Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
This paper reviews the present state of art historical research in Nigeria with a view to clearing the ground for a more accurate interpretation of the evidence. The ancient arts of Benin, Ife, Nok, Owo, Nupe and Igbo-Ukwu are discussed, among others, and suggestions offered that might shed more light on some of the problems created by the paucity of art historical data.
2 Fagg, W., ‘Observation on Nigerian Art History’ in Masterpieces of African Art (Exhibition Catalogue), Brooklyn Museum, 1955, 11–12Google Scholar and Willett, F., African Art: An Introduction (New York and Washington, 1971), ch. 3.Google Scholar
3 It is gratifying to note that Dr Stuart Fleming of Oxford University is currently developing a technique for the application of thermoluminescence dating to the clay core inside bronzes. As a matter of fact, this technique has already been used to date some of the casually-found objects. See Willett, F., ‘A Survey of Recent Results in the Radiocarbon chronology of Western and Northern Africa’ J. Afr. Hist. xii (1971), 367.Google Scholar
4 See Read, C. H. and Dalton, O. M., Antiquities from the City of Benin and from other Parts of West Africa in the British Museum (London, 1899)Google Scholar; von Luschan, F., Die Altertumer von Benin (Berlin and Leipzig, 3 vols., 1919)Google Scholar; Pitt-Rivers, A. H. L. F., Antique Works of Art from Benin (London, 1900)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roth, H. L., Great Benin, Its Customs, Art and Horrors (Halifax, 1903)Google Scholar; and Dark, P. C., ‘A Preliminary Catalogue of Benin Art and Technology: Some Problems of Material Cultural Analysis’ J. R. Anthrop. Inst., lxxxvh (1957), 175–89.Google Scholar
5 Read, and Dalton, , Antiquities, vi, 9.Google Scholar
6 W., and Forman, B. and Dark, P., Benin Art (London, 1960), 10.Google Scholar
7 Luschan, Von, Die Altertumer, vols. 1–3.Google Scholar
8 Struck, B., ‘Chronologie der Benin Altertumer’ Z. Ethnol., lv (1923), 113–66Google Scholar. For a full critique of von Luschan's and Struck's chronologies, see Dark, , ‘A Preliminary Catalogue’ 175Google Scholar, and Murray, K. C., ‘Benin Art’ Nigeria Mag., lxxi (1961), 373–8.Google Scholar
9 Egharevba, J. A., A Short History of Benin (Ibadan, 4th edn., 1968; first published in 1934), 10.Google Scholar
10 Ryder, A. F. C., Benin and the Europeans (London, 1969), 349–50.Google Scholar
11 Bradbury, R. E., ‘Chronological Problems in the Study of Benin History’ J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, i (1959), 263–87Google Scholar; Bradbury, R. E., ‘Ezomo's Ikegobo and the Benin Cult of the Hand’ Man, lvi (1961), 129–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Bradbury, R. E. and Lloyd, P. C., The Benin Kingdom and the Edo-Speaking Peoples … (London, 1957).Google Scholar
12 Ryder, , Benin and the Europeans, passimGoogle Scholar, and Ryder, A. F. C., ‘A Note on Afro-Portuguese Ivories’ J. Afr. Hist., v (1964), 363–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
13 Forman, and Dark, , Benin Art, 1–59Google Scholar, and Dark, P., The Art of Benin: A Preliminary Catalogue of an Exhibition of the A. W. F. Fuller and Chicago Natural History Museum Collections of Antiquities from Benin (Chicago, 1962).Google Scholar
14 Elisofon, E. and Fagg, W., The Sculpture of Africa (London, 1958), 63–6Google Scholar, and Fagg, W., Nigerian Images (London, 1963), 30–9.Google Scholar
15 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 32.Google Scholar
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid. 35–7.
18 Ibid. 33.
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.
21 Ibid. 37–8.
22 Dark, P., ‘Benin Bronze Heads: Styles and Chronology’ in African Images: Essays in African Iconology, edited by McCall, D. F. and Bay, E. G. (New York and London, 1975), 25–103Google Scholar; and An Introduction to Benin Art and Technologr (Oxford, 1973), 1–12.Google Scholar
23 Egharevba, , A Short History, 11Google Scholar. Since not all the objects discussed here have been analysed to determine whether they are true bronze or brass, the term ‘bronze/bronze-casting’ as used in this paper, also refers to brass objects.
