Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-rcrh6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T23:04:30.915Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Written in Characters of Blood? The Reign of King Cetshwayo Ka Mpande 1872–9

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

R. L. Cope
R. L. Cope
Affiliation:
University of the Witwatersrand
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Sir Bartle Frere, the British High Commissioner in South Africa 1877–80, depicted Cetshwayo ka Mpande, the Zulu king 1872–9, as a bloodthirsty monster. This article discusses the accuracy and justice of this depiction, and the nature of Zulu kingship. It shows that both Frere and the missionaries on whom he relied for evidence wished to bring the Zulu kingdom under British rule and thus had a strong motive for discrediting Cetshwayo. The fact that missionary testimony against Cetshwayo was particularly hostile and abundant at times when there seemed a real possibility of British annexation casts particular doubt on the value of this testimony. Missionaries misinterpreted and exaggerated much of the evidence, which, more dispassionately examined, appears to show that, while executions were common in the Zulu kingdom, Frere's account of the nature of Cetshwayo's reign was grossly overdrawn. The territorial chiefs of the country were responsible for many of the executions, and there is evidence that Cetshwayo attempted to ameliorate conditions. Nevertheless the tendency to attribute to him the methods of nineteenth-century British constitutionalism is unhistorical and culture-bound. Cetshwayo was a Zulu king in the tradition of his uncle Shaka, and ruled by fear and arbitrariness as well as by the law.

Type
South African History Reinterpreted
Information
The Journal of African History , Volume 36 , Issue 2 , July 1995 , pp. 247 - 269
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1995

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Colenso, J. W. (ed.), Cetshwayo's Dutchman: Being the Private Journal of a White Trader in Zululand during the British Invasion by Cornelius Vijn (London, 1880Google Scholar; repr. New York, 1969) ix–xi, introduction by Colenso, who culled these expressions from Frere's despatches in the British Parliamentary Papers.

2 Frere's official statements are most conveniently accessible in the British Parliamentary Papers, especially C.2220, C.2222, C.2252, C.2260, C.2269, C.2316, C.2318 and C.2454. His private letters are extensively quoted in Martineau, J., The Life and Correspondence of Sir Bartle Frere (London, 1895), iiGoogle Scholar, and in Worsfold, W. B., Sir Bartle Frere: A Footnote to the History of the British Empire (London, 1923).Google Scholar Colenso edited Cetshwayo's Dutchman (see n. 1) to counteract Frere's statements in the Parliamentary Papers. He also sent privately printed extracts from the Parliamentary Papers and other documents, with commentary, to politicians, journalists and the Aborigines Protection Society; the bound collection I have consulted in the Killie Campbell Africana Library, Durban, is titled Bishop Colenso's Commentary on Frere's Policy (Bishopstowe, n.d.). The first section contains correspondence between Frere and Colenso which was edited by Colenso and published as Correspondence between His Excellency the High Commissioner and the Bishop of Natal Referring to the Present Invasion of Zululand (Durban and Pietermaritzburg, 1879).Google Scholar His daughter co-authored Colenso, F. E. and Durnford, E., History of the Zulu War and its Origin (London, 1880).Google Scholar A superb biography of Bishop Colenso which gives a detailed and sympathetic account of his various campaigns for truth and justice, but which never loses sight of the fact that he was a man of his own time, is Guy, J., The Heretic: A Study of the Life of John William Colenso, 1814–1883 (Johannesburg and Pietermaritzburg, 1983).Google Scholar See also Martin, S. J. R., ‘British images of the Zulu, c. 1820–1879’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1982)Google Scholar, part III, where the influence of Colenso is particularly evident: in his introduction he criticizes Philip Curtin's Image of Africa for contrasting images with a supposed ‘reality’, but it is clear that for Martin too there is a Zulu reality and that it is the Colenso version.

