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Caste and Secularism in India Case Study of a Caste Federation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 March 2011

Rajni Kothari  and
Rushikesh Maru
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Extract

A study of the interactions between the caste system and political democracy in India rejects the familiar theory that there is a dichotomy between a traditional society and a modern polity. On the contrary, it underlines the functional relevance of indigenous patterns of communication and differentiation to the process of modernizing. Where a relatively open society, by an act of conscious preference, resolves to undertake the task of building a modern nation through a democratic polity, the result is a progressive fusion of various elements. In India, under the impacts of Western education, nationalist movement, and adult franchise, the traditional community structure has continuously changed and adapted. What is important is the mutual exposure and adaptation of traditional and modern authority structures, communication media, and identification symbols. The new institutions establish their hegemony precisely by taking into their confidence the pluralities of the antecedent culture. Caste has been politicized, but in the process it has provided Indian politics with processes and symbols of political articulation.

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Articles
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The Journal of Asian Studies , Volume 25 , Issue 1 , November 1965 , pp. 33 - 50
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Copyright © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc. 1965

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References

1 Though the empirical viability of the concept of dominant caste has been a matter of continuous debate, it seems to us that the political significance of a dominant caste situation has not been adequately stressed so far. Where splits and factions occur within the general framework of a dominant caste sharing a common heritage and a common idiom of communication, politics serves as a medium of integration through adaptation and change. The task is much more difficult where rival groups are made up of whole castes that have little in common. A dominant caste model of politics makes cross-cutting loyalties easier to develop than in the case of a confrontation of exclusive caste groups (e.g. the Nairs and Ezhavas in Kerala, or Kammas and Harijans in Andhra, or Rajputs and Bhumihars in Bihar, until very recendy). In cases like the latter, although die development of political attitudes ultimately leads to some flexibility in caste relations, the process is far more strenuous and often destroys die forces of cohesion in the antecedent social structure.

2 For a pioneering discussion of the importance of caste associations, see Rudolph, Lloyd I. and Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber, “The Political Role of India's Caste Associations,” Pacific Affairs Vol. XXXIII, No. I, March 1960.Google Scholar

3 It has been emphasized, and quite righdy, that the operating caste system in India functions not along the varna typology found in the texts but along the jati lines of primary marriage groups. (Thus see Iravati Karve, Hindu Society: A New Interpretation; David G. Mandelbaum, “Concepts and Mediods in die Study of Caste,” The Economic Weekly, Special Number, January 1959). This ignores, and thus puts in proper perspective, die varna symbolism employed by some castes for social and political mobility. The symbol of Kshatriya is both sufficiently indigenous and hallowed by tradition and sufficiently loose and nebulous to be invoked for claims to status and power. Because of the traditional claims of die Kshatriya to be the class of warriors and rulers, the label is particularly handy for political purposes. It has been invoked by ritually differently placed groups for functionally the same purposes, namely a claim to high status and power. (Examples: Coorgs in Mysore, Jats in Rajasthan and Punjab, Marathas in Maharashtra, Kammas and Reddys in Andhra, Ahirs, Kurmis and Koeris in Bihar and U.P., Kathis in Saurashtra, Bariyas in Gujarat, alongside Rajputs everywhere.) Other symbols, such as the symbol of Brahman, have also been used for the same purpose.

4 This included acceptance by the Hindus. Thus the Makvana Rajputs who had become Muslims in the Mogul period were “purified” through a religious ceremony in March 1953 by which they re-entered the Hindu Kshatriya community. The Kshatriya Sabha took the initiative in this move.

5 A feature of the simultaneous operation of the two influences is that while “sanskritization” leads to a narrowing of the gap between castes, modernization may narrow the gap, widen it, or leave it as before, depending upon the differential impacts on upper and lower castes. There may, however, be a complete skipping of the “sanskritization” stage, or a quick switch-over to “modernization,” as happened in the case of the Mahars of Maharashtra. Conversion to Christianity or Buddhism has sometimes been an important vehicle of such a shift.

