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The Heike: from Defeat at Dannoura to a Golden age in Ryukyu?
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 March 2011
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References
1 Cf. K'an, Ch'en, Shih Liu-ch'iu lu (1534), (2 vols., 98 pp., Shanghai: Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng ed., 1937), I, 1–50Google Scholar; Pao-kung, Hsü, Chung-shan ch'uan-hsin lu (1721), (6 vols., 270 lvs., Kyoto: Seibundō, 1840), I, 1–37Google Scholar; II, 1–48, and in Hsiao-jang-hu-chai yü-ti ts'ung-cao (Shanghai, 1891), X, 3, 142–67Google Scholar; Ming shih (1679–1724), ch. 323, pp. 1–11Google Scholar; Huang, Chou, Liu-ch'iu-ktio chih-lüeh (1757), (3 vols., 208 pp., Shanghai: Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng ed., 1936), pp. 3–48Google Scholar; Ting-yüan, Li, Shih Liu-ch'iu chi (c. 800), in Hsiao-fang-hu-chai yü-ti ts'ung-chao, pp. 168–207Google Scholar. For studies in depth, see the following works by Dr. Ta-tuan Ch'en: Yung Ch'ien Chia shih-tai ti Chung-Liu kuan-hsi, 130 pp.Google Scholar, Taipei: Minghua shu-chü, 1956; Sino-Liu-Ch'iuan Relations in the Nineteenth Century, 230 pp.Google Scholar, mss., doctoral dissertation, Indiana University, 1963; “Investiture of Liu-Ch'iu Kings in the Ch'ing Period,” 40+6 pp. mss., Conference on the Chinese World Order, Harvard University, 1965. See also Chuang-ta, Wu, Liu-ch'iu yü Chung-kuo, 188 pp.Google Scholar, Cheng-chung shu-chü, 1948; Mutō Chōhei, Seinan. bun'un shiron (516 pp., Tokyo: Oka Shoin, 1926), 275–420Google Scholar; Atsushi, Kobata, Chūsei nantō tsūkō bōeki shi no kenkyū (552 pp., Tokyo: Nippon Hyōronsha, 1939), 99–372.Google Scholar
2 On Ryukyuan foreign trade in medieval times, see Crawcour, Sydney, “Notes on Shipping and Trade in Japan and the Ryukyus,” The Journal of Asian Studies, XXIII, 3 (May 1964), 377–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sakamaki, Shunzo, “Ryukyu and Southeast Asia,”Google Scholaribid., 383–89; Sakai, Robert K., “The Satsuma-Ryukyu Trade and the Tokugawa Seclusion Policy,”Google Scholaribid., 391–403; Atsushi, Kobata, 99–538Google Scholar; Kanjun, Higaonna, Reimeiki no kaigai kōtsū shi (436 pp., Tokyo: Teikoku Kyōikukai, 1941), 25–353Google Scholar; Nobu, Asato, Nippon nanpō hatten shi (515 pp., Tokyo: Sanseidō, 1942), 15–428Google Scholar; Atsushi, Kobata, Ryukyuan Relations with Korea and South Sea Countries, mss., 343+39 pp., June 1963.Google Scholar
3 Chūzan seikan (1650), in Ryükyü shiryō sōsho (5 vols., Tokyo: Inoue Shobō, 1962), V, 34–35Google Scholar; Ming hui-tien (1587), ch. 105, pp. 2284–86; Wu Chuang-ta, 72–77.
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5 /ibid., 16–24.