3 Binns, C. T., The Last Zulu King: The Life and Death of Cetshwayo (London, 1963)Google Scholar; Guy, J., ‘Cetshwayo kaMpande c. 1832–84’, in Saunders, C. (ed.), Black Leaders in Southern African History (London, 1979)Google Scholar; Laband, J. and Wright, J., King Cetshwayo kaMpande (Pietermaritzburg and Ulundi, 1983)Google Scholar; Ballard, C., ‘The historical image of King Cetshwayo of Zululand: a centennial comment’, Natalia, XIII (1983).Google Scholar

4 Walter, E. V., Terror and Resistance: A Study of Political Violence with Case Studies of Some Primitive African Communities (New York, 1969).Google Scholar

5 Among the many papers, published and unpublished, one might mention in particular, Worger, W., ‘Clothing dry bones: the myth of Shaka’, J. Afr. Studies, VI (1979)Google Scholar; Wright, J., ‘Political mythology and the making of Natal's mfecane’, Can.J. Afr. Studies, XXIII (1989)Google Scholar; Hamilton, C., ‘“The character and objects of Chaka”: a reconsideration of the making of Shaka as Mfecane “motor”’, J. Afr. Hist., XXXIII (1992).Google Scholar The recent republication of Maclean, Charles (ed. Gray, S.), The Natal Papers of ‘John Ross’ (Durban and Pietermaritzburg, 1992)Google Scholar makes accessible hitherto neglected evidence on the reign of Shaka. Okoye, F. N. C., ‘Dingane: a reappraisal’, J. Afr. Studies, X (1969) is a defence of Dingane which deals, however, mainly with his relations with whites.Google Scholar

6 Mael, R., ‘The problem of political integration in the Zulu Empire’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1974), 115–67.Google Scholar

7 Brookes, E. H. and Webb, C. de B., A History of Natal (Pietermaritzburg, 1965), 127.Google Scholar

8 Cope, R. L., ‘Political power within the Zulu kingdom and the “Coronation Laws” of 1873’, Journal of Natal and Zulu History, VIII (1985), 11–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9 C.2222, no. 53, pp. 206–7, Frere to Hicks Beach, 13 Dec. 1878, encl. 2.

10 Public Record Office, London (henceforth PRO) C.O. 179/114, minute by Carnarvon, 20 June 1874, on Confid., Pine to Kimberley, 13 April 1874.

11 C.1137, p. 18, Report of the Expedition sent by the Government of Natal to Install Cetywayo as King of the Zulus, by Shepstone, n.d.

12 Cope, , ‘Political Power’.Google Scholar

13 C.1137, p. 16, Shepstone's Report.

14 C.1137, p. 3, Pine to Kimberley, 13 April 1874.

15 C.2222, no. 33, p. 115, Hicks Beach to Frere, 31 Dec. 1878; PRO, C.O. 48/487, minute by Fairfield, 2 Jan. 1879, on Frere to Hicks Beach, 13 Nov. 1878.

16 PRO, Carnarvon Papers, 30/6/33, no. 86, Frere, to Carnarvon, , 19 07 1877.Google Scholar

17 On missionaries in Zululand in this period see Etherington, N. A., Preachers, Peasants and Politics in Southern Africa, 1835–1880 (London, 1978), 74–86Google Scholar, and ‘Anglo-Zulu relations 1856–78’, in Duminy, A. and Ballard, C. (eds.), The Anglo-Zulu War: New Perspectives (Pietermaritzburg, 1981), 13–52Google Scholar; Hernaes, P., ‘The Zulu kingdom, Norwegian missionaries, and British imperialism 1845–1879’, in Simensen, J. (ed.), Norwegian Missions in African History, Vol. I: South Africa 1845–1906 (Oslo, 1986), 102–86.Google Scholar For an attempt to set Zulu missions in a broader nineteenth-century South African context, see Cope, R. L., ‘Christian missions and independent African chiefdoms in South Africa in the 19th century’, Theoria, LII (05 1979), 1–23.Google Scholar

18 C.1137, p. 19, Shepstone's Report.

19 Hernaes, , ‘Zulu kingdom’, 133–6.Google Scholar

20 C.1137, p. 19, Shepstone's Report.

21 C.1961, no. 12, p. 47, Report on Zululand by F. B. Fynney, 4 July 1877, encl, in Shepstone to Carnarvon, 24 July 1877.

