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England, the Caribbean, and the Settlement of Carolina

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 January 2009

Richard Waterhouse
Richard Waterhouse
Affiliation:
University of Sydney
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Extract

Historians have undertaken a number of specific investigations concerning the social, economic and geographic backgrounds, as well as their motives for emigrating, of those men and women who emigrated from England to Massachusetts, Virginia and Barbados during the course of the seventeenth century. While they have discussed the origins of the South Carolina charter, described the social and political status of the eight proprietors, dissected the Fundamental Constitutions, and examined the means by which the successful settlement of 1670 was organized, historians have neglected to explore the social backgrounds of those men who emigrated directly from England to South Carolina during the colony's initial decades of settlement. In contrast, not only the political but also the social and economic backgrounds of the Barbadian planters who colonized South Carolina have been the subject of a number of historical studies.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of American Studies , Volume 9 , Issue 3 , December 1975 , pp. 259 - 281
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1975

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References

1 Amongst other studies see Bridenbaugh, Carl, Vexed and Troubled Englishmen, 1590–1642 (New York, 1968)Google Scholar; Adams, J. T., The Founding of New England (Boston, 1921), esp. pp. 118–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Breen, T. H. and Foster, Stephen, ‘Moving to the New World: The Character of Early Massachusetts Immigration’, The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, 30 (10 1973), 189–222CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Crouse, N. M., ‘Causes of the Great Migration, 1630–1640’, The New England Quarterly, 5 (01 1932), 3–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Homans, George C., ‘The Puritans and the Clothing Industry in England’, The New England Quarterly, 13 (09 1940), 519–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Moriarty, G. A., ‘Social and Geographic Origins of the Founders of Massachusetts’, in Hart, A. B., ed., Commonwealth History of Massachusetts (New York, 1927–1928), i, 49–63Google Scholar; Morison, S. E., Builders of the Bay Colony (Boston, 1930), AppendixGoogle Scholar; Bailyn, Bernard, ‘Politics and Social Structure in Virginia’, in Smith, James Morton, ed., Seventeenth Century America: Essays in Colonial History (Chapel Hill, 1959), pp. 90–118Google Scholar; Campbell, Mildred, ‘Social Origins of Some Early Americans’, in Smith, James Morton, ed., Seventeenth Century America, pp. 63–89Google Scholar; Dunn, Richard S., Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill, 1972)Google Scholar.

2 On the English political background to the colonization of Carolina see Andrews, C. M., The Colonial Period of American History, iii (New Haven, 1937)Google Scholar; Craven, Wesley Frank, The Southern Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Baton Rouge, 1949)Google Scholar; Haley, K. H. D., The First Earl of Shaftesbury (Oxford, 1968)Google Scholar; Paschal, Herbert R. Jr, ‘Proprietary North Carolina: A Study in Colonial Government’ (University of North Carolina Ph.D., 1961)Google Scholar; Rich, E. E., ‘The First Earl of Shaftesbury's Colonial Policy’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series, 7, 47–70CrossRefGoogle ScholarSirmans, M. Eugene, Colonial South Carolina: A Political History, 1663–1763 (Chapel Hill, 1966)Google Scholar. For biographical detail on the proprietors see Powell, William S., The Proprietors of Carolina (Raleigh, 1963)Google Scholar. The best discussion on the Fundamental Constitutions is in Sirmans, M. Eugene, Colonial South Carolina: A Political History, 1663–1763, pp. 8–16Google Scholar.

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4 Alfred D. Chandler, ‘The Expansion of Barbados’; Dunn, Richard S., ‘The English Sugar Islands and the Founding of Carolina’, S.C.H.M., 62 (04 1971), 81–93Google Scholar; Dunn, Richard S., ‘The Barbados Census of 1680: Profile of the Richest Colony im English America’, The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, 26 (01 1969), 3–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713.