24 Ibid.
25 Bradbury, , ‘Chronological Problems’ 286.Google Scholar
26 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 32Google Scholar; Fagg, W. and Plass, M., African Sculpture: An Anthology (London, 1964), 65Google Scholar; Trowell, M., African Classical Sculpture (London, 2nd edn., 1964), 70Google Scholar; Willett, F., Ife in the History of West African Sculpture (London and New York, 1967), 154.Google Scholar
27 Gerbrands, A. A., Art as an Element of Culture, especially in Negro Africa (Leiden, 1957). 35–40.Google Scholar
28 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 37Google Scholar, and Foiman, and Dark, , Benin Art, 19.Google Scholar
29 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, pl. 15.Google Scholar
30 Ibid. 37–8.
31 Ibid. 38, pl. 17.
32 See Willett, F., ‘The Benin Museum Collection’ African Arts, vi (1973), 17 and pl. 12Google Scholar. According to Willett, this head seems to suggest that early forms were copied in later periods.
33 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 35.Google Scholar
34 Shaw, T., ‘The Analysis of West African Bronzes: A Summary of the Evidence’ Ibadan, 28 (1970), 81.Google Scholar
35 See Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ 11Google Scholar, quoting Werner, O., ‘Metallurgische Untersuchungen der Benin-Bronzen des Museum füur Volkerkunde Berlin’ Baessler-Archiv N.F. 18, 71–153.Google Scholar
36 Compare Willett, , Ife in the History, pls. 1–5 and pl. 94.Google Scholar
37 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pls. 2, 10 and 11.Google Scholar
38 See also Willett, , Ife in the History, 155.Google Scholar
39 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 32.Google Scholar
40 See also Williams, D., ‘The Nigerian Image’ Odu (new series), I (1964).Google Scholar
41 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pl. 19Google Scholar, and Roth, , Great Benin, fig. 268.Google Scholar
42 Willett, ibid. p. 15.
43 Roth, , Great Benin, fig. 267.Google Scholar
44 Ibid. fig. 268.
45 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pl. 15.Google Scholar
46 Ibid. pl. 19.
47 See below, pp. 208–9.
48 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 33.Google Scholar
49 However, it is possible that the use of bronze plaques was not unique to Benin. According to Johnson, Samuel, History of the Yorubas (Lagos, 1921), 155Google Scholar, one of the earliest kings of Old Oyo, Alafin Aganju, decorated his palace ‘with rows of brazen posts'— which could very well be bronze plaques. See also, Frobenius, L., The Voice of Africa (London, 1913), 1, 177.Google Scholar
50 Forman, and Dark, , Benin Art, 21–2.Google Scholar
51 For this, we are grateful to William Fagg whose research has greatly advanced our knowledge of Benin art history. Although his chronology is the most reasonable at the moment, it has been necessary to point out its shortcomings (certainly the result of a dearth of absolute dating evidence) because for over a decade now it has been so widely quoted that it is beginning to acquire the status of absolute historical fact. Of course, in the absence of a better alternative, it will continue to be used. But let us hope that, from now on, it will be used with greater caution.
52 Bradbury, , ‘Ezomo's Ikegobo’ 129–37.Google Scholar
53 Roth, L., Great Benin, 230Google Scholar. In this story, Ahammangiwa is identified as a white man who made plaques for Oba Esigie.
54 Bradbury, , ‘Ezomo's Ikegobo’ passim.Google Scholar
55 Frobenius, L., Und Afrika Sprach, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1912–1913)Google Scholar; Auf dem Wege nach Atlantis (Berlin, 1911), 11–12Google Scholar; Das Unbekarmte Afrika (Munchen, 1923), 136–8Google Scholar; Die Atlantische Gotterlehre, xvi–xviii (Jena, 1926), 7–8, 168–72, 181–6, 195–6.Google Scholar
56 Dahse, J., ‘Ein Zweites Goldland Salomos, Vorstudiens zur Geschichte West Afrikas’ Z. Ethnol., 1911, 58–70Google Scholar; Petrie, W., Ancient Egypt, pt. 2 (London, 1914), 184, 169Google Scholar; Adam, L., Primitive Art (London, 1940), 105–10Google Scholar; Paulme, D., African Sculpture (London, 1962), 94Google Scholar; , H. and Meyerowitz, V., ‘Bronzes and Terracottas from Ile-Ife’, Burlington Magazine, lxxv (1939), 150–1Google Scholar; and Jeffreys, M. D. W., ‘The Origins of the Benin Bronzes’ African Studies, x (1951), 89–91.Google Scholar
57 See Willett, , Ife in the History, ch. I–III.Google Scholar
58 Willett, F., African Art, 72, pl. 41.Google Scholar
59 Willett, , Ife in the History, 30.Google Scholar
60 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 26–7.Google Scholar
61 Willett, , Ife in the History, 27Google Scholar. For a different view, see Abiodun, R., ‘A Reconsideration of the Function of Ako, Second Burial Effigy in Owo’ Africa, xlvi (1976), 4–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
