclay, p. 50.

69 Shi, Mei, Taiwanjin yonhyakunen shi (A four-hundred-year history of the Taiwanese; Tokyo, 1962), p. 291.Google Scholar

70 Hsiao, p. 46.

71 Ibid, pp. 8, 55.

72 Takekoshi, Yosaburō, Japanese Rule in Formosa (London, 1907), p. 151.Google Scholar

73 Urban township posts were held by promincnt Taiwanese, who were considered to be dependable by the colonial authorities, and by Japanese, while rural township posts were largely occupied by Taiwanese due to the fact that the Japanese in Taiwan were virtually all city dwellers and hence few of them, except police officers and school teachers, were found in the countryside.

74 Rokusaburō, Mochiji, Taiwan shol^utnin sei-saktt (The colonial policy of Taiwan; Tokyo, 1915) PP. 79–80.Google Scholar

75 See Table I of this paper for the number of pao-chia officers.

76 Washizu, Taiwan keisatsu yonjōnen shiwa, pp. 247–248.Google Scholar

77 Kunrei no. 222 issued on August 11, 1904 and appeared on Taiwan sōtokufupō, p. 1576. See also Washizu, Taiwan kjeisatsu yonjūnen shiwa, p. 247.

78 Kunrei no. 272 issued on November 5, 1904 and carried on Taiwan sōtohjujnpō, no. 1625.

79 Washizu, , Taiwan keisatsu yonjūnen shiwa, 247–248.Google Scholar

80 1909 revised “Hokō jōrei,” art. 3, paragraph 2.

81 Washizu, , Taiwan keisatstt yonjūnen shiwa, 248–249.Google Scholar

82 “Chiu kuan-chih chi chieh-chuang chih-tu chih kai-cheng erh-yen” (On the revision of the organic regulations governing the village and town government system), Taiwan jihō (The Taiwan times), 6: 79–82 (November 20, 1909).

83 Shimpei, Gotō, Taiwan faieijō kyūfyan seido no chōsa o hitsuyō to suru iken (An opinion stressing the need to investigate old customs and institutions for the administering of Taiwan; Mimeographic copy, Tokyo, 1940), p. 4.Google Scholar

84 Taiwan jijō (Conditions in Taiwan), ed. sōtokufu, Taiwan (Taipei, yearly publication 1916–1944) 1928 edition, pp. 215–216;Google ScholarWashizu, , Taiwan keisatsu yonjūnen shiwa, p. 251.Google Scholar

85 Ibid

86 Ibid., Washizu, Taiwan hokō kōdmina kōmtino tokuhon, pp. 122–123.

87 Ibid, pp. 121–122; Washizu, Taiwan kaiatsu yonjūnen shiwa, pp. 251–252; Tōgō Minora and Sato Shiro, Taiwan Shok,ttmin hattatsu shi (A history of colonial development in Taiwan; Taipei, 1916), p. 474.

88 Ide, pp. 471–472.

89 Takekoshi, p. 151; Tsurumi Yūsuke, II, 159.

90 For the description of the pao-lan, see Hsiao, pp. 132–139; Kuhn, pp. 97–98.

91 Barclay.

92 Washizu, Taiwan keisatsu yonjūnen shiwa, p. 251.

93 Ibid, pp. 252–253; Arioka, pp. 77–83.

94 Washizu, , Taiwan hokō kōminka tokuhon, pp. 111–113.Google Scholar

95 Ibid, pp. 107–108; Washizu, Taiwan bcisatsu yonjūnen shiwa, pp. 252–253.Google Scholar

96 Washizu, , Taiwan hokō kōminka tokuhon, pp. 108–109.Google Scholar

97 Washizu, , Taiwan keisatsu yonjūnen shiwa, p. 253.Google Scholar

98 Chen Ching-chih, pp. 343–410.

99 Ide, p. 887.

100 The Taiwan Popular Party's program can be found in Sha Shunboku, Taiwanjin no yōkyū (The Taiwanese demands; Taipei, 1931), pp. 94–132; Tadao, Yanaibara, Nihion teikokshuika no Taiwan (Taiwan under Japanese imperialism; Tokyo, 1929), p.Google Scholar 257; P'ei-huo, Ts'ai et al. ed., Tai-wan min-chu yün-tung shih (A history of the Taiwanese nationalist movement; Taipei, 1971) PP. 366–369.Google Scholar