6 By the compiler of the Chūzan seikan (1650), Haneji Chōshü, also known as Shō Shōken (1617–76). Cf. Sakamaki, Shunzo, Ryukyu: A Bibliographical Guide to Okinawan Studies (353 pp., University of Hawaii Press, 1963), 28–33, 183–85.Google Scholar
7 Much of the Tametomo account in the Chūzan seikan was based on the Hōgen monogatari (c. twelfth century), to which was added later the fictitious story of Tametomo's flight from Izu Ōshima and brief sojourn in Okinawa. The Tametomo legend got wide attention in Japan when it was included in Arai Hakuseki's Nantō shi, in 1720. It also appeared in Morishima Chūryō's Ryūkyū-banashi, 1790Google Scholar; Nanboku, Miyata's Tametomo gaiden-chinzei Ryükyü ki, 1835Google Scholar; and Nobutomo, Ban's Chūgai keii denGoogle Scholar, circa 1848. The novelist Kyokutei Bakin made Tametomo the hero of a novel entitled Chinsetsu yumiharitsuki, 1805–1813Google Scholar. The Tametomo legend also appears in Takaki Isaburō's novel, Tametomo saikō ki, 1886Google Scholar, and in Yūh', KikuchiRyūkyū to Tametomo, 1908Google Scholar. The legend is discussed in many books, including the following: Fuyū, Iha, Ryūkyū kpkon ki (622 pp., Tokyo: Tōkō Shoin, 1926), 265–81Google Scholar; Haruno, Yokoi, Chiriteki ni mita Dai Nippon shi no kenkyū (674 pp., Tokyo: Nittō Shoin, 1933), 167–69Google Scholar; Kenzō, Akiyama, Nisshi kōshō shiwa (575 pp., Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki K.K., 1935), 466–93Google Scholar; Atsushi, Kobata, Chūsei nantō, etc., 64–79Google Scholar; Sango, Katō, Ryūkyū no kenkyū (rev. ed., 357 pp., Tokyo: Bun'ichirosha 1941), 29–34Google Scholar; Kanjun, Higaonna, Ryūkyū no rekishi (197 pp., Tokyo: Shibundō, 1957), 17–28Google Scholar; Shunchō, Higa, Okinawa no rekishi (484 pp., Naha: Okinawa Times sha, 1959), 29–34.Google Scholar
8 For comparative accounts of the Battle of Dannoura, as given in the Gyokuyō, the Azuma pagami, the Genpei seisuiki, and several variant editions of the Heike monogatari, cf. Hikokuma, Nagai, Rakujitsugo no Heike (673 pp., Tokyo: Yūzankaku, 1965), 107–69Google Scholar. See also Kingorō, Ōmori, Buke jidai no kenkyū, II (516+228 pp., Tokyo: Fuzambō, 1929), 441–53.Google Scholar
9 For instance, according to the Azuma kagami, in an item dated Genreki 2/4/4 (May 5, 1185): “Last night Yoshitsune's messenger came in great haste to Kyoto to report the complete destruction of the Heike.” Shinoda, Minoru, The Founding of the Ramatura Shogunate, 1180–1185, with Selected Translations from the Azuma Kagami (385 pp., Columbia University Press, 1960), 302.Google Scholar
10 Cf. Fujiwara (later Kujō) Kanezane (1149–1207), Gyokuyō (3 vols., 2256 pp., Tokyo: Naigai Insatsu K.K., 1907), III, 72Google Scholar; Hikokuma, Nagai, 115–20Google Scholar; Katsumi, Kuroita, Kokushi no kenkyū, kakusetsu, jō (530 pp., Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1936), 409–11Google Scholar; Ōmori, , 445–47.Google Scholar
11 For accounts of the reported drowning of Emperor Antoku at Dannoura, excerpted from the Heike monogatari, the Genpei seisuiki, the Gukanshō, the Azuma kagami, and the Gyokuyō (also known as Gyokukai), see Nagai, , 180–87Google Scholar. The Azuma kagami reports that on Genreki 2/4/11 (May 12, 1185), “a special messenger from the west” arrived in Kamakura with a record of the battle of Dannoura in the form of a scroll written by Nakahara Nobuyasu, stating, among other things: “The former emperor has sunk to the bottom of the sea.” Shinoda, 302–03. An earlier account in the Azuma pagami, under date of Genreki 2/3/24 (April 25, 1185), states: “The imperial second rank Taira Tokiko, widow of Kiyomori, and the Lady Azechi sank to the bottom of the sea, the former clutching the Sacred Sword, and the latter holding tightly the eight-year-old former emperor, Antoku. Kenrei Mon-in Taira Tokuko [mother of Antoku], wearing a purple gown, was rescued from the sea with a rake by the lieutenant of the Right Horse Bureau Gengo, a member of the Watanabe band. The Lady Azechi was likewise rescued. However, the former emperor was not recovered.” Shinoda, 300; Ōmori, 356. In contrast to the reports that the young emperor had drowned, Fujiwara Kanezane reports in his diary, the Gyokuyō, that the messenger from Yoshitsune who arrived in Kyoto on Genreki 2/4/4 (May 5, 1185) had reported that, as regarded Emperor Antoku, it was not clear as to what had happened (“Kyūshu no onkoto bunmei narazu”). Gyokuyō, III, 72Google Scholar. Too, the Daigoji zatsujiki lists Antoku (“sentei”) among persons whose whereabouts were not known. Ōmori, 453.
12 For theories that either the seven-year-old daughter of Tokifusa Dainagon or the eight-year-old son of Taira Munemori might have dropped into the sea in place of Antoku, to deceive the enemy, see Nagai, 181–87. For traditions in over a score of localities to the effect that Antoku had come thither after Dannoura, see Nagai, 142, 179–81, 199–201, 210–11, 240, 243–44, 501–02, 535–42, 623–42.
13 Cf. Shoken, Okusato, Okinawa ni kunrinshita Heike (325 pp., Naha: Daidō Insatsu, 1966), 35–44Google Scholar; “Okinawa bōekishi no reimei; nankai de tasseisareta Taira no Kiyomori no daiyabō,” Okinawa to Ogasawara, 14 (September 1960), 36–54Google Scholar; “Nanso Heike no bōeki shikin,” ibid., 17 (June 1961), 41–51.