5 Laslett, Peter, The World We Have Lost (London, 1965), p. 186Google Scholar; Hill, J. E. C., The Century of Revolution (Edinburgh, 1961), p. 204CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Public Record Office (hereafter cited as P.R.O.), Wills, 363 (Bath), 71. This is the will of Thomas Boone, owner of the Boone family estate at Mount Boone, Townstall parish, Devon. He was the uncle of John the emigrant. At the time of Thomas's death he was owed a sum of money by John.

7 S.C.H.M., 13, 74.

8 S.C.H.M., 62, 227. Others from gentry families who emigrated to South Carolina include Ralph Izard, John Alston, John Barnwell, Edward Bellinger, John and Robert Fenwick, Hugh Hext, George Logan, Jonah Lynch, Joseph West, Stephen and Barnaby Bull, Ralph Marshall, Maurice Mathews, William Owen, Thomas Seeman, Andrew Percivall, and Joseph Dalton. Bulloch, J. E., A History and Genealogy of the Family of Bulloch (Savannah, 1892), p. 6Google Scholar; Harrison, F., The John's Island Stud (Richmond, 1931), p. 16Google Scholar; Ellis, F. E., Some Historic Families of South Carolina (n. p., 1962), p. 31, p. 49Google Scholar; Logan, E. W., A Record of the Logan Family of Charleston (n. p., 1874), p. 13Google Scholar; Hennig, H., Great South Carolinians (Chapel Hill, 1940), p. 15Google Scholar; S.C.H.M., 2, 477, 205; S.C.H.M., 6, 114; Baldwin, Agnes L., First Settlers of South Carolina, 1670–1680 (Columbia, 1969), passim.Google Scholar The above list is by no means all-inclusive.

9 Hennig, H., Great South Carolinians, p. 15Google Scholar; Salley, A. S., The Early English Settlers of South Carolina (Columbia, 1946), p. 7Google Scholar.

10 P.R.O., Wills Vol. 378 (Hare), 141; Bull, H. D., The Family of Stephen Bull (Georgetown South Carolina, 1961)Google Scholar; Sirmans, M. Eugene, ‘Masters of Ashley Hall: A Biographical Study of the Bull Family of Colonial South Carolina, 1670–1737’ (Princeton Univ. Ph.D., 1959), pp. 1–7Google Scholar. William retained possession of Kingshurst Hall. Stephen's other brothers joined the London mercantile world. Joseph became an ironmonger, John a milliner, and Agard a packer. Another brother, Digby, took clerical orders.

11 S.C.H.M., 2, 47n.

12 S.C.H.M., 39, 103. John Ash was also influenced by religious factors in his decision to remove. A member of a prominent Puritan family, either he or his father sat in the Parliament of 1681. S.C.H.M., 63, 227.

13 McCrady, Edward, The History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Government, p. 194Google Scholar; Sirmans, M. Eugene, Colonial South Carolina: A Political History, pp. 36–7Google Scholar.

14 Laslett, Peter, The World We Have Lost, p. 45Google Scholar.

15 Laslett, Peter and Harrison, John, ‘Clayworth and Cogenhoe’, in Bell, H. E. and Ollard, R. L. eds., Historical Essays 1600–1750 Presented to David Ogg (London, 1963), pp. 178–9Google Scholar; Cornwall, J., ‘Evidence of Population Mobility in the Seventeenth Century’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 11 (1967), 143–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Baldwin, Agnes L., First Settlers of South Carolina, 1670–1680Google Scholar.

17 Cheves, Langdon ed., The Shaftesbury Papers, Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, 5 (Charleston, 1897), 203–4, 302Google Scholar.

18 Ackerman, Robert Kilgo, ‘South Carolina Colonial Land Policies’ (Univ. of South Carolina Ph.D. 1965), p. 36Google Scholar.

19 Saunders, William L. ed., The Colonial Records of North Carolina, Vol. I (Raleigh, 1886), pp. 39–42Google Scholar.

20 Ibid., pp. 57–8; Rivers, W. J., Historical Sketches of South Carolina to the Close of the Proprietary Period (Charleston, 1856), pp. 335–7Google Scholar.

