Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-r5fsc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-27T14:46:41.024Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Underdevelopment and Class Formation in Ovamboland, 1845–1915

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

W. G. Clarence-Smith
Affiliation:
University of Zambia
R. Moorsom
Affiliation:
University of Sussex

Extract

The Ovambo and their Nkhumbi neighbours live in a flood plain, which is artificially divided by the present frontier between Angola and Namibia. From the mid-nineteenth century until World War I, they underwent a process of underdevelopment and class formation linked to the evolution of commercial relations with western societies. Between 1845 and 1885 the ivory trade temporarily enriched the Ovambo and widened the productive base of their economy through the introduction of fire-arms. At the same time, however, fire-arms became a necessity, and thus forged permanent links of dependence on western societies. Cattle replaced ivory as an export item after the elephants had been shot out, but pressure on the Ovambo's own cattle resources were largely avoided by systematic raiding in southern Angola. After the turn of the century natural disasters and effective Portuguese resistance to raiding made this solution inoperative, and led to a general impoverishment of Ovambo society. The social impact of this impoverishment was extremely uneven, for the kings and their followers passed it on to the more vulnerable members of society through a system of harsh and arbitrary taxation. A new stratum of men without cattle was thus forced to turn to migrant labour in Namibia and Angola. The colonial conquest of 1915 froze this situation into a permanent system of recurrent labour migration.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1975

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 A seminal work in this field is Arrighi, G., ‘Labour supplies in historical perspective: a study of the proletarianisation of the African peasantry in Rhodesia’, in Journal of Development Studies, VI, no. 3 (1970)Google Scholar; also Bundy, C., ‘Emergence and Decline of a South African peasantry’, in African Affairs, LXXI, no. 285 (10 1972), 369–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar; a collection of papers on this topic, including a modified version of this essay, will be appearing in 1975 under the title The Roots of Rural Poverty (editors Q. N. Parsons and R. Palmer); this essay is the fruit of W. G. Clarence-Smith's research for a Ph.D. on southern Angola and of R. Moorsom's M.A. thesis on Namibia, and has involved the use of three major archival sources on the Portuguese side: the Arquivo Historico Ultramarino (AHU) in Lisbon, the Arquivo Historico de Angola (AHA) in Luanda, and the Archives Générales de la Congrégation du Saint-Esprit (AGCSSp) in Paris.

2 The ecological and ethnographic conditions described in these opening paragraphs are taken from the following: Estermann, C., Etnografia do Sudoeste de Angola, I (Lisbon, 1956)Google Scholar and ‘Les Bantous du Sud-Ouest de l'Angola’, in Anthropos, LIX (1964), 2074Google Scholar; Delachaux, T., Ethnographie de la région du Cunène (Neuchâtel, 1948)Google Scholar; Urquhart, A., Patterns of Settlement and Subsistence in South-West Angola (Washington, 1963)Google Scholar; de Carvalho, E. C. and Silva, J. V. da, ‘The Cunene Region–Ecological analysis of an African agropastoral system’, in Social Change in Angola (edited by Heimer, F., Munich, 1973)Google Scholar; Neto, J. P., O Baixo Cunene (Lisbon, 1963)Google Scholar; Loeb, E., In Feudal Africa (published as an annex to the International Journal of American Linguistics, Part II, XXVIII, no. 3, 07 1962)Google Scholar; Mittelberger, C., ‘Entre os Cuanhamas’, in Estudos Ultramarinos, vi, nos. 13 (1956), 131–72Google Scholar; Nitsche, G., Ovamboland (Kiel, 1913)Google Scholar; Lehmann, F. R., ‘Die anthropogeographischen Verhāltnisse des Ambolandes im nördlichen Südwestafrika’, in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, LXXIX (1954), 858Google Scholar; Tönjes, H., Ovamboland (Berlin, 1911)Google Scholar; Lebzelter, V., Eingeborenenkulturen in Südwest-und Südafrika (Leipzig, 1934) 188254Google Scholar; Hahn, C. H., Vedder, H. and Fourie, L., The Native Tribes of South- West Africa ( 1966 reprint, London), 136Google Scholar; Wellington, J., ‘The Cunene River and the Etosha Plain’, in South African Geographical Journal, xx (1938), 2132.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3 Galton, F., Narrative of an Explorer in Tropical South Africa (London, 1853), 125.Google Scholar

4 This and the following paragraph are written in an ‘ethnographic present’, which excludes modern activities and gives a picture of what conditions were probably like in the mid-nineteenth century. For the Lozi see Gluckman, M., Economy of the Central Barotse Plain (Rhodes-Livingstone Papers, no. 7, Livingstone, 1941)Google Scholar; the best work on the Ovambo and Nkhumbi from this angle is Urquhart's Patterns of Settlement.