22 Hernaes, , ‘Zulu kingdom’, 147.Google Scholar

23 Cope, , ‘Christian missions’, 16–17.Google Scholar

24 Hernaes, , ‘Zulu kingdom’, passim.Google Scholar

25 The Natal Mercury, 15 04, 1 and 25 05, 15 06, 6 07, 5 10 1875Google Scholar; The Natal Witness, 18 06, 13 07 1875Google Scholar; The Natal Colonist, 15, 25, 29 06 1875.Google Scholar

26 PRO 30/6/38, no. 30, Wolseley, to Carnarvon, , 8 07 1875Google Scholar; PRO 30/6/47, Shepstone, to Carnarvon, , 26 08 1875Google Scholar; PRO 30/6/49, p. 159, memo by Carnarvon of conversations with Wolseley, 7–8 Oct. 1875.

27 Chesson, to The Times, 12 08 1875Google Scholar, quoted in The Natal Mercury 5 10 1875.Google Scholar

28 De Kiewiet, C. W., The Imperial Factor in South Africa (Cambridge, 1937), 43.Google Scholar

29 Wolseley Papers, Hove, Minute Book, Natal, 1875, no. 49, 29 Aug. 1875.

30 PRO 30/6/38, nos. 32 and 33, Robertson to Shepstone, 18 and 25 June 1875.

31 See below, pp. 253–4, and Society for the Propagation of the Gospel archives, London, (henceforth SPG) Wigram Papers (henceforth WP) no. 204, Robertson, to McCrorie, , 6 02 1878.Google Scholar

32 The Natal Witness, 27 04 1877.Google Scholar

33 The Natal Witness, 1 05 1877Google Scholar; The Natal Mercury, 10 04 1877.Google Scholar

34 The Natal Witness, 15 06 1877, letterGoogle Scholar; The Natal Mercury, 8 05 1877, editorial.Google Scholar

35 Government House Records, Natal Archive Depot, Pietermaritzburg (henceforth GH) 1397, Petition of Zululand Missionaries to Bulwer, 18 May 1877.

36 PRO 30/6/38, no. 108, Bulwer, to Carnarvon, , 14 09 1877.Google Scholar

37 Natal Archives Depot, Pietermaritzburg, Colenso Papers (henceforth NACP), vol. 3, Robertson to Sanderson, 9 April 1877. Robertson had high hopes of Sanderson, but he turned Colensoite – hence the location of these papers.

38 GH 1397, Copy, Robertson, to Bulwer, , 9 04 1877.Google Scholar

39 NACP, vol. 3, Robertson, to Sanderson, , 20 04 1877.Google Scholar

40 The Net, 1 09 1877, 130Google Scholar, letter from Robertson, Kwamagwaza, 19 June 1877.

41 SPG, D46, p. 329, Robertson, to Moore, , 2 07 1877.Google Scholar

42 GH 1397, Copy, Bulwer, to Robertson, , 15 06 1877Google Scholar; Natal Archive Depot, Pietermaritzburg, Secretary for Native Affairs papers (henceforth SNA) I/1/29, Fynney, to Shepstone, J. W., 18 07 1877.Google Scholar

43 The Natal Witness, 26 06 1877.Google Scholar

44 GH 1220, p. 282, Bulwer, to Carnarvon, , 27 11 1877.Google Scholar

45 SPG, vol. E.26, pp. 1375–6, Report of S. M. Samuelson for quarter ending June 1876.

46 WP, no. 186, Robertson, to Samuelson, , 1 10 1877.Google Scholar

47 WP, no. 190, Robertson, to Longcast, , 1 10 1877.Google Scholar

48 Etherington, , ‘Anglo-Zulu relations’, 42–3.Google Scholar

49 WP, no. 187, Robertson, to Shildrick, , 15 10 1877.Google Scholar Etherington quotes part of this letter, ‘Anglo-Zulu relations’, 43.Google Scholar

50 GH 1397, Robertson, to Bulwer, , 16 11 and 1 12 1877.Google Scholar

51 Etherington, , ‘Anglo-Zulu relations’, 43–4.Google Scholar Etherington attributes Robertson's turning against the king in part to the former's personal problems (p. 39).