21 Saunders, William L. ed., The Colonial Records of North Carolina, i, 57–9Google Scholar.

22 Hitherto historians have agreed that the only actual settlement of Barbadians in Carolina during the 1660s was the one made by the Yeamans-led expedition of 1665. The evidence suggests, however, that the 1665 settlers absorbed an earlier group of colonists from Barbados, a group which had arrived at Cape Fear in May 1664. See A Briefe Description of the Province of Carolina (London, 1666), printed in Carroll, Bartholomew Rivers ed., Historical Collections of South Carolina (2 vols., New York, 1836), ii, pp. 10–18Google Scholar; Cheves, Langdon ed., The Shaftesbury Papers, pp. 82–5Google Scholar. Although the Briefe Description specifically refers to a settlement which began on 29 May 1664, both Andrews and Craven have assumed that this represents a typographical error. As a result Andrews, , The Colonial Period of American History, iii, p. 193nGoogle Scholar. identifies the Briefe Description as referring to the colony settled by a group of New Englanders in Carolina in 1663. Craven, in The Southern Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, p. 330Google Scholar, while correctly identifying the Briefe Description as referring to a settlement by Barbadians, incorrectly assumes that the settlement refers to the Yeamansled settlement of 1665. Together, the Briefe Description and the letter printed in the Shaftesbury Papers, in which fourteen of the settlers of 1664 complain about the conditions imposed on them by the colonists of 1665, that Barbadians made two settlements in Carolina before 1670.

23 Cheves, Langdon ed., The Shaftesbury Papers, pp. 82–3Google Scholar.

24 Ibid., the terms offered by the proprietors may be those printed in A Briefe Description in Carroll, ed., ii, pp. 15–16Google Scholar.

25 Ibid., pp. 29–49, 83; Saunders, i, pp. 79–93. The number of Barbadians listed as subscribers to the ‘Articles’ totals 85. However three names occur twice. In each case this may represent a clerical error.

26 Cheves ed., pp. 89–90; Saunders ed., i, p. 161.

27 Sandford, Robert, A Relation of a Voyage on the Coast of the Province of Carolina, 1666, in Cheves, ed., pp. 57–82Google Scholar.

28 Cheves ed., pp. 83–5.

29 Chandler, Alfred D., ‘The Expansion of Barbados’, J.B.M.H.S., 13 (1946), 124Google Scholar; Helwig, Adelaide B., The Early History of Barbados, pp. 201–22Google Scholar.

30 Colleton is first referred to as present at a council meeting on March 28 1964. P.R.O., CO31/1/82. He served on the vestry in 1673, 1674, 1675, 1676, 1677, 1678, 1679, 1680 and 1682. ‘St John's Vestry Minutes’, J.B.M.H.S., 33 (1969), 32–49Google Scholar. The minutes printed cover the years 1649 to 1675. Typescripts of the original minutes for the years 1675 to 1684 are in the Barbados Museum and Historical Society, St Anne's Garrison, Barbados. The original minutes book, in too deteriorated a condition to be used, is also in the Museum. A handwritten copy of the minutes 1649–1682, is in the Barbados Archives, Black Rock, Barbados. Colleton's land holdings were listed at 700 acres in 1673. P.R.O., Shaftesbury Papers, 30/24, Bundle 49.

31 ‘St John's Vestry Minutes’, J.B.M.H.S., 32–49Google Scholar. He served on the vestry in 1649, 1652, 1653, 1657, 1658, 1660, 1662. He was elected to the assembly in 1661 and 1662. P.R.O., CO31/1/39, 61, and 76; Dunn, Richard S., Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class In the English West Indies, 1624–1713, pp. 81–2Google Scholar.

32 For the records of St Michael's see J.B.M.H.S., 14 (1947), 123–38; 15 (1947–8), 17–23, 89–102, 119–131, 201–205; 16 (1948–9), 47–59. The above ciced volumes cover the years to 1690. Later years are covered in succeeding volumes. In determining the names of several of the settlers of 1664 I have referred to a letter signed by fourteen of them written in 1666. Three of these men also signed the ‘Articles’ of 1665. See Cheves ed., p. 88.