62 Ibid.
63 A. Rubin, Review of African Stone Sculpture by P. Allison and Ife in the History, in Art Bulletin, lii (1970), 350.Google Scholar
64 Willett, , Ife in the History, passim.Google Scholar
65 See also, Rubin, , ‘Review’ 351.Google Scholar
66 Willett, , Ife in the History, 61Google Scholar, and Willett, , African Art, 73.Google Scholar
67 Eyo, E., ‘1969 Excavations at Ile-Ife’ African Arts, iii (1970), 2–11Google Scholar; ‘Excavations at Odo Ogbe Street and Lafogido, Ife, Nigeria’ W. Afr. J. Archa., iv (1974), 99–109Google Scholar and Willett, , ‘A Survey of Recent Results’ 336–67.Google Scholar
68 Garlake, P. S., ‘Excavations at Obalara's Land, Ife: An Interim Report’ W. Afr. J. Arch., iv (1974), 111–48.Google Scholar
69 Willett, , Ife in the History, 66–7Google Scholar, and Willett, F., ‘Archaeology’ in Sources of Yoruba History, ed. by Biobaku, S. O. (Oxford, 1973), 132.Google Scholar
70 Willett, , African Art, 72.Google Scholar
71 Idowu, E. B., Olodumare, God in Yoruba Belief (London, 1970), 308Google Scholar, and Willett, , Ife in the History, 150.Google Scholar
72 Willet, ibid. 79–84.
73 Allison, P., African Stone Sculpture (London, 1968), 11–20.Google Scholar
74 Fagg, B., ‘A Preliminary Note on a New Series of Pottery Figures from Northern Nigeria’ Africa, xv (1945), 21–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fagg, B., ‘The Nok Culture in Pre-history’ J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, i (1959), 288–93Google Scholar; and Fagg, B., ‘The Radiocarbon Dating of the Nok Culture, Northern Nigeria’ Nature, 9 01 1965, 205, 212Google Scholar. For other publications on Nok, see Shaw, T. and Vanderburg, J., A Bibliography of Nigerian Archaeology (Ibadan, 1969).Google Scholar
75 Connah, G. E., ‘Progress Report on Archaeological work in Bornu, 1964–1966’ Northern History Research Scheme, Second Interim Report (Zaria, 1967), 20–31.Google Scholar
76 Priddy, A. J., ‘An Iron Age Site near Yelwa, Sokoto Province: Preliminary Report’ W. Afr. Archaeol. Newsletter, xii (1970), 20–32Google Scholar, and Shaw, T., ‘Archaeology in Nigeria’ Antiquity, xliii (1969), 196.Google Scholar
77 Breternitz, D., ‘Interim Report of the University of Colorado Kainji Rescue Archaeology Project 1968’ W. Afr. Archaeol. Newsletter, x (1968), 30–42.Google Scholar
78 Norris, M. W. and Perry, S. H., ‘Terracotta Figurines from Near Zaria, Nigeria’ W. Afr. J. Arch., ii (1972), 103–7.Google Scholar
79 See Willett, , ‘A Survey of Recent Results’ 365Google Scholar, who has also compared Yelwa terracottas with those of Nok. One of the Yelwa figures is illustrated in Shaw, , ‘Archaeology in Nigeria’ frontispiece.Google Scholar
80 Willett, , Ife in the History, 115–17.Google Scholar
81 Willett, , African Art, 73.Google Scholar
82 Willett, , Ife in the History, 110–17, 125.Google Scholar
83 Willett, , African Art, 73.Google Scholar
84 Eyo, E., ‘New Treasures from Nigeria’ Expedition, xiv (1972), 4.Google Scholar
85 Ibid. 10–11. See also id., Two Thousand Years of Nigerian Art (Lagos, 1977), 130.Google Scholar
86 Eccles, P., ‘Nupe Bronzes’ Nigeria Magazine, lxxxii (1962), 13–23Google Scholar, and Nadel, S. F., Black Byzantium (London, 1942), 72–6, 406.Google Scholar