52 Natal Archive Depot, Pietermaritzburg, Shepstone Papers (henceforth NASP), vol. 26, Oftebro, to Shepstone, , 20 12 1877.Google Scholar

53 Colenso, and Durnford, , History of the Zulu War, 178.Google Scholar

54 NACP, vol. 3, Robertson, to Sanderson, , 20 04 1877.Google Scholar

55 Martineau, , Life of Frere, ii, 232.Google Scholar

56 C.2252, no. 4, pp. 15–16, Frere to Hicks Beach, 30 Dec. 1878, encl. Robertson, to Littleton, , 7 12 1878.Google Scholar

57 Gibson, J. Y., The Story of the Zulus (London, 2nd ed., 1911, reprinted New York, 1970), 108.Google Scholar

58 Ibid. 136–7.

59 Binns, , Last Zulu King, 104Google Scholar, citing an interview with John Dunn in the Cape Argus.

60 Records of the Church of the Province, University of the Witwatersrand Library (henceforth CPSA) fAB 264, ‘The Zulu martyr, Maqumusela Kanyile, March 9th 1877’, by A. J. Fowler.

61 Report and Proceedings of the Government Commission on Native Laws and Customs (Cape Town, 1883)Google Scholar, Minutes of Evidence, SirShepstone, T., 7 09 1881, 6.Google Scholar

62 Webb, C. de B. and Wright, J. B. (eds.), A Zulu King Speaks (Pietermaritzburg and Durban, 1978), 74 – see also p. 23, n.Google Scholar This compilation reprints Cetshwayo's evidence to the Commission. See also Webb, C. de B. and Wright, J. B. (eds.), The James Stuart Archive (Durban and Pietermaritzburg, 1986), iv, 360Google Scholar, for the similar testimony given in 1903 by Ndukwana kaMbengavana.

63 MrsWilkinson, , A Lady's Life and Travels in Zululand (London, 1882), 225.Google Scholar

64 Gibson, , Story, 109Google Scholar; Webb, and Wright, , Zulu King Speaks, 3Google Scholar, and Stuart Archive, iv, 297–8Google Scholar; Mair, L., African Kingdoms (Oxford 1977), 112Google Scholar; Cape Commission on Native Laws, evidence, 83, 134Google Scholar; Maclean, J. (ed.), A Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs (Cape Town, 1866; reprinted Grahamstown, 1906; reprinted Pretoria, 1968), 22–3.Google Scholar

65 The Time of Natal, 3 06 1878Google Scholar, letter from Magema Magwaza [Fuze], 31 May 1878.

66 The Natal Mercury, 24 06 1878Google Scholar, letter from Robertson, , 11 06 1878.Google Scholar

67 C.2252, no. 4, p. 15, Robertson, to Littleton, , 7 12 1878, encl, in Frere to Hicks Beach, 30 Dec. 1878.Google Scholar

68 Colenso, , Commentary, 226.Google Scholar

69 The Natal Mercury, 8 05 1877.Google Scholar

70 Gibson, , Story, 133–5.Google Scholar

71 British Parliamentary Debates, vol. CCXLV, 58–63, 31 03 1879.Google Scholar

72 Colenso, , Cetshwayo's Dutchman, 182–3, referring to C.2222, p. 226, and C.2316, p. 18.Google Scholar

73 The Net, 1 01 1877, 3Google Scholar, letter from Robertson, , 27 09 1876.Google Scholar

74 Webb, and Wright, , Zulu King Speaks, 60 and 71.Google Scholar

75 Killie Campbell Library, Colenso Papers, K.C.M. 50093, Mfunzi (who carried out enquiries at Colenso's request) and Mgwazeni (unidentified), in an undated document in Colenso's handwriting; K.C.M. 50043, Mbete (one of chief Seketwayo's men in Zululand, by 1880 in employment in Natal) in Colenso, to Chesson, , 2 05 1880Google Scholar; K.C.M. 50031, Unukwa (an inceku i.e. royal household official) in Colenso, H. E. to Chesson, , 31 01 1880.Google Scholar

76 Webb, and Wright, , Stuart Archive, iv, 132–5.Google Scholar

77 Ibid. 78–9.

78 Lamula, P., Uzulukamalandela: a Most Practical and Precise Compendium of African History (Durban, 1924, revised ed. Durban 1931, reprinted Marianhill, n.d.), 40–1.Google Scholar I am indebted to my colleague Paul la Hausse for letting me read a translation of the Marianhill edition made for him by E. H. Dahle. Information on the book and its author is in La Hausse's thesis, ‘Ethnicity and history in the careers of two Zulu nationalists: Petros Lamula (c. 1881–1948) and Lymon Maling (1889-c. 1936)’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, 1992).