33 P.R.O., Shaftesbury Papers, 30/24 Bundle 49. Their names were: Richard Baily (Bailey), Robert Brevitir, John Forster (Foster), John Gibbs, Giles Hall, Simon Lambert, Thomas Maycock, William Sharpe, Samuel Tidcombe and William Yeamans. The average holding among the 74 most prominent planters was 394 acres. The average holding of the 10 Adventurers was 405 acres. They were not least amongst the prominent.

34 Edward Thorneburgh, Richard Barrett and Edward Yeamans.

35 Robert Brevitir, Nicholas Edwards, Simon Lambert Thomas Maycock, Edward Read, John Somerhayes, Edward Thorneburgh and Samuel Tidcombe all served terms before 1665. Richard Baily (Bailey), Thomas Dowden, William Forster, John Gibbes, Thomas Lake, John Merrick, William Sharp, John Stuart and William Yeamans all served terms after 1665.

The names of the assemblymen for 1639, 1641 and 1651 are found in Shilstone, E. M., ‘The Journal of the General Assembly of Barbados’, J.B.M.H.S., 1 (1933–1934), 187–91Google Scholar; for the session of 1655/59 see J.B.M.H.S., 10 (1942–1943), 173–87; for all sessions 1661 to 1690 see J.B.M.H.S., 10, 173–87 and 11 (1943–4), 103–9, 167–76, 187. I have also referred to P.R.O., CO 31/1–4.

36 P.R.O., Minutes of the Council of Barbados, 2 vols. 1654–8 (typescript copy, made from originals in Barbados, located on the reference shelf in the Round Room): P.R.O., CO31/1–4.

37 P.R.O., Minutes of the Council of Barbados, 1654–8, ii, pp. 244–5.

38 Dunn, Richard S., Sugar and Slaves, p. 49, p. 53Google Scholar. A later description of Barbados, in referring to conditions in the island before the introduction of sugar, claimed that at that time there were no houses on the island, ‘which could boast a Grandeur much more considerable than those most of our Villages are composed of’. Great News from the Barbados (London, 1676), p. 4Google Scholar.

39 Ligon, Richard, A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbados (London, 1657), p. 86Google Scholar; P.R.O., CO 29/2/74; Sainsbury, W. Noel ed., Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1675–1676 (London, 1893), p. 421Google Scholar.

40 J. Scott, A History of Barbados, British Museum (hereafter cited as B.M.), Sloane MSS 3662, f. 60; inventory of the estate of Henry Harvey, Barbados Archives, Deed Books, vol. 7 (copy), p. 52; Dalby, Thomas, An Historical Account of the Rise and Growth of the West India Colonies, in Harleian Miscellany, vol. IX (London, 1810), p. 416Google Scholar.

41 B.M., Egerton MSS 2394, f. 629; B.M., Sloane MSS 324, f. 4; Scott, History of Barbados, B.M., Sloane MSS 3662, f. 60; P.R.O., CO 29/2/77; Sainsbury, W. Noel ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1574–1660 (London, 1860), pp. 390–1Google Scholar; Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1675–1676, p. 421Google Scholar.

42 Dunn, Richard S., ‘The Barbados Census of 1680: Profile of the Richest Colony in English America’, The William and Mary Quarterly, 26 (01 1969), 17CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dunn, Richard S., Sugar and Slaves, pp. 96–7Google Scholar. Dunn defines a big planter as one who owned 60 or more slaves.

43 Dunn, , Sugar and Slaves, p. 58, p. 78Google Scholar; A. D. Chandler, ‘The Expansion of Barbados’, p. 110. For a similar development in Virginia see Bailyn, Bernard, ‘Politics and Social Structure in Virginia’, in Smith, James Morton ed., Seventeenth Century America (Chapel Hill, 1959), pp. 90–115Google Scholar.