5 Nogueira, A., A Raça Negra (Lisbon, 1880)Google Scholar, appendix 253–311 (Nogueira's testimony is particularly valuable as he was a mulatto trader who lived for many years in the 1850s among the Nkhumbi and spoke their language fluently); Hahn, H., ‘Neueste deutsche Forschungen in Südafrika’, in Petermann's Mitteilungen, XIII (1867), 290.Google Scholar

6 Loeb, , 4950.Google Scholar

7 Lehmann, F. R., ‘Die politische und soziale Stellung der Häuptlinge im Ovamboland…’, in Tribus, IV–V (19541955), 269–79Google Scholar, for the split and reunification of Ndonga.

8 For the Mbalantu see Vedder, Hahn and Fourie, , The Native Tribes, 89Google Scholar; McKiernan, G., The Narrative and Journal of Gerald McKiernan in South-West Africa (edited by Serton, P., Cape Town, 1954), 107Google Scholar; Duparquet, C., ‘Voyage en Cimbébasie’, in Missions Catholiques, 1880 and 1881, p. 429 (1880) and p. 514 (1881).Google Scholar

9 For the dethroning of the king of Humbe in 1891, see Nascimento, J. P. do, Da Huila as terras do Humbe (Huila, 1891), prologue.Google Scholar

10 AGCSSp 465–III Duparquet, ‘Notes sur les différentes tribus des rives du Cunène’ and 478-B-II Duparquet 25/7/1883; Urquhart, , Patterns, 40Google Scholar; de Castro, J. V., A Campanha do Cuamato em 1907 (Luanda, 1908), 185–6Google Scholar; this important point only rarely gets the attention it deserves in view of the intimate relations between this kind of activity and the rise of despotic state systems in Asia.

11 Hahn, , ‘Neueste deutsche Forschungen’, 292–3Google Scholar; AGCSSp 478-B-III, Duparquet 26/3/1885.

12 For nineteenth-century trading patterns before and during the ivory boom see notes 2, 3, 5, and 8, and the following: Brochado, B. ‘Descripção das terras do Humbe, Camba, Mulondo, Quanhama e outras …’, in Annaes do Conselho Ultramarino, Parte não-oficial, serie 1, 11 1855, pp. 187–97Google Scholar, Dec. 1855, pp. 203–8; Silva, J. L. da and Franco, A., ‘Annaes do Municipio de Mossamedes’Google Scholar, in ibid., July 1858, pp. 483–90; de Lima, J. L., Ensaios sobre a estatistica das possessões Portuguezas, III (Lisbon, 1846)Google Scholar, Part 2 and map; Magyar, L., Reisen in Süd-Afrika (Leipzig and Pest, 1859), 298–9Google Scholar; Duparquet, C., Viagens na Cimbebasia (Luanda, 1953)Google Scholar; Chapman, J., Travels in the interior of South Africa (London, 1868), 1Google Scholar; Anderson, C., Lake Ngami (London, 1856)Google Scholar, The Okavango River (London, 1861)Google Scholar, and Notes of Travel in South Africa (London, 1875)Google Scholar; Report of Mr. Palgrave (Pretoria, 1969, reprint of 1877 edition); 4650Google Scholar; Petermann's Mitteilungen, 1859, pp. 295303, 1867, pp. 812 and 281311.Google Scholar

13 McKiernan, , Narrative, 74Google Scholar; Lebzelter, , Eingeborenenkulturen, 203–4.Google Scholar

14 Matxa, N. da, ‘Relatorio’, in Boletim Oficial de Angola, 28/7/1860, pp. 38 and Supplement to 17/6/1867, pp. 267–89.Google Scholar

15 Vedder's, H. account (South-West Africa in early times (London, 1938), 269–71)Google Scholar is always quoted for this, but it is confusing and contradictory; Andersson, , Okavango River, 105, 139–40, 231–3 and 239–40Google Scholar, and Notes of Travel…, 216–7 are preferable sources.Google Scholar

16 Estermann, , Etnografia, 1141–6Google Scholar for raiding from the Ovambo point of view; Pélissier, R., ‘Campagnes militaires au Sud-Angola 1885–1915’, in Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, IX (1969), Cahier 1, pp. 6582 for Portuguese action; vast amounts of detailed information on the raids are contained in AHU, AHA and AGCSSp.Google Scholar

