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These three challenging critiques deal mainly with the problem of methodology and two “how much” questions: if Neo-Confucianism exhibited what Max Weber called “tension,” was this tension as strong as I claim? Granted that there was considerable continuity between Confucian and modern thought, was there as much as I claim?
1 Bennett, Gordon A., “Chinese Political Culture,” in Problems of Communism 28, no. 1 (Jan.-Feb. 1972): 72.Google Scholar
2 Erh-min, Wang, Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shib-lun [Historical studies on modern Chinese thought] (Taipei: Hua-shih ch'u-pan-she, 1977), pp. 55Google Scholar, 434; P'eng-yüan, Chang, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao yii Min-kuo cheng-chih [Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the politics of the Republican period] (Taipei: Shih-huo ch'u-pan-she yu-hsien kung-ssu, 1978), p. 3;Google ScholarMeisner, Maurice, Mao's China (New York: The Free Press, 1977), pp. 8, 11.Google Scholar
3 Bendix, Reinhard, Kings or People (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1978), pp. 269–70.Google ScholarPubMed
4 Los Angeles Times, ijuly 1979, section 6, p. 3.
5 Quine, W. V., Ontological Relativity and Other Essays (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1969), p. 1Google Scholar
6 The argument in Escape is supposed to fit into psychological theory about Chinese personality patterns. See my “Selfhood and Authority in Neo-Confucian Political Culture,” in Arthur Kleinman and Tsung-yi Lin, eds., Normal and Deviant Behavior in Chinese Culture (forthcoming).
7 For an overview of these assumptions, ibid., pt. two.
8 Cited in Wai-lu, Hou et al., Chung-kuo ssu-Chinese thought], 5 vols. (Peking: Jen-min ch'u- hsiang t'ung-shih, [A comprehensive history of pan-she 1957–1960), 4B: 725–26.Google Scholar
9 Metzger, Thomas A., The Internal Organization of Ch'ing Bureaucracy (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1973), ch. 1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
10 Lin, Yü-sheng, The Crisis of Chinese Consciousness (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1979), p. 17.Google Scholar For the contrast in Ssu-ma Ch'ien's mind between wang-tao and huang-ti, see Fu-kuan, Hsü, “Lun Shih-chi” [On the Shih-cbi], in Ta-lu tsa-chih 55, no. 6 (December 1977): 5, 9.Google Scholar The idea that Confucians failed to differentiate the moral from the political order goes back to May Fourth ideologues. See Hai-kuan, Ying, Chung-kuo wen-hua- te chan-wang [An appraisal of Chinese culture and its prospects], 2 vols. (Taipei: Wen-hsing shu-tien, 1966), 2: 392, 608–10.Google Scholar
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12 Hou Wai-lu, pp. 725–26, 722, 694–95, 728.
13 Metzger, , Internal, p. 36.Google Scholar
14 Lu Pao-ch'ien, p. 21.
15 Peterson, W. J., Bitter Gourd (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1979), pp. 101–19.Google Scholar
16 Lin, pp. 74, 80, 97. Actually Chinese scholars since at least the late 1940s have been aware of the paradoxical way that the iconoclasts partly expressed traditional values.
17 Ibid., p. 156.
18 Schwartz, Benjamin I., In Search of Wealth and Power (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard Univ. Press, 1964), pp. 105–6.Google Scholar
19 Lin Yü-sheng's and Meisner's studies, referred to above, are recent examples. In his foreword to Lin's book, Professor Schwartz endorses Lin's problematic discussion without qualification.
20 Chang, Hao, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Intellectual Transition in China (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1971), pp. 70–72, 125.Google Scholar
21 P'eng-yüan, Chang, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao yü Ch'ing-chi ko-ming [Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the late Ch'ing revolution] (Nankang: Academia Sinica, Institute of Modern History, 1969), pp. 31–37.Google Scholar
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23 P'eng-yüan, Chang, Ch'ing-chi, pp. 24–25.Google Scholar For a similar view, see Shih-ch'iang, Lü, Ju-chia ch'uan-t'ung yü wei-hsin (1839–1911) [The Confucian tradition and reform in the late Ch'ing period] (Taipei: Chiao-yü-pu she-hui chiao-yü-ssu, 1976), p. 37.Google Scholar
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25 Erh-min, Wang, Wan-Ch'ing cbeng-chih ssuhsiang shih-lun [Historical studies on late Ch'ing political thought] (Taipei: Hua-shih ch'u-pan she, 1976), p. 39.Google Scholar
26 Erh-min, Wang, Chin-tai, pp. 151–52.Google Scholar This theme, however, runs through much of Wang's writing.
27 Cited in Erh-min, Wang, Wan-Ch'ing, p. 10.Google Scholar
28 Elvin, Mark, Self-liberation and Self-immolation in Modern Chinese Thought (Canberra: Australian National Univ. 1978).Google Scholar
29 P'eng-yüan, Chang, Ch'ing-chi, pp. 20Google Scholar, 25; P'eng-yüan, Chang, Min-kuo, pp. 67–68Google Scholar, 105; Erh-min, Wang, Chin-tai, p. 97;Google ScholarPrice, Don C., Russia and the Roots of the Chinese Revolution, 1896- 1911 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974), ch. 7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
30 On Western skepticism, see Popkin, Richard H., “The Sceptical Origins of the Modern Problem of Knowledge,” in Care, Norman S. and Grimm, Robert H., eds., Perception and Personal Identity (Cleveland: Case Western Reserve Univ. Press, 1969).Google Scholar I am indebted to Eric W. Watkins for this reference.
31 Hao Chang, pp. 88, 151–52.
32 Ibid., pp. 87, 97, 170–71, 155. 157, 204.
33 Erh-min, Wang, Wan-Ch'ing, pp. 14, 28.Google Scholar
34 Erh-min, Wang, Chin-tai, pp. 384–401.Google Scholar
35 Ibid., pp. 406–14, 437.
36 Erh-min, Wang, Wan-Cb'ing, pp. 3–4;Google Scholar Feng Kuei-fen, Chiao-pin-lu k'ang-i [Protests from the Chiao-pin Studio] (published about 1884), preface, I am most indebted to Professor Kwang-Ching Liu for this reference.
37 Erh-min, Wang, Chin-tai, pp. 413, 13, 63.Google ScholarErh-min, Wang, Wan-Ch'ing, pp. 3–4.Google Scholar
38 Erh-min, Wang, Chin-tat, p. 412.Google Scholar
39 Ibid., pp. 417–18, 412, 396. Much of the latter passage is translated in Schwartz, p. 44.
40 Erh-min, Wang, Chin-tai, pp. 420–37.Google Scholar
41 Schwartz, pp. 157–58,43–44, 105–6, 108–9, 52–54.
42 See fn. 39.
43 Escape, p. 217; Wang Erh-min, Chin-tai, p. 192.
44 Erh-min, Wang, Chin-tai, p. 385.Google Scholar
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46 See Professor Li San-pao's discussion and transcription of this text in The Tsing-hua Journal of Chinese Studies 11, nos. 1 and 2 (December 1975): 213–47Google Scholar.