44 Harlow, Vincent T., A History of Barbados, 1625–1685 (New York, 1969), p. 307Google Scholar.

45 Ligon, Richard, A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbados, p. 86Google Scholar; Scott, History, B.M., Sloane MSS 3662, f. 60; Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1661–1668 (London, 1865), p. 529Google Scholar.

46 P.R.O., CO 28/1/8; Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1689–1692 (London, 1901), p. 311Google Scholar; The Royal Commonwealth Society, London, N. Darnell Davis Collection, Box 5, Bundle 8 (transcript of original in Clarendon MSS, Bodleian Library, Oxford).

47 Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1669–1674 (London, 1889), p. 141Google Scholar. It is worth noting however that the great majority of landholders in 1680 were still small farmers and the mean size of a plantation was only 29 acres. See Dunn, ‘The Barbados Census of 1680’, p. 6, and Dunn, , Sugar and Slaves, pp. 88–9Google Scholar.

48 Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1574–1660, pp. 390–1Google Scholar.

49 Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1661–1668, pp. 29–30Google Scholar. For 3 contemporary assessment of the damage to profits caused by the Navigation Acts see the following: B.M., Stowe MSS 324, f. 4; another copy B.M., Egerton MSS 2395, f. 629.

50 Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1661–1668, pp. 45–6, pp. 167–8, p. 495, p. 541, p. 601Google Scholar.

51 Harlow, Vincent T., A History of Barbados, 1625–1685, pp. 46–7Google Scholar; B.M., Stowe MSS 324, f. 4; B.M., Egerton MSS 2395, f. 629; Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1661–1668, p. 601Google Scholar.

52 Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1661–1668, pp. 495, 541Google Scholar; Chandler, p. 115; Davies, K. G., The Royal African Company (London, 1957), pp. 41–3, 302–4Google Scholar.

53 Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1677–1680, p. 314Google Scholar; Deerr, Noel, The History of Sugar, vol. 1 (London, 1949), p. 176Google Scholar.

54 P.R.O., CO 29/1/115–21; Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1661–1668, 586Google Scholar; Williams, Eric, From Columbus to Castro: The History of the Caribbean (London, 1970), p. 115Google Scholar; Harlow, p. 169; Campbell, P. F., ‘The Merchants and Traders of Barbados—I’, J.B.M.H.S., vol. 24 (1972), 90Google Scholar.

55 Cheves ed., p. 137n; Baldwin, First Settlers.

56 Chandler, p. 106; Dunn, , Sugar and Slaves, p. 112Google Scholar.

57 Scott, History, B.M., Sloane MSS 3662, f. 55; for a similar contemporary estimate see Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1661–1668, p. 529Google Scholar.

58 Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1661–1668, pp. 167–168, pp. 529–530Google Scholar; Sainsbury, and Forescue, J. W. eds., Cal.St.Pap., 1677–1680 (London, 1896), p. 619Google Scholar; Scott, History, B.M., Sloane MSS 3662, f. 59; Dunn, ‘The Barbados Census of 1680’, p. 27; Dunn, , Sugar and Slaves, p. 111Google Scholar. The outward migration from Barbados was not as intense in the 1670s as it had been earlier. Thus, while the white population dropped from 36,000 (approx.) in 1645 to 20,000 (approx.) in 1668, it was still 19,568 (approx.) by 1684. Scott, History, B.M., Sloane MSS 3662, f. 54; Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1661–1668, p. 458Google Scholar; B.M., Sloane MSS 2441, f. 16; Harlow, pp. 338–339. Harlow citing Sloane MSS 2441, lists the 1684 population at 23,624. This is an incorrect transcription of Sloane MSS 2441.

59 The geographic origins of 403 settlers cannot be identified. In classifying the origins of these settlers I have referred to the following: Baldwin, First Settlers; Barbados Archives, Wills and Deeds Indexes; South Carolina Archives (hereafter cited as S.C.A.), Records of the Secretary and Register of the Province, 44 vols, 1671–1743; Salley, A. S. ed., Warrants For Lands in South Carolina (Columbia, 1910), vol. 1Google Scholar. Mrs Baldwin has also compiled a MS list of approximately 660 settlers who came to South Carolina in the decade 1680 to 1690 (hereafter cited as Baldwin MS). Mrs Baldwin and I together have been able to identify the places of origin of only 29 of these settlers. I am grateful to Mrs Baldwin for providing me with a copy of this list.