17 Urquhart, , Patterns of Settlements, 88.Google Scholar

18 AHU-1R-15P, Governor General 15/1/1895 and others; Le Philafricain (Swiss Mission Journal), Série 1, Rapport 4, p. 9.

19 For the Botswana boom see Parsons, Q. N., ‘Khama III, the Bamangwato and the British 1895–1923’ (Ph.D. thesis 1973, Edinburgh)Google Scholar and article in African Social Research (12 1974)Google Scholar; for the cattle trade across the Kalahari see AHU 2R–23P, Andrew Pearson, March 1888 (in Governor General 1/9/1888), 2R–17P Governor General 9/11/1893 and annexes, and many other documents in 2R–17P and 2R–18P; for the Okavango trade route see L.M.S. archives, Letters South Africa, 52−2−B Wookey 27/9/1895 and 53−1−B Reid 17/2/1896, and Seiner, F., Ergebnisse einer Berichtung des Gebiets zwischen Okawango und Sambesi (Berlin, 1909), 106Google Scholar and maps; for the Boer trekkers see Postma, D., Einige schetsen voor eene geschiedenis van de trekboeren … (Amsterdam and Pretoria, 1897)Google Scholar and Merwe, P. J. van der, Ons Halfeeu in Angola (Johannesburg, 1951).Google Scholar

20 Loeb, , In Feudal AfricaGoogle Scholar, uses Weyulu's reign as an undifferentiated chronological period (1885–1904), which makes it hard to assess the impact of Rinderpest on the Kwanyama; McKiernan, Narrative, 103–4 for early and temporary pressure on cattle resources of the Kwambi in the 1870s.

21 Estermann, , Etnografia, 1, 146Google Scholar; Tönjes, , Ovamboland, 88.Google Scholar

22 Parsons, , ‘Khama III …’, passimGoogle Scholar; van Onselen, C., ‘Reactions to Rinderpest in Southern Africa 1896–1897’, J. Afr. Hist., XIII, 3 (1972), 473–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23 Dias, G. S. (ed.), Artur de Paiva (Lisbon, 1938), 11, 97105Google Scholar for Rinderpest; Clarence-Smith, W. G., ‘Drought in Southern Angola and Northern Namibia 1837–1945’Google Scholar, Unpubl. paper for the SOAS/ICS African History Seminar London, 1974.

24 AGCSSp 476-B-II Lecomte 1/9/1899; AHU 1R–21P Projecto de reorganisaçao 9/12/1901; Le Philafricain, Serie 1, Rapport 11, p. 7.Google Scholar

25 Pélissier, , ‘Campagnes militaires…’, 7896.Google Scholar

26 Nitsche, , Ovamboland, 147Google Scholar; Braz, C. M., Districto da Huila (Coimbra, 1918), 14.Google Scholar

27 Loeb, , In Feudal Africa, 2932Google Scholar; Estermann, , Etnografia…, 1, 141–2Google Scholar, Bulletin de la Congrégation du Saint-Esprit, 02 1908, 455–6.Google Scholar

28 Urquhart, , Patterns of Settlement, 126–7.Google Scholar

29 Stals, E., ‘Die aanraking tussen Blankes en Ovambo's in Suidwes-Afrika 1850–1915’, Archives Yearbook for South African History, XXXI, part 2 (1968), 34Google Scholar; de Almeida, J., Sul d'Angola (Lisbon, 1912), 153.Google Scholar

30 Estermann, , ‘Les Bantous…’, 53–6.Google Scholar

31 Bley, H., South-West Africa under German Rule, 1894–1914 (London, 1971), 198 and 272–3Google Scholar; for a detailed treatment see Moorsom, R., M.A. thesis, 1973, University of Sussex.Google Scholar

32 Almeida, , Sul d'Angola, 389–90Google Scholar; Katzenellenbogen, S., Railways and the Copper Mines of Katanga (Oxford, 1973), 54–7Google Scholar; Diniz, J. de O. F., Negocios Indigenas, Relatorio do ano de 1913 (Luanda, 1914) 61, 81–3.Google Scholar

33 Almeida, , Sul d'Angola, 289, 389–90, 519Google Scholar; Hutchinson, R. and Martelli, G., Robert's People (London, 1971), 180–2Google Scholar; Le Philafricain, série 2, no. 2, p. 32Google Scholar; AHA Avulsos 41–83–7, Relatorio 30/9/1912.

