Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-fscjk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-25T08:05:34.721Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Settler dominance, agricultural production and the Second World War in Kenya*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Ian Spencer
Affiliation:
Lanchester Polytechnic

Extract

The article examines the ways in which European settler farmers successfully used wartime conditions to secure their economic recovery and lay a basis for future economic dominance in Kenya. In 1939–40 farmers attempted with only limited success to persuade the Imperial government to purchase high-priced agricultural products. London's acquiescence was given reluctantly to avoid the possibility of political difficulties. In Kenya, largely due to a shortage of manpower and wartime feelings of solidarity, settlers were drawn extensively into the government positions. After the call for increased production for the Middle East in November 1941 the Agricultural Production and Settlement Board was set up with a network of settler-controlled district committees to direct production and administer the distribution of a range of new subsidies. Various forms of indirect assistance and disguised aid were devised further to assist European producers. Minimum prices were fixed at differential levels for European and African maize growers. Both the War Office and the Colonial Office believed European maize to be overpriced whereas African payments were fixed at a level which depressed production and contributed to the famine of 1943. Cattle prices were also set at levels favouring European settlers. Forcible methods were extensively used in the reserves to collect cattle, some of which were sold to settlers at advantageous prices. Overall, the benefits enjoyed by the settlers during the war years can be sharply contrasted with the economic difficulties experienced by the African farmers. The benefits of increased African cash incomes were more than offset by rapid price rises in all imported goods and meat, forcible cattle purchases and severe food shortages in 1943 and 1944.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1980

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Wolfe, (Acting Director of Agriculture) to Chief Secretary, 25 Nov. 1939Google Scholar, in Ministry of Agriculture and Water Resources, Deposit No. 3, ARC(MAWR)-3 AGRI 2/15, Kenya National Archives, Nairobi (hereafter KNA).

2 Secretary of State for the Colonies to the Secretary to the Treasury, 30 Nov. 1939Google Scholar C.O. 533/508 38128/6, Public Record Office, London. An additional £250,000 had been requested from the Land Bank in June 1939; by September 1939 the Land Bank had advanced £865,000 to settlers: see C.O. 533/517 38017.

3 Wrigley, C. C., ‘Kenya: the patterns of economic life, 1902–45’, in Harlow, V. and Chilver, E. M. (eds.), History of East Africa, ii (Oxford, 1965), 249Google Scholar; Colony and Protectorate of Kenya, Seventeenth Agricultural Census, February 1938 (European Areas) (Government Printer: Nairobi, 1939).Google Scholar See also evidence of Lean, A. I. to the Food Shortage Commission of Enquiry, 1943: ARC(MAWR)-3 AGRI 1/79, p. 431 (KNA); hereafter cited as FSCE Evidence.Google Scholar

4 McWilliam, M., ‘The managed economy: agricultural change, development and finance in Kenya’, in Low, D. A. and Smith, A. (eds.), History of East Africa, History of East Africa (Oxford, 1976), 257–8Google Scholar; Bennett, G. and Smith, A., ‘Kenya…19451963Google Scholar ’, in ibid., 329–30. The Oxford History obscures the significance of the war for Kenya by taking 1945 as a dividing line between volumes: the war is seen either as a footnote to an earlier period or as background to post-war Kenya. Several recent studies of colonial Kenya – by Brett, Munro, Tignor and van Zwanenberg—conclude in 1939. There is, however, a chapter devoted to the Second World War in Clayton, A. and Savage, D. C., Government and Labour in Kenya, 1895–1963 (London, 1974).Google Scholar Settler views of wartime developments are presented in Huxley, Elspeth, No Easy Way: A History of the Kenya Farmers' Association and UNGA Ltd (Nairobi, 1957)Google Scholar, and Lipscomb, J. F., We Built a Country (London, 1956).Google Scholar There is also relevant material in two unpublished papers presented in 1975 to the Cambridge Conference on the Political Economy of Kenya, 19291952Google Scholar: H. W. Ord, ‘The Kenya Economy as a Whole’ and P. Mosley, ‘Pricing and marketing policies for wheat, maize and dairy produce’.

5 Imperial forces entered Addis Ababa on 5 April.

6 East African Standard, 8 Sept. 1939Google Scholar; but see also issue of 1 Sept. 1939.

7 ibid., 29 Sept. 1939; 24 Nov. 1939.

8 Report of the Delegation from the East African Territories by Cavendish-Bentinck, C.O. 533/518 38103/2B.

9 a East African Standard, 29 Sept. 1939.Google Scholar

10 ibid. 24 Nov. 1939.