60 S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1675–96, 1703–9, pp. 247–9, 252–4, 423–5, 453–4, 534; S.C.A., Miscellaneous Records, A, 1682–90, p. 42; S.C.A., Records of the Register of the Province, 1705–9, pp. 69–71, 72–7, 114–15, 119–21, 138, 151–3, 160–2; S.C.A., Records of the Register of the Province, F, 1707–11, pp. 135–140, 147–9; S.C.A., Records of the Register and of the Secretary of the Province, 1711–15, pp. 173, 386–9; S.C.A., Records of rhe Secretary of the Province, 1694–1705, pp. 8–10, 105, 145, 152–3, 286, 308–11, 387, 355–6, 407–8; S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, vol. D, 1704–9, pp. 7–9, 62, 81, 96–7, 108–111; S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1711–17, pp. 71–2, 73, 74, 96, 122–3; S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1714–17, pp. 275–7, 287–92.

61 In compiling the names of men who settled in Barbados before 1642 I have referred to the following: Hotten, J. C., Lists of Emigrants to America, 1600–1700 (New York, 1880), pp. 38–42, 43, 47, 51–2, 63–4, 70–1, 73–5, 139–143, 296–7, 300Google Scholar, containing names of people receiving licences to leave English ports for Barbados, 1635–9; Some Memoirs of the First Settlement of the Island of Barbados (Barbados, 1741)Google Scholar, listing all inhabitants owning 10 acres or more of land in 1638; Davis, N. Darnell, The Cavaliers and Roundheads of Barbados, 1650–1652 (Georgetown British Guiana, 1887), pp. 42–3Google Scholar, naming emigrants to Barbados in 1627; E. M. Shilstone, ‘The Evolution of the Assembly of Barbados’, giving the names of members of the Assembly in 1635 and 1641.

62 On the membership of the old families in the late seventeenth-century élite see Dunn, , Sugar and Slaves, pp. 58, 78Google Scholar.

63 When the men who sat in the Barbados assembly or council, together with those named in the 1673 list of most prominent planters, whose names coincided with those of early settlers in Barbados, are eliminated from the list of settlers of 1664 and Adventurers of 1665 the surname percentage correlation falls from 43% to 35%. Similarly, when the names of the 22 men who emigrated from Barbados to Carolina between 1670 and 1680 whose names coincide with those of early Barbados settlers but who came from families named on the 1673 list or listed as ‘big’ or ‘middling’ planters in the Barbados census of 1680 are omitted, the percentage of surnames correlation falls from 38% to 24%. Dunn defines a ‘big’ planter as one owning 60 or more slaves and a ‘middling’ planter as one owning from 20 to 59 slaves. See Dunn, ‘The Barbados census of 1680’, pp. 11–12, and Dunn, , Sugar and Slaves, p. 91Google Scholar. In determining which of the Carolina settlers came from these families I have correlated the names of men who settled Carolina from Barbados, 1670–80, with the names listed in the census of 1680. For the census see P.R.O., CO 1/44.

64 Dunn, Richard S., ‘The English Sugar Islands and the Founding of Carolina’, S.C.H.M., 72 (04 1971), 84Google Scholar.

65 This figure was calculated by correlating the names in the 1680 census with those in Baldwin, First Settlers and in the Baldwin MS.

66 Dunn, ‘The English Sugar Islands and the Founding of Carolina’, pp. 84–5.

67 S.C.A., Proprietary Grants, vol. 38, pp. 22, 23, 197, 198.

68 Dunn, ‘The English Sugar Islands’, pp. 85–6; S.C.A., Proprietary Grants, vol. 38, pp. 7 16, 25, 40–41, 67, 217, 464.

69 Barbados Archives, Will Books, vol. 13 (copy), pp. 333–4. Basil Gibbcs's estate is listed in the census of 1680 under St Andrew's parish.