34 Detailed monthly statistics are given by Stals, , ‘Die aanraking…’, 333Google Scholar; for earlier years see Nitsche, , Ovamboland, 130–9.Google Scholar

35 Nitsche, , Ovamboland, 134Google Scholar; Lehmann, , ‘Die politische…’, 289 for famine.Google Scholar

36 Moorsom, R., M.A. thesis 1973Google Scholar; Nitsche, , Ovamboland, 130–9Google Scholar; Bley, , South-West Africa, 170–3, 180–1, 198, 259–60, 272–3.Google Scholar

37 Leutwein, T., Elf Jahre Gouverneur in Deutsch-Südwestafrika (Berlin, 1907), 174–7, 191–2Google Scholar; Lehmann, , ‘Die politische…’, 270–95Google Scholar; Driessier, H., Die Rheinische Mission in Südwestafrica (Gütersloh, 1932), 249Google Scholar; Tönjes, , Ovamboland, 250Google Scholar; Mossolow, N., Die Verhaal van Namutoni (Windhoek, 1971), 45–7.Google Scholar

38 Estermann, , Etnografia, 1, 146–7Google Scholar, and A vida economica dos Bantos do Sudoeste de Angola (Luanda, 1971), 36.Google Scholar

39 Stals, , ‘Die aanraking…’, 343Google Scholar; Nitsche, , Ovamboland, 130–9Google Scholar; Calvert, A., South-West Africa during the German occupation 1884–1914 (London, 1915), 23Google Scholar; Foreign Office, South-West Africa (Handbook 112, 1920), 43.Google Scholar

40 AHA Avulsos 31–9–4, Relatorios of Moraes (27/2/1909) and Lobo (1/3/1909); Nitsche, , Ovamboland, 130–9Google Scholar for Mbadya and Nkhumbi in Namibia.

41 Estermann, , Etnografia, 1, 146Google Scholar; Nitsche, , Ovamboland, 130–9Google Scholar; Driessler, , Die Rheinische Mission, 260–1Google Scholar; Tönjes, , Ovamboland, 88–9Google Scholar; Schlettwein, C., Der Farmer in Deutsch Südwestafrika (Wismar, 1907), 183.Google Scholar

42 Stals, , ‘Die aanraking…’, pp. 333, 338–9Google Scholar; Köhler, O., District of KaribibibGoogle Scholar, Union of South Africa, Department of Native Affairs. Ethnological Publications no. 40, Pretoria, 1958.

43 Bulletin Général de la Congrégation du Saint-Esprit, 09 1913, pp. 255–6Google Scholar; AGCSSp 477-A-X, Rapport Steinmetz, 1917.

44 Driessler, , Die Rheinische Mission, 260–3Google Scholar; Loeb, , In Feudal Africa, 33–8.Google Scholar The contrast in attitudes between the kings of the two largest Ovambo peoples is striking: Mandume of the Kwanyama did his best to oppose these tendencies, whereas Martin of the Ndonga encouraged them; see Lehmann, , ‘Die politische…’, 277–9, 290Google Scholar, and Keiling, L., Quarenta Anos de Africa (Braga, 1934), 173–4.Google Scholar

45 Pélissier, , ‘Campagnes militaires…’, 96111Google Scholar; de Eça, P., Campanha do sul de Angola em 1915 (Lisbon, 1921)Google Scholar; Pritchard, S., Report by the oficer in charge of native affairs on his tour of Ovamboland (U.G. 38 of 1915).Google Scholar

46 Moorsom, R., M.A. thesis 1973Google Scholar; Goldblatt, I., History of South West Africa, (Cape Town, 1971), 214–5, 227–8Google Scholar (the date given for Mandume's death is incorrect); Lebzelter, , Eingeborenenkulturen, 189Google Scholar for deforestation; Wellington, J., South West Africa and its human issues (Oxford, 1967), passim.Google Scholar

47 Valente, A., ‘Problemas da emigração de trabalhadores rurais…’, Trabalho, no. 18, 1967, pp. 133–40.Google Scholar

48 Moorsom, R., M.A. thesis 1973Google Scholar; Wolpe, H., ‘Capitalism and cheap labour-power in South Africa’, Economy and Society, 1, (1972), 425–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the agricultural and pastoral aspects of the Cunene Scheme see Carvalho and Silva ‘The Cunene Region’ (in Social Change in Angola), and U.N. document A/7623/Add 3, 1969.