11 Scott, Lord Francis to Halifax, Lord, 29 Dec. 1939Google Scholar, C.O. 852/311 18000/9.

12 Moore, to MacDonald, , 15 Feb. 1940Google Scholar, C.O. 533/518 38103/2.

13 Note by Caine, Sidney, 22 April 1940Google Scholar, C.O. 533/518 38103/2.

14 Minute by Dawe, A. J., 22 Feb. 1940Google Scholar, ibid.

15 Minute by Melville, , 10 June 1940Google Scholar, C.O. 533/518 38103/2B.

16 Moore, to MacDonald, , 12 Feb. 1940Google Scholar, C.O. 533/517 38071.

17 Moore, to semi-official, Dawe, 7 Feb. 1940Google Scholar, ibid.

18 See particularly minutes by Campbell, , 15 Mar. 1940Google Scholar, and Caine, , 25 Mar. 1940Google Scholar, ibid. For similar reasons, the Colonial Office allowed white mineworkers in Northern Rhodesia to consolidate an informal colour bar in 1941; there, of course, production was vital to the war effort from the first. Berger, Cf. E. L., Labour, Race and Colonial Rule (Oxford, 1974). 60Google Scholar, 64, 97.

19 Moore, to semi-official, Dawe, 6 June 1940Google Scholar, C.O. 533/517 38077.

20 ibid.

21 East African Standard, 4 and 5 June 1940.Google Scholar

22 Minute by Dawe, A. J., 23 May 1942Google Scholar, C.O. 533/524 38032/A.

23 See minutes by Watherston, 1 April 1943Google Scholar, C.O. 533/526 38091/12; by Dawe, , 30 July 1942.Google Scholar C.O. 533/528 38232; and by Watherston, , 9 Feb. 1944Google Scholar, C.O. 533/524 38008.

24 Moore, Henry Monck-Mason Sir was Assistant Under-Secretary of State, 19371939Google Scholar, and Deputy Under-Secretary of State, 1939.Google Scholar

25 Colony and Protectorate of Kenya, Food Shortage Commission of Enquiry Report (Nairobi, 1944), 1624.Google Scholar

26 East African Standard, 6 Mar. 1942.Google Scholar

27 Food Shortage Commission Report, 8.Google Scholar

28 Atkin, to Seel, 1 May 1944Google Scholar, C.O. 533/535 38546. Provisioning figures for 1944 were three to four times higher than those of mid-1941.

29 Speed to Dawe, , 7 April 1943Google Scholar, C.O. 533/530 38546.

30 Minute by Dawe, , 22 April 1943Google Scholar, ibid.

31 Willis, to War Office, 7 Jan. 1944Google Scholar, ibid.

32 Notes of a meeting held on 14 Oct. 1943Google Scholar in Nairobi to discuss the prices of agricultural goods, ibid.

33 Atkin, to Seel, , 22 Nov. 1944Google Scholar, ibid.

34 Minute by Edmonds, , 25 May 1944Google Scholar, ibid.

35 Minute by Seel, , 31 May 1944Google Scholar, C.O. 533/535 38516.

36 FSCE Evidence, 84; Department of Agriculture, Annual Report, 1945 (Nairobi, 1946), 11.Google Scholar

37 Chief Native Commissioner, Hosking, E. B.: FSCE Evidence, 334, 340.Google Scholar Profits of efficient maize farmers were huge. At a maximum.cost per acre of Shs. 50, which covered everything except bags and transport, farmers who obtained even ten bags per acre were doing extremely well, and in parts of Trans Nzoia 24 bags per acre was a common yield: see Maher's Evidence (FSCE, 772) and C. Maher, ‘On some aspects of the Food Shortage’, Memo submitted to the FSCE, ARC(MAWR)-3 AGRI 1/80 (KNA).

38 Huxley, , No Easy Way, 140.Google Scholar

39 Lipscomb, , We Built a Country, 80.Google Scholar

40 Wilson, F. O'B.: FSCE Evidence, 79.Google Scholar

41 See minutes of the Production Sub Committee of the Agricultural Production and Settlement Board, 5–6 Dec. 1944Google Scholar, ARC(MAWR)-3 AGRI 1/44 (KNA).

42 Lipscomb, , We Built a Country, 85–8.Google Scholar

43 This subject is fully dealt with in Clayton, and Savage, , Government and Labour, ch. 7.Google Scholar

44 C.O. 533/526 38091/12 contains most of the correspondence on this question.

45 The maintenance of sisal production, normally a very unpopular type of work, was greatly facilitated by conscription. A census late in 1944 revealed that well over half of the conscripted labourers worked on sisal plantations. Clayton, and Savage, , Government and Labour, 257.Google Scholar

46 Huxley, , No Easy Way, 140.Google Scholar

47 Blunt, D. L.: FSCE Evidence, 84, 91Google Scholar; A. B. Killick, ibid. 20.

48 FSCE Evidence, 78.

49 Both statements are to be found in FSCE Evidence, 55. Lockhart was not the only senior official so confused: other outstanding examples are provided by E. B. Hosking, the Chief Native Commissioner (FSCE Evidence, 335) and by H. R. Montgomery, a member of the Executive Council and Deputy Director of Manpower (FSCE Evidence, 349–50).