70 S.C.A., Proprietary Grants, vol. 38, pp. 32, 48–9, 259, 287, 310, 319, 415, 432, 451; vol. 39, p. 72.

71 Barbados Archives, Will Books, vol. 8 (copy), pp. 77–9; Baldwin, First Settlers.

72 Those who were members of vestries included James Colleton, William Davies (Davis), Joseph Harbyn and John Strode. Since the John Jenning who emigrated from Barbados to Carolina was a Quaker it is unlikely that he was the John Jennings who sat in the Assembly in 1662 and 1667.

73 P.R.O., CO 1/44 (St Peter's); S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1675–96, 1703–9, pp. 26, 86.

74 P.R.O., CO 1/44 (St Michael's); S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1675–96, 1703/9, 112; S.C.A., Proprietary Grants, vol. 38, pp. 384, 387.

75 S.C.A., Proprietary Grants, vol. 38, pp. 7, 15, 16, 25, 38–9, 40–1, 67, 217, 464. Upon his return to Barbados from Carolina James Colleton appointed attorneys to manage his plantation. S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1692–1700, 106; Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1692–1700, 106; Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1696–1703, 276–277. Peter Colleton, son and heir of Thomas, sold his plantation in Carolina in 1707. Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1707–11, 13–14.

76 Clutterbuck, Foster, Lambert, Scantlebury, Hall, Reese and Gay are all listed as ‘middling’ planters in the census of 1680. For Bishop, Creayh, and Hayman see S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1704–9, pp. 81, 96–97; Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1711–17, pp. 122–123. For Harvey see Barbados Archives, Deed Books, vol. 7 (copy), 46–52. For Tothill see Barbados Archives, Deed Books, vol. 8 (copy), 64–5; Deed Books, vol. 10, 284; Deed Books, vol. 12 (copy), 15–17.

77 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Portland MSS, III (London, 1895), 279.

78 Carl, and Bridenbaugh, Roberta, No Peace Beyond the Line: The English in the Caribbean, 1624–1690 (New York, 1972), pp. 377–411Google Scholar; Dunn, , Sugar and Slaves, pp. 335–41Google Scholar; Handler, Jerome S. ed., ‘Father Antoine Biet's Visit to Barbados in 1654’, J.B.M.H.S., 32 (1967), 67–8Google Scholar.

79 There is no evidence to indicate exactly how many of them settled in Carolina between 1665 and 1667. Sir John Yeamans is an example of one who did.

80 P.R.O., CO 29/2/77–78; Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1675–1676, p. 421Google Scholar.

81 In 1687 Lieutenant Governor Stede lamented that there was hardly a considerable merchant left in the island and that the number of storekeepers was greatly reduced. Fortescue, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1685–1699 (London, 1899), p. 444Google Scholar. Since, as we shall see, a number of the Barbados merchants who invested in Carolina remained resident in Barbados this report was somewhat exaggerated. Of course numbers of the wealthiest merchants retired to England.

82 Only one of the four Barbados merchants who settled plantations in Carolina but did not emigrate and who are listed on the 1680 census appears to have owned considerable real estate. John Strode owned 50 acres and 40 slaves. None of Joseph Harbyn, John Ladson, or Richard Dearsley is listed as owning land outside the town of St Michael's.

83 S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1694–1705, 105, 288–289; Barbados Archives, Will Books, vol. 3 (copy), 97–100.

84 Barbados Archives, Will Books, vol. 3 (copy), 97–100. John also inherited his father's estate in Jamaica.

85 S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1675–96, 1703–9, pp. 423–425; S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1694–1705, pp. 355–356.

86 S.C.A., Proprietary Grants, vol. 38, pp. 47–48, 164, 274, 284, 285, 321, 503; vol. 39, pp. 33, 67, 71, 81; S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1707–11, pp. 135–140; Salley, A. S. ed., Records of the Secretary of the Province and the Register of the Province of South Carolina, 1671–1675 (Columbia, 1944), pp. 56–9Google Scholar; Barbados Archives, Deed Books, vol. 8 (copy), pp. 422–5.