101 Ibid, p. 389.

102 Ide, p. 887.

103 Ts'ai P'ei-huo, p. 289.

104 Ide, pp. 887–888.

105 Ibid, p. 887.

106 Taiwan tōchi gaiyō, p. 84.

107 On the nature of the kōminka undō, see Taiwan jijō, 1942 edition, pp. 215–222; Kazuo, Yarnamoto, Taiwan ni okeru Nihon tō;chi to sengo naigai jōsei (Taiwan under Japanese rule and its postwar internal and external situations; Tokyo, 1958),Google Scholar p. 50; Chao-chia, Yang, Yang Chao-chia hui-i-lu (Memoirs of Yang; Taipei, 1967), II, 334.Google Scholar

108 Ts'ai P'ei-huo, p. 390.

109 Taiwan tōchi gaiyō, p. 85.

110 Inō, I, 173–174; Kuo T'ing-i, pp. 91–96. Kuo T'ng-i writes: “The Court's retainment of Taiwan was not for the reason that it could impose land tax [on the island's inhabitants] but for the consideration that with the island lied the security of several coastal provinces [of southeast China].” (Kuo Ting-i, pp. 95–96.)

111 For Japan's basic colonial objectives in Taiwan, see Chen Ching-chih, pp. 1–4.

112 Ibid, pp. 102–118.

113 For such view, see Rcischaucr, Edwin O. and Fairbank, John K., East Asia: The Great Tradition (Boston, 1958), pp. 345–393;Google ScholarFair-bank, John K., The United States and China (Cambridge, Mass., 1962), pp. 77–81.Google Scholar

114 In order to appease the Taiwanese in the early years, the Japanese did employ measures such as the sponsoring of literary gatherings, reviving the time-honored practice of giving ceremonial feasts for the aged, restoring local temples and expanding philanthropic institutions. (See Chen Ching-chih, pp. 284–301.)

115 Ibid

116 Kuhn, p. 225.

117 Myers, Ramon H., “Taiwan under Ch'ing Imperial Rule, 1684–1895: The Traditional Order,” Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 4.2: 496–501 (1971).Google Scholar

118 Ibid, p. 500.

119 In 1920 the Japanese colonial authorities started to introduce to Taiwan a version of the Japanese local government system. The term “local self-government” {chihō jichi) was officially applied to this system in Taiwan as it had been to its counterpart in Japan. But never was the adapted system quite as advanced as that implemented in Japan. For example, in Japan both the village (mura) mayor and village assemblymen were locally elected, but in Taiwan the rural township or village (shō) mayor was appointed by the county hend and so were half of the members of the township consultative council (kyōgikai) which had less legislative functions and powers than its Japanese counterpart, the village assembly. [For a brief description of the pre-WWII Japanese village system, see Beardsley, Richard K., Hall, John W., Ward, Robert E., Village Japan (Chicago; The University of Chicago Press, 1959), pp. 358–360.Google Scholar And for the township system of colonial Taiwan see, Chuzo, Sasaki, Taiwan gyoseiho ron (A study of the administralivc law of Taiwan; Taipei, 1909), pp. 71–77;Google ScholarTanshō, Yamazaki, Gaichi tōchi kikō no kenkyū (Researches on the governmental structure of overseas territories: Tokyo, 1943), pp. 210–214,Google Scholar 220–226, 239–245; Kanshu, Hara, Taiwan chiho jichi hosei. pchi yokyii undo (Taiwan; its system of local self-government anil its fnovement for local autonomy; Taipei, 1933), pp. 16–35.Google Scholar ]Most leading political scientists consider the pre-WWII Japanese local governments as lacking any significant autonomous powers. [For examples, see Beardslry, Richard K., et al. , pp. 358–360; Kurt Steincr, Local Government in Japan (Stanford; Stanford University Press, 1965), pp.Google Scholar 19–63.] Kurt Steincr points out in his Local Government in Japan that Ynmagata Aritomo called the local government system he created in 1888–1890 a “local self-government” (chihō jichi) system, and the term “local self-government has been applied ever since the beginning of any system of local administration. And he argues convincingly that “viewed from the point of (governmental) functions there was tie-concentration of national administration, but no local self-government.” (Steincr, pp. 21, 42, 50, 54.) There is evidently widespread confusion over the meaning of the term jichi. The use of the same term for the local system in colonial Taiwan is even less meaningful, for the system remained one of virtually complete centralization, regimentation, and submission throughout the greater pan of the Japanese period.