6 The term talukdar refers to a class of small estate holders among the Rajputs with a background of political rule. Natvarsinh Solanki was the first talukdar to pass the matriculation examination.

7 Charotar is the name of a prosperous part in the Kaira district of Gujarat, well known for its agricultural yield and for the powerful caste of peasant proprietors known as Patidars who emerged from this area to be one of the most influential communities in Gujarat. The Kshatriya movement, having its roots in this area, was directed against Patidar dominance from its inception. Solanki inherited the Charotar Rajput Samaj from his father and, true to his reformist ideas, changed the name to Charotar Kshatriya Samaj.

8 It is interesting to note that the other leaders agreed to most of what Solanki proposed when setting up the organization—except its name. They insisted that the term “Rajput” should be retained. Apparendy they were still afraid of being polluted by the lower castes who were presumably to be included in the “Kshatriya” ideology. They agreed to give scholarships to members of the lower castes but were not prepared to give up their own identity as Rajputs.

9 Because of his Brahmin origin, the Maharaj enjoys the status of a revered priest in the Kshatriya community. At the same time, his association with reformist activities and with Gandhi and the Congress during the independence movement has been an influencing factor in the Sabha's approach to politics. His non-political posture in politics has been a convenient device for linking the Kshatriyas to politics while at the same time asserting that they were a non-political organization. He has also influenced the techniques adopted by them in the program of mass-awakening. He has been to them both a prophet and a man of their own. He has provided the spiritual symbol for attracting the Kshatriya masses who may not have been amenable to usual reformist jargon. The weapons of Satyagraha and non-violence, usually anathema to the Rajputs and the Kshatriyas, became acceptable when taught by the Maharaj.

10 The figure 22 provided an emotional symbol. It represented the twenty-two thousand courageous soldiers of Rana Pratap, who fought against the Moghul empire at Haldighat. It was a symbol of Kshatriya prowess. Thus the appeal for unity and discipline was made by invoking tradition.

11 For the last of these, a hundred thousand signatures were collected.

12 Saurashtra and Kutch are unions entirely of former princely states. Both had a separate existence for some time until they were merged with the bilingual State of Bombay. They are now part of Gujarat State.

13 It should be noted here that the social status of the Patidar community differs among different regions of Gujarat. Thus in central Gujarat, in Ahmedabad, Kaira and Baroda districts, the Patidars are very prosperous and have achieved high status. In North Gujarat, on the other hand, especially in princely regions, the Patidars, still under the domination of the mercantile community, have until recently enjoyed a low status. It is only lately, largely owing to land legislation, the operation of adult franchise, and the fraternal support of the Patidars of central Gujarat, diat their condition is beginning to improve. See Rajni Kothari and Ghanshyam Shah, “Caste Orientation of Political Factions-Modasa Constituency: A Case Study,” The Economic Weekly, Special Number, July 1963.

14 The two quotations are from Mahida's appeals to Kshatriya leaders of Saurashtra, one before and one after the election, as reported in Kshatriya Bandhu of 11–11–1948 and 16–12–1948 respectively. The last few words represent an anxiety to obtain recognition from the Congress through an identification with democratic institutions and values. During the same period, the Kutch Rajput Sabha also resolved to join the Congress. The Resolution justified the decision by saying that “the economic problems of Kshatriyas are decided in accordance with policy decisions at the national level. This requires us to make our demand felt at the national level. This can only be done through a national organisation like the Congress.” Kshatriya Bandhu, dated 13–10–1949.

15 Again note that affiliation with the Congress is justified in terms of the Sarvodaya ideology, which is essentially the non-political and “Gandhian” aspect of the Congress program.

16 Partly this was the result of the direct impact of Mahida. Partly, however, it arose from their experience of conflict with the district administration and the failures of the Sabha to press their demands with the State government. Its failures as a pressure group led it, under Mahida, to adopt the “political line.”