87 For example Michael Mahon, who described himself as a merchant when he first arrived in Carolina from Barbados in 1709, by 1713 was calling himself a planter. S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1707–11, pp. 135–7; S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1711–15, pp. 386–9. Bernard Schenckingh who settled down in Carolina to become a planter was one of the early rice growers.

88 Harlow, , Barbados, pp. 268–91Google Scholar; P.R.O., CO 29/2/79; Sainsbury, ed., Ca.St.Pap., 1675–1676, p. 422Google Scholar.

89 Cheves ed., p. 298, p. 347; T.A., , Carolina; or a Description of the Present State of that Country, and the Natural Excellencies Thereof (London, 1682)Google Scholar in B. R. Carroll ed., vol. 11, pp. 59–84. See esp. pp. 69, 82.

90 For evidence that the setders immediately began to import catde and pigs in relatively large numbers, see Cheves ed., pp. 270, 286, 347.

91 Hewatt, Alexander, Historical Account of South Carolina and Georgia (2 vols., London, 1779) in Carroll, ed., vol. 1, p. 88Google Scholar; Wilson, Samuel, An Account of the Province of Carolina in America (London, 1682) in Carroll, ed., vol. 11, pp. 29–30Google Scholar; T.A., Carolina; or a Description of the Present State of that Country, in Carroll ed., vol. 11, p. 71.

92 Salley, A. S. ed., Narratives of Early Carolina 1650–1708 (New York, 1911), p. 184Google Scholar.

93 Saunders ed., vol. 1, pp. 47, 48, 57; Cheves ed., pp. 125–7; Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1669–1674, pp. 578–9Google Scholar. The settlers did not neglect staples entirely. As early as 1671 Joseph West reported to Ashley that the Barbadians who had settled in Carolina were confident that ginger and cotton could be grown. By November 1672 tobacco was being produced, the quality of which was favourably reported to Barbados. Cheves ed., p. 267, p. 416.

94 Baldwin, First Settlers.

95 Baldwin, First Settlers; P.R.O., CO 1/44. I have followed Dunn in classifying a ‘small’ planter as one owning at least 10 acres of land, but less than 20 slaves, and a ‘freeman’ as a man owning less than 10 acres.

96 The surnames of 731 men who came to Carolina either from Barbados or whose places of origin are unknown correlate with those of ‘small’ and ‘freeman’ class of planters listed in the 1680 census. This represents 54% of the total number (1343) of immigrants to Carolina between 1670 and 1690. Baldwin, First Settlers; Baldwin MS; P.R.O., CO 1/44.

97 P.R.O., CO 1/44 (St Peter's); Baldwin MS.

98 Baldwin, First Settlers; Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1669–1674, p. 141Google Scholar; Sainsbury, ed., Cal.St.Pap., 1677–1680, p. 619Google Scholar.

99 S.C.A., Records of the Secretary of the Province, 1675–96, p. 39.

100 Waterhouse, Richard, ‘South Carolina's Colonial Elite: A Study in the Social Structure and Political Culture of a Southern Colony, 1670–1760’ (Johns Hopkins University Ph.D., 1973), pp. 51–6Google Scholar.

101 Ibid., pp. 53–4.

102 Bailyn, Bernard, ‘Politics and Social Structure in Virginia’, in Smith, James Morton ed., Seventeenth Century America, pp. 98–100Google Scholar; Dunn, , Sugar and Slaves, pp. 58, 78Google Scholar.

103 S.C.A., Inventories, 20 vols., 1736–1784. There are a total of 4,443 inventories for the period 1736–1775 of which 925 are valuations of estates of more than £1,000. In calculating the above percentage I have compared the surnames of those whose estates were valued at more than £1,000 sterling with the surnames of settlers arriving in South Carolina before 1690 listed in Baldwin, First Settlers, and Baldwin MS. For a detailed examination of the inventories see Richard Waterhouse, ‘South Carolina's Colonial Elite’, ch. III.