50 ibid. 75, 79.

51 For evidence of the order of events see A. B. Killick, the Deputy Director of Agriculture, and Blunt, D. L., the Director of Agriculture, FSCE Evidence, 20, 91.Google Scholar

52 There is little doubt that much African-produced maize was of a quality at least equal to the European produc t. C. O. Oates, the Agricultural Officer in charge of Nyanza Province, complained to the Director of Agriculture: ‘It is not easy to feel pleased with oneself when I tell natives that their maize is worth 50 cents less than European because it is a lower grade, when I know the North and Central Kavirondo maize is at least as good as European maize’. Oates, to Blunt, , 25 Aug. 1942Google Scholar, Ministry of Agriculture 2/23 KNA.

53 These payments to the Native Betterment Fund were opposed by all the Provincial Commissioners except Nyanza. They believed that, as the government had called for an increase in maize planting, it should pay for the consequences out of general revenue. See the evidence of K. L. Hunter, Acting Provincial Commissioner, Nyanza, , and Tomkinson, C., Provincial Commissioner, Central Province, FSCE Evidence, 716, 1034–7.Google Scholar I can find no evidence of the Native Betterment Fund being used for improvement schemes during the war years. There is, on the other hand, plenty of evidence of the continuing inadequacy of reserve agricultural services. In North Kavirondo District there was, for much of the war, only one Agricultural Officer to cater for the needs of a population of over 400,000. See, for example, the evidence of Oates, Lyne-Watt (Senior Agricultural Officer, Central Province), Maher (Officer in Charge, Soil Conservation Services), and Moon (Agricultural Officer, North Kavirondo), FSCE Evidence, 660, 1027, 770, 674. For the statements of Blunt, and Griffiths, on the invention of the maize cess, see FSCE Evidence 91, 241.Google Scholar

54 The clearest detailed history of maize pricing in wartime Kenya can be found in the evidence of A. B. Killick, ibid. 12–26. Wrigley's brief references to the price differential and the maize cess are misleading (History of East Africa, 11, 253).Google Scholar

55 The phrase is Hosking's: FSCE Evidence, 334.Google Scholar

56 Most witnesses agreed that the price of Shs. 4/90 was too low, even its original instigator, Oates, C. O.: see FSCE Evidence, 647.Google Scholar

57 Extract from the Kenya Weekly News, 2 Oct. 1942Google Scholar, showing prices paid for maize between September 1939 and June 1942, in Food Shortage Commission of Enquiry, Exhibits, ARC(MAWR)-3 AGRI 1/110 (KNA).

58 Dr C. P. C. Garnham, the Senior Medical Officer in Nyanza Province, calculated that ten per cent of the labour recruits he inspected were suffering from malnutrition and that his enquiries indicated that between 200 and 300 had died as a result of lack of food, though he counselled caution in the use of these figures (FSCE Evidence, 628–9). Francis Hyslop, the District Commissioner in North Kavirondo, reckoned that about 30,000 Africans in his district were ‘adversely affected by the food shortage, which contributed to the death of about fifty persons’ (FSCE Evidence, 687–9).

59 Wilson, F. O'B., FSCE Evidence, 72.Google Scholar

60 On one occasion Harry Thuku's Provincial Association registered a strong complaint about this practice; their views were passed on to the government by the Rev. Beecher, L. J.. See Beecher to Tomkinson, 6 May 1944Google Scholar, in Ministry of African Affairs 10/66 (KNA).

61 FSCE Evidence, 407–8.Google Scholar

62 Moon, J. T., FSCE Evidence, 671–2.Google Scholar

63 Spending by the military on meat rose from Shs. 275,000 in 1941 to Shs. 566,000 in 1943: Atkin, , War Office, to Seel, 1 April 1944Google Scholar, C.O. 533/535 38546.

64 See, for example, the statement that the internal price in the Kikuyu reserves was never less than 50 per cent greater than the prices paid by Control: Annual Report, Veterinary Services, Kikuyu Reserves, 1942Google Scholar, Ministry of Agriculture, 4/107 (KNA).

65 Notes of a meeting held on 14 Oct. 43 involving Lockhart, , Gurney, , Norton, , Hill, , Willis, and Nesbitt, ; Gurney to Seel, 31 Jan 1944Google Scholar, C.O. 533/535 38546.

66 Barrah, Jack, buyer for Livestock Control, Nakuru: FSCE Evidence, 596.Google Scholar

67 Daubney, Robert, Director of Veterinary Service and Livestock Controller: FSCE Evidence, 1110.Google Scholar

68 In most areas where direct requisition was used each cattle owner was instructed to sell a set proportion of his adult male cattle, whereas in the Maasai area every owner was instructed to produce a fixed number of beasts, whether he owned five or five thousand: ibid. 1111–12.