79 Fuze, Magema M., The Black People and Whence they Came, ed. Cope, A. T., trans. Lugg, H. C. (Pietermaritzburg and Durban, 1979), 107.Google Scholar The first edition, in Zulu, was published in Pietermaritzburg in 1922.

80 Gibson, , Story, 134.Google Scholar

81 Wright, J. and Manson, A., The Hlubi Chiefdom in Zululand-Natal: a History (Ladysmith, 1983), 68.Google Scholar

82 NACP, vol. 2, p. 150, Meller, to Colenso, , 24 04 1877.Google Scholar

83 Leslie, D., Among the Zulus and Amatongas (Glasgow, 1875), 190.Google Scholar

84 Magwaza, Magema [Fuze], ‘A visit to King Ketshwayo’, Macmillcm's Magazine, XXXVII (1878), 431.Google Scholar

85 The Net, 1 10 1873, 155.Google Scholar

86 Cope, , ‘Political power’, 11–31.Google Scholar

87 The Net, 1 01 1874, 3–4.Google Scholar

88 Cope, , ‘Political power’, 19.Google Scholar

89 GH 1397, Robertson, to Bulwer, , 26 06 1877.Google Scholar

90 WP, no. 226, Shildrick, to Robertson, , 9 10 1877.Google Scholar

91 NASP, vol. 69, Shepstone, to Herbert, , 14 10 1879, encl, memo, n.d., on Wolseley's settlement.Google Scholar

92 SPG, E.25, p. 1324, Robertson, to Bullock, , 16 04 1870Google Scholar; NACP, vol. 3, Robertson, to Sanderson, , 20 04 1877Google Scholar; Etherington, , Preachers, 84.Google Scholar

93 Magwaza, Magema [Fuze], ‘Visit’, 429.Google Scholar See also Webb, and Wright, , Zulu King Speaks, 19–20.Google Scholar

94 SPG, E.25, p. 1324, Robertson, to Bullock, , 16 04 1870.Google Scholar

95 Lewis, C. and Edwards, G. E., Historical Records of the Church of the Province of South Africa (London, 1934), 657Google Scholar, quoting a letter of May 1858; SNA I/6/3, Robertson, to Shepstone, , 17 01 1865Google Scholar; The Net, 1 08 1867, 124Google Scholar, letter from Robertson, 15 Jan. 1865.

96 The Net, 1 10 1873, 154–5Google Scholar; Samuelson, R. C. A., Long Long Ago (Durban, 1929), 35.Google Scholar Samuelson was the son of the missionary, S. M. Samuelson.

97 GH 1397, Report on Zululand, by Fynney, F. B., 13 07 1877.Google Scholar

88 C.2222, no. 56, p. 216, Brownlee, to Littleton, , 16 12 1878Google Scholar, encl, in Frere, to Beach, Hicks, 20 12 1878.Google Scholar

99 Webb, and Wright, , Zulu King Speaks, 75 and 19, n.Google Scholar

100 Colenso, to Frere, , 14 01 1879Google Scholar, quoted in Martin, , ‘British images’, 303.Google Scholar

101 C.2222, no. 53, p. 205, ultimatum, encl. 2 in Frere, to Beach, Hicks, 13 12 1878.Google Scholar

102 Isaacs, N., Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa (London, 1836)Google Scholar; Stuart, J. and Malcolm, D. M. (eds.), The Diary of Henry Francis Fynn (Pietermaritzburg, 1950).Google Scholar

103 Walter, , Terror and Resistance, 110.Google Scholar

104 Ibid. 215.

105 Ibid. 233, quoting Colenso, F. E., The Ruin of Zululand (London, 1885) ii, 407.Google Scholar The omission from the original is mine. Ndabuko was Cetshwayo's full brother and the leader of the movement for his restoration.