17 The demand shows the leveling effect of this caste federation's attempts to expand its numerical base by bringing in more and more caste groups. Only two years ago the Sabha was fighting for restoration of land rights to the Rajputs of Banaskantha, a northern district of Gujarat. It now demanded the benefits due to backward communities. Clearly both its strategy and its social composition undergone a substantial change.

18 It is noteworthy that Mahida introduced Chhasatia as a “representative of the lower sections the Kshatriya community.” Although a pure Rajput, Chhasatia came from very poor conditions worked his way up. He thus represented a large section of “lowly” Rajputs, indistinguishable from Kshatriyas.

19 “We have seen during the last General Elections that the organisational strength for social work that we had built through the Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha was shattered owing to internal political differences. … In times like this, organisations which lack unity of thought cannot survive. This is clear. Hence for the sake of the organisation it is imperative that all Kshatriyas should adopt a single political ideology.” Kshatriya Bandhu, dated 16–11–1957.

20 The amended article under the head Purposes, now reads as follows: “This institution will work for strengthening the Indian National Congress to achieve a classless social order and to strengthen the basis of democracy.”

21 This difference in temperament and approach of the two leaders is reflected even today in the respective roles they play in the Swatantra party. While Solanki (bored by his term in the Bombay Legislature) has refrained from contesting the elections and has preferred to work as the organizational secretary of the State Swatantra Party, Mahida has chosen to be a colorful addition to the Lok Sabha (his lustrous turban being second only to the glamour and beauty of Maharani Gayatri Devi of Jaipur). On the other hand, Solanki's son, a polished young man who was educated abroad and who is perfectly at home with the tenor of upper level politics in India, has gone to the Lok Sabha as an M.P. on a Swatantra party ticket.

22 The Patidar leaders of the Congress regarded the Kshatriya approach as an attempt on their part to capture the Congress. They were apprehensive of such a prospect. Tribhuvandas Patel, President of the Kaira District Congress Committee in 1962 and present President of the Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee, in interviews with us, explained that he could not allow the Sabha to nominate Kshatriya candidates, as that would have compromised the integrity of the Congress.

23 It may be noted that the Congress was put in the same dilemma when faced by the Kshatriya demands in allocating seats. It could have given more seats to them by denying the same to its Patidar activists. The Congress, of course, chose not to do so as it had miscalculated the power of the Sabha's leaders on the Kshatriya masses.

24 To complete our account, we must also add that political divisions within the Patidars also helped the Swatantra party, as for instance in Kaira.

25 Similarly, the Prince of Kutch went against Congress and helped the Swatantra bag all the five seats from Kutch.

26 For a study of this bye-election and the role of the Kshatriya movement in its outcome, see Maru, Rushikesh, “Fall of a Traditional Congress Stronghold,” The Economic Weekly, XVII, No. 25, June 19, 1965.Google Scholar

27 Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, op. cit.

28 Even in the West it has been noticed that voluntary organizations have been losing their autonomy and are increasingly turning to the government for concessions. See Bendix, Reinhard, “Social Stratification and the Political Community,” European Journal of Sociology, Vol. I, No. iGoogle Scholar. At any rate, there is need to distinguish between voluntary associations that are self-sufficient and those that are politicized. The classic presentation of the role of voluntary associations in a democracy as principally being one of minimizing governmental interference is to be found in Alexis de Tocqueville's account of American democracy. The caste groups in India have traditionally performed a somewhat similar role and have managed to keep the government at arm's length. Both in America and in India, however, the current trends are against de Tocqueville's ideal type and towards great politicization.

29 Dahl, Robert, in Who Governs (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962)Google Scholar, uses the concept of “dispersed inequalities” to describe the phenomenon discussed here.

30 Bailey, F. G., Caste and the Economic Frontier (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1957).Google Scholar

31 Other forms include caste association, regional conference of one or more castes, specialized agencies of a caste to promote employment, educational and other interests of caste members, and the systematic use of caste and ascriptive symbols to mobilize pressure, resources, or votes. Sometimes caste symbols arc substituted by occupational and class symbols for the same purpose.