14 Cf. Nagai, , 129–33, 189–454, 482–500, 559–603, 651–54Google Scholar; Yokoi, , 563–70Google Scholar; Shōmu, Nobori, Dai Amami shi (576 pp., Kagoshima: Amamisha, 1949), 96–112Google Scholar; Tokutarō, Sakaguchi, Amami Ōshima shi (490 pp., Kagoshima: Sanshüdō Shoten, 1921), 114–60Google Scholar; Yükō, Shigeno, Amami Ōshima minzoku shi (397 pp., Tokyo: Oka Shoin, 1927), 340–74Google Scholar; Tan, Shidehara, Nantō enkaku shiron (234 pp., Tokyo: Fuzambō, 1899), 46–63Google Scholar; Gisuke, Sasamori, Nantō tanken (532 pp., Tokyo: Keiaidō, 1894), 223, 260–61, 276–78Google Scholar; 446; Yoshiteru, Tobe, Ōshima hikki (1762) in Izuru, Shimmura, ed., Nanban kōmō shiryō (177 pp., Kyoto: Kōseikaku, 1930), 1–7, 13–14.Google Scholar
15 The forty-sixth song in Volume Fourteen of the Omoro sōshi (compiled in 1532–1623) is transcribed below, with an English translation alongside.
Cf. Zenchū, Nakahara and Shuzen, Hokama, ed., Kōhon Ōmoro sōshi (816 pp., Tokyo: Kadokawa Sboten, 1905), 580–81Google Scholar; Sakamaki, , Ryukyu: A Bibliographical Guide, 184.Google Scholar
16 For extensive studies of similarities between Japanese and Ryukyuan place-names, and for lists of place-names common to Ryukyu and to regions such as Higo, Satsuma, Ise, the San'yōdō, Chügoku, Kantō, and Hokuriku regions, etc., cf. Shōken, Okusato, Kokugoshi no hōgenteki kenkyū, nishū, 620 pp., (Kobe and Osaka: Osaka Hōbunkan, 1936)Google Scholar; “Chimei kara mita Okinawa,” Okinawa to Ogasawara, 12 (March 1960), 41–55Google Scholar; Okinawa ni kunrinshita Heike, 105–73Google Scholar. See also Kanjun, Higaonna, Nantō fudoki, 472 pp. (Tokyo: Okinawa Bunka Kyōkai, 1950).Google Scholar
17 Ryukyuan surnames using the character for “Taira” include: Akahira, Heshiki, Hirachi, Hirae, Hirahara, Hirai, Hirakawa, Hiramoto, Hiranaka, Hirano, Hiranuma, Hirao, Hiraoka, Hirase, Hirashima, Hirata, Hirayama, Hirayasu, Irinamihira, Kabira, Kochihira (Kochinda), Maehira, Miyahira (Myādēra), Nakataira, Namihira, Nishihira (Nishinda), Shiohira (Shibira), Sohira, Taira (Tēra), Tokuhira, Tomihira, Toyohira, Yoshihira, and Zenhira. Place-names other than the foregoing include: Agarihenna, Hanja (Hanza), Heda, Henna, Henza, Heshikiya (Hishikiya), Hetono, Higashihenna, Hinan, Hinishi, Hirakubo, Hiramatsu, Hirara, Hyanna, Hyanzan, Iheya, Irihenna, Ishihira, Kamihirakawa, Kamitairagawa, Maedaira (Mēdēra), Nishihenna, Nishinohira, Ōhira, Shimohirakawa, Sunja, Tairabashi (Taiheikyō), Tairagawa, Tairajima, Tairamachi, Tairaōna, Tairashi, Tairawan, Uenohira, and Yohena. Cf. Tanonaka, Teruo, “Current Ryukyuan Surnames,”Google Scholar and Amioka, Shiro, “Current Ryukyuan Place Names,” in Sakamaki, Shunzo, ed., Ryukyuan Names (206 pp., Honolulu: East West Center Press; Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1964), 63–82, 126–66Google Scholar; Higaonna, , Nantō fudoki, passim.Google Scholar
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28 Fragmentary references to the “southern islands” (nantō) such as Yaku, Tane, Amami, Toku, Kume, Ishigaki, and Okinawa, appear in the Nihonshoki (720) and the Shoku-nihongi (794), covering the years from about 616 to 754, after which the southern islands disappear from the official records of Japan for several centuries. Cf. Ankō, Majikina, 34–48Google Scholar; Aston, W. G., tsl., Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A.D. 697 (443 pp., London: Allen & Unwin, 1956)Google Scholar; Snellen, J. B., tsl., “Shoku Nihongi,” Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 2nd. ser., XI (1934), 151–239Google Scholar, and XIV (1937), 209–78; Reischauer, Robert Karl, Early Japanese History, Part A (405 pp., Princeton University Press, 1937).Google Scholar
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