106 Cope, , ‘Political power’, 13–14, 23–6, 30–1.Google Scholar

107 Webb, and Wright, , Zulu King Speaks, 66–7, 85.Google Scholar

108 C.2695, no. 43, p. 85, Colley, to Kimberley, , 9 08 1880Google Scholar, encl. Report from Osborn, 4 Aug. 1880.

109 Gluckman, M., ‘The kingdom of the Zulu’, in Fortes, M. and Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (eds.), African Political Systems (Oxford, 1969), 33.Google Scholar

110 Dlamini, P., Paulina Dlamini: Servant of Two Kings, comp. Filter, H., ed. and trans. Bourquin, S. (Durban and Pietermaritzburg, 1986), 46Google Scholar; Fuze, , Black People, 109Google Scholar; Webb, and Wright, , Stuart Archive, iv, 44.Google Scholar

111 Worger, , ‘Clothing dry bones’, 152–3.Google Scholar

112 Gluckman, M., The Judicial Process among the Barotse of Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1955), 6.Google Scholar In The Ideas in Barotse Jurisprudence (New Haven, 1965), 33–4Google Scholar, Gluckman gives a graphic description of the Lozi king being humiliated by his councillors for acting irregularly and in a manner not in keeping with his position.

113 Gluckman, , Judicial Process, 6Google Scholar; also Ideas, 34.

114 Cape Native Laws Commission, evidence, p. 82Google Scholar, Toto et al., 14 Sept. 1881. Although ‘eating up’ seems to have involved death as well as the confiscation of property in the Zulu kingdom, as the term was used by the witnesses to this commission it seems to have referred to the latter only.

115 Gluckman, , Judicial Process, 6, 212 (quotation)Google Scholar; Gluckman, , Ideas, 35, 70–1.Google Scholar

116 Jeal, T., Livingstone (London, 1973, reprinted 1993), 122–3, 175.Google Scholar

117 Maclean, , Compendium, 60, 94, 114, 145.Google Scholar

118 Cape Native Laws Commission, evidence, 289Google Scholar, Liefeldt, Theophilus, 11 10 1881.Google Scholar Liefeldt stated he was born in the Xhosa country and could speak only Xhosa till the age of eleven.

119 Ibid. 139.

120 It appears in at least three of his publications: ‘Kingdom’ in Fortes, and Evans-Pritchard, , African Political Systems, 33Google Scholar; Custom and Conflict in Africa (Oxford, 1963), 40–1Google Scholar; African Traditional Law in Historical Perspective (London, 1974), 40–1.Google Scholar

121 A further twist to the story is that Cetshwayo got wind of the plot and tipped the nephew off, so that in the event he escaped death and secured his inheritance. In view of the evidence mentioned above (p. 257) that such leaks were usually not accidental, it may be that the impi was intended as nothing more than a gesture to the favourite assuring him of the king's continued esteem.

122 Schapera, I., Government and Politics in Tribal Societies (London, 1956), 103.Google Scholar Cf., in another age and continent: ‘Kingship was essentially personal … much of the royal administration was conducted by the king's own will, voluntas rather than by the law or state machinery … he could rule legitimately through his own will as well as by the law’: Jones, J. A. P., King John and Magna Carta (London, 1971), 60–1.Google Scholar

123 C.1748, no. 165, p. 216, statement of Natal messengers, 2 Nov. 1876, encl, in Bulwer to Carnarvon, 2 Nov. 1876.

124 Walter, , Terror and Resistance, 109, 191–2.Google Scholar ‘Caprice, taken seriously’ may have been ‘at the heart of the state’, but to say it ‘prevented the evolution of a system in which officials could develop autonomous procedures’ is to present a one-sided picture. For a much more reasonable and well-informed account of Shaka's use of terror, and the reasons for it, see Hamilton, , ‘Character and objects of Chaka’, 58–60.Google Scholar

125 Fuze, , Black People, 105.Google Scholar

126 C.1814, no. 1, pp. 3–4, Bulwer, to Carnarvon, , 17 04 1877Google Scholar, encl, report of messengers, 10 April 1877.

127 Webb, and Wright, , Zulu King Speaks, 75.Google Scholar

128 Dlamini, , Servant, 60–6.Google Scholar

129 Webb, and Wright, , Stuart Archive, i, 71–2; ii, 206; iii, 147, 314.Google Scholar

130 Dlamini, , Servant, 60–1.Google Scholar