69 Maasai Extra-provincial District Annual Report, 1943:Google Scholar AR/82 Reel, 4, Microfilm Collection, Rhodes House, Oxford (hereafter RHMC).

70 Maasai Extra-provincial District Annual Reports, 1944 and 1945Google Scholar, AR/83 and AR/84, Reel 4 (RHMC).

71 See, for example, North Kavirondo District Annual Reports for 1940 and 1944Google Scholar, AR/1332 and AR/1336, Reel 32 (RHMC).

72 Munro, J. Forbes, Colonial Rule and the Kamba: Social Change in the Kenya Highlands (Oxford, 1975), 224–46.Google Scholar Prices paid by Livestock Control were twice those paid by Liebigs, : Minutes of the Executive Committee of the Stockholders Association of Kenya, 30 Oct. 1940Google Scholar, in Ministry of Agriculture 2/32 (KNA).

73 Minutes of the Overstocking Committee, 1939 to 1943Google Scholar, Chief Secretary 1/5/1 (KNA).

74 Chettle, T. H., FSCE Evidence, 381–2Google Scholar, and Draft of a discussion held at Government House, 17 Nov. 1945.Google Scholar Chief Secretary 1/3/4 (KNA).

75 Acting Livestock Controller to Member for Agriculture, 3 Dec. 45. Chief Secretary 1/3/4 (KNA).

76 See, for example, North Kavirondo District Annual Report, 1944Google Scholar, AR/1336, Reel 32; and Maasai Extra-provincial District Annual Report, 1945Google Scholar, AR/84, Reel 4 (RHMC).

77 Daubney, R., FSCE Evidence, 1100–14.Google Scholar Price discrimination against African herdsmen was not the only form of differential treatment in the meat trade. In April 1943 the Kenya Commodity Distribution Board agreed, with only the Indian member opposing, that beef hind quarters should be supplied for European consumers only. Minutes of the K.C.D.B. 20 April 1943. Chief Secretary 1/3/4 (KNA).

78 Minutes of the Executive Committee of the Stockholders Association of Kenya, 30 Oct. 1940Google Scholar, in Ministry of Agriculture 2/32 (KNA).

79 Chetile, , FSCE Evidence, 387.Google Scholar

80 Answer by Tester, the Financial Secretary, to Cooke, S. V.'s question No. 29 in the Legislative Council, 1942:Google Scholar Chief Secretary 1/3/6 (KNA); and statement by Hudson, J. R., the Acting Director of Veterinary Services, in Hudson to Armitage, 3 Dec. 1942Google Scholar, Chief Secretary 1/3/4 (KNA).

81 Answer by Tester to Cooke's question No. 30, ibid.

82 Chetile, , FSCE Evidence, 386–7.Google Scholar

83 Daubney, ibid, 1110.

84 North Kavirondo District Annual Reports, 1939 and 1944Google Scholar, AR/1331 and AR/1336, Reel 32 (RHMC).

85 Import Controller, Mombasa, to Secretary, East African Supplies Board, Nairobi, 1 Dec. 1941Google Scholar, Chief Secretary 1/825 (KNA). Whisky was declared a ‘conventional necessity’ and the import quota was fixed at 100 per cent of the prewar import level, later to be increased to 130 per cent.

86 The price of Americani rose by 150 per cent and of khaki drill by 190 per cent between September 1939 and February 1942; prices on the black market were far higher: see More (East African Civil Supplies Board), February 1942, Chief Secretary 1/792 (KNA).

87 Hosking's, E. B. comment on a draft speech by the Governor to the Legislative Council, 5 March 1943Google Scholar, in ARC(MAWR)-3 AGRI 3/281 (KNA).

88 North Kavirondo District Annual Report, 1943Google Scholar, AR/1335, Reel 32 (RHMC); Central Province Annual Report, 1943Google Scholar, AR/103, Reel 4 (RHMC).

89 Central Province Annual Reports, 1943 and 1944Google Scholar, AR/102–3, Reel 4 (RHMC).

90 Central Province Annual Report, 1941Google Scholar, AR/105, Reel 4 (RHMC); and information provided for a response to a question in the Legislative Council, 1942, Chief Secretary 1/642 (KNA).

91 North Kavirondo District Annual Report, 1943.Google Scholar

92 See C.O. 533/532 38232.

93 Governor to Secretary of State, 19 March 1945Google Scholar, C.O. 533/532 38232.

94 For Colonial Office changes during the war see Lee, J. M., ‘Forward thinking and the war: the Colonial Office during the 1940's’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, vi, 1 (October 1977), 6479.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

95 Note by Jones, Arthur Creech, 6 Oct. 1945Google Scholar, C.O. 533/532 38232.