120 See Yamazaki, pp. 210–214.

121 Rural settlements of the inhabitants of phinese ancestry were known as chuang or hsiang while those of the aborigines were termed she. [See Chien Wen-ta, Feng-shan hsien chih (A gazetteer of Fengshan district )in T'ai-wan yin-hang ching-chi yen-chtu shih, comp.. T'si-wan wen-hsien ts'ung-hjin (hereafter TWT), no. 124, pp. 25–26; Hsi, Chou, Chang-hna hsien chih (a gazetteer of Changhua district), in TWT, no. 156, p. 39.]Google Scholar

122 In referring 10 this sub-district unit, the term li was used in the part of Taiwan south of the Tsengwcn River which entered the sea not too far north of Tainan city, while pao was used in the rest of the island except Taitung district where the term hsiang was preferred. Penghu district was the only administrative region to have designated the sub-district as ao. [See Chin-luan, Hsieh, Hsü-hsiti Taiwan hsien chih (A revised gazetteer of Taiwan district), in TWT, no. 140, pp. 9–12;Google ScholarHao, Lin, P'cng-hn fing chih (A gazetteer of Penghu district), in TWT, no. 164, pp. 78–82; Ino, vol. 1, pp. 647–648;Google ScholarHeng, Lien, T'ai-wan t'tmg-shih (A general history of Taiwan), no. 128, pp. 128–131;Google Scholar and Tai Yen-hui, p. 61.] For the number and locations of these various sub-district quastadminis-irativc units prior to 1875, see T'ai-wan fn yü-fu is'uan-yao (A collection of maps pertaining to Taiwan prefecture), in TWT, no. 181, pp. 9–17.Google Scholar

123 Ycn-hui, Tai, p. 62. Also cf. Wail., John R.The District Magistrate in the Late Imperial China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972), p. 190.Google Scholar

124 For examples of petitions nominating tsung-li, see T'ai-wan yin-hang ching-chi yen-chiu shih, comp., Tan Hsin tang-an hsüan-lu hsing-cheng pien ts'u-chi (Selected documents on administrative matters from the Tan Hsin archives), in TWT, no. 295, pp. 413–593. See also Tai Yen-hui, p. 63.

125 The tsung-li was charged with the following major functions: management of t'uan-lien (local militia), organization of pao-chia, transmitting of district magistrate's orders, and management of community enterprises. [See Yen-hui, Tai, p. 63; Tan Hsin tang-an hsiian-lu hsing-cheng p'ien ts'uchi, pp. 413–593.]Google Scholar

126 Many Chinese and Japanese historians regard this sub-district “government” as a version of “self-governmem” (tzu-chih in Chinese and jichi in Japanese). [For example, sec Ino, vol. I, pp. 647–671.]

127 Sasaki, pp. 71–73.

128 Around 1870, there were altogether some 138 and its equivalents. [Tai-wan fu yü-t'u ts'uan-yao, pp. 9–17.1] In the first half of ihe Japanese period townships numbered about 450. This number was subsequently reduced to about 260 in 1920.

129 Ts'ai Cheng-fcng, Yüan-li chih (A gazeiieer of Yüanli), in TWT, no. 48, pp. 24–26

130 Sasaki, pp. 76–77.

131 For examples, see Ichizo., Ozone ed., Taiwan jimbutsti shi (Biographical records of the prominent people of Taiwan; Taipei, 1916 preface), pp. 50, 65–66, 73–74. 81, 103. 105, 107, 185, 312.Google Scholar

132 For examples of Japanese township mayors, sec sha, Taiwan shinminpo, Taiwan jinshi kan (A directory of the prominent people of Taiwan; Taipei, 1937).Google Scholar

133 Sec Sasaki, pp. 76–77; Tōcnchō, , ed., Tōenchō shi (A history of Tdcn (Taoyuan) district; Taipei, 1906), p. 27;Google Scholar“Taiwan gai sho sha ni kucho oyobi kushoki o oku no ken” (issued on September 14, 1909). in Taiwan hōrei shüran (A collection of laws and orders pertaining to Taiwan), ed. by sōtokufu, Taiwan (Tokyo, 1918), pt. 7, p. I.Hannin is the lowest official rank in the Japanese governmental hierarchy.Google Scholar

134 “Taiwan gai shō sei” (promulgated in April 1935), in Taiwan chihō seido hōki shūran, pp. 772–784, especially 775–776.Google Scholar