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An Outline of the Naitō Hypothesis and its Effects on Japanese Studies of China

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 March 2011

Hisayuki Miyakawa
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Extract

As was true of many other fields of learning in Japan, Chinese studies entered a new stage of development with the Meiji era. The valuable tradition of kangaku (“Chinese learning” of the Tokugawa period) was affected and, to a degree, replaced, by Western scientific methods of inquiry.

Type
Special Number on Chinese History and Society
Information
The Journal of Asian Studies , Volume 14 , Issue 4 , August 1955 , pp. 533 - 552
Copyright
Copyright © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc. 1955

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References

1 See his article, “Tōzai kōshōshijō yori mitaru yūboku minzoku” (The pastoral peoples in the light of East-West intercourse), in Tōzai kōshōshiron (Essays on East-West intercourse) (1939), 1–41.Google Scholar

2 His literary name means “south of the lake,” referring to Lake Towada.

3 See Kuwabara, , “Rekishijō yori mitaru namboku Shina” (North and South China in the light of history), in Shiratori hakushi kanreki kinen tōyōshi ronsō (1925), 387–480Google Scholar; and “Rekishijō yori mitaru minami Shina no kaihatsu,” in his Tōyōshi setsuen (1938), 139–151.Google Scholar

4 I-liang, Chou, “Jih-pen Naitō Konan hsien-sheng tsai Chung-kuo shih-hsüeh shang chih Icung-hsien” (The contribution of the Japanese scholar Naitō Konan to Chinese historiography), Shih-hsüeh nien-pao, 2.1 (1934), 155–172.Google Scholar

5 “Gaikatsuteki Tō-Sō jidai kan,” Rekishi to chiri, 9.5 (1922), 1–12.Google Scholar

5 In this essay Naitō concluded that the Chinese drive towards democracy and the Chinese love of peace would lead to a rejection of militarism and dictatorship and result in the choice of a republican form of government. The essay “Monarchy or republic?” (“Kunshusei ka kyōwasei ka?”) appeared in Naitō's Shinaron (1914)Google Scholar, and can be found in Naitō Kenkichi ed., Shinaron (1938), 8–53Google Scholar, a volume which contains the material in his father's Shinaron, Shin Shinaron (1924)Google Scholar, and Kindai Shina no bunka seikatsu.

7 (Tokyo, 1947), reviewed by Yang, L. S., FEQ, 12.2 (1953), 208–209.Google Scholar

8 “Kindai Shina no bunka seikatsu.” This appeared in Shina, 19.10 (1928)Google Scholar; and in his Shina ron (Essays on China) (1938), 337–378.Google Scholar

9 In Aichi daigaku bungaku ronsō. 9 (08 1954), 81–108.Google Scholar

10 In a conversation with the author, spring 1955.

11 “Ōnin no ran ni tsuite,” in Naitō, Nihon bunkashi kenkyū (1924), 190–219.Google Scholar

12 The passage referred to is translated by Legge, The Works of Mencius (Oxford, 1895), 373Google Scholar: “The Ruler again constituted one dignity; the Chief Minister one; the Great Officers one; the Scholars of the First Class one; Those of the Middle Class one; and Those of the Lowest Class one;—altogether making six degrees of dignity.”

13 “Sō-Gen no keizaiteki jōtai,” Tōyō bunkashi taikei (1938), 4: 138–149.Google Scholar

14 “Tōyō no runesansu to seiyō no runesansu,” Shirin, 25.4 (1940), 465–480, and 26.1 (1941), 69–102.Google Scholar

15 For this and the following criticism of Naitō, see Tachibana's review, “What is to become of China: On reading Naitō Torajirō's Shin Shina ron” (“Shina was dōnaru ka: Naitō Torajirō shi no Shin Shina ron o yomu”), Shina kenkyū, 1.3 (1925)Google Scholar; also in Tachibana, 's Shina shisō kenkyū (1936), 360–408.Google Scholar

16 Otake Fumio , Kinsei Shina shakai keizaishi kenkyū (Studies in the social and economic history of modern China) (1942).Google Scholar

17 Kiyoyoshi, Utsunomiya, “Tōyō chūsei shi no ryōiki,” Tōkō, 2 (1947), 24–32Google Scholar, revised in his recent book, Kandai shakai keizaishi kenkyū (Studies in the social and economic history of the Han dynasty) (1955).Google Scholar

18 Naonori, Maeda, “Higashi Ajia ni okeru kodai no shūmatsu,” Rekishi, 1.4 (1948), 19–31.Google Scholar

19 “Shina to bushi kaikyū,” Shigaku zasshi, 50.1 (1939), 1–19.Google Scholar

20 “Tō no semmin, bukyoku no seiritsu katei,” Yamanashi daigaku gakugei gakubu kenkyū hōkoku. 3 (1952), 38–59.Google Scholar

21 Ichisada, Miyazaki, “Shin Butei no kochōshiki ni tsuite,” Tōa keizai kenkyū, 19.4 (1935), 16–41.Google Scholar

22 Miyazaki regards the San-kuo Wei (A.D. 220–265) as the beginning of the medieval period and thus differs from Naitō who begins the period with the Five Barbarians (ca. 307–439).

23 “Kandai daishiyūchi ni okeru kosakusha to dorei no mondai,” Tōyōshi kenkyū, 1.1 (1935), 13–21.Google Scholar

24 The important articles on the manorial system and the tien-hu by Sudō Yoshiyuki are collected in his Chūgoku tochi seido kenkyū (Studies in Chinese land systems) (1954).Google Scholar

25 “Sōdai igo no tochi shoyū keitai,” Tōyōshi kenkyū, 12.2 (1952), 97–130.Google Scholar

26 Sudō maintains, on the contrary, that the yeh-chu functioned only on government estates and not on the estates of private landowners.

27 Miyazaki, , “Chūgoku kinsei ni okeru seigyō shihon no taishaku ni tsuite,” Tōyōshi kenkyū, 11.1(1950), 1–16.Google Scholar

28 2.6(1954).