87 Nadel, op cit., 75.
88 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 40Google Scholar, and Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ 14.Google Scholar
89 Illustrated in Eccles, , ‘Nupe Bronzes’ 20–1.Google Scholar
90 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 40Google Scholar; Eccles, , ‘Nupe Bronzes’ 21Google Scholar; Bertho, J. and Mauny, R., ‘Archaéologie du Pays Yoruba et du Bas-Niger’ Notes Africaine, lvi (1962), 110Google Scholar; Willett, , Ife in the History, 51Google Scholar, and Eyo, E., Highlights from 2000 Years of Nigerian Art (Lagos, 1973).Google Scholar
91 Illustrated in Eccles, , ‘Nupe Bronzes’ 19.Google Scholar
92 Illustrated in Eyo, , Highlights.Google Scholar
93 See Thompson, R. F., ‘The sign of the Divine King: an Essay on Yoruba Bead-Embroidered Crowns with Veil and Bird Decorations’ African Arts, iii (1970), 11Google Scholar. In this essay, Thompson attempts to show that the crown of birds worn by the ‘Gara’ may be ancestral to modern Yoruba beaded-crown with birds. See also Williams, D., ‘Art in Metal’ in Sources of Yoruba History, 161.Google Scholar
94 Willett, , Ife in the History, 170–2.Google Scholar
95 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pls. 3, 4, 17 and 19Google Scholar. See also Meyerowitz, E. L. R., ‘Four Pre-Portuguese Bronze Castings from Benin’ Man, xl (1940), 131.Google Scholar
96 Ryder, A. F. C., ‘A Reconsideration of the Ife-Benin Relationship’ J. Afr. Hist., vi (1965), 25–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
97 Ibid., 35–6.
98 Ibid., 33.
99 Willett, F., ‘New Light on the Ife-Benin Relationship’ African Forum, iii and iv (1968), 28–34Google Scholar, and Willett, , ‘Archaeology’ 128–30.Google Scholar
100 Akinjogbin, I. A., ‘Ife, the Home of a New University’ Nigeria Magazine, xcii (1967), 41Google Scholar. See also Idowu, , Olodumare, 11Google Scholar, and Ojo, G. J. A., Yorttba Culture (London and Ife, 1967), 195.Google Scholar
101 Ryder, , ‘A Reconsideration’ 36Google Scholar, and Bradbury, , ‘Chronological Problems’ 280.Google Scholar
102 According to S. F. Nadel, Tsoede is said to have ‘delivered Nupe country from the supremacy of Idah, and established the independent Nupe kingdom’. See ‘The King's Hangmen: A Judicial Organization in Central Nigeria’ Man, xxxv (1935), 129–30.Google Scholar
103 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 39Google Scholar, and Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ 16.Google Scholar
104 Clapperton, H., Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior (London, 1829), 22Google Scholar; quoted by Ryder, , ‘A Reconsideration’ 31.Google Scholar
105 Egbarevba, , A Short History, 27–8.Google Scholar
106 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pl. 1.Google Scholar
107 Illustrated in Eccles, , ‘Nupe Bronzes’ 23.Google Scholar
108 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pl. 17Google Scholar, and Meyerowitz, E. H., ‘Ancient Bronzes in the Royal Palace at Benin’ Burlington Magazine, lxxxiii (1943), 248–53, pl. IDGoogle Scholar. Since the face of this figure is not striated, he may very well be a local (Benin) priest.
109 Illustrated in Eccles, , ‘Nupe Bronzes’, 18.Google Scholar
110 Elsewhere (Lawal, B., ‘Yoruba Sango Sculpture in Historical Retrospect’. Unpubl. Ph.D. Dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington, 1970, 140–65Google Scholar), I have tried to link this cult with the ancient kingdom of Old Oyo where the ram was sacred to Sango, the Yoruba god of thunder and lightning. For in the heyday of the Old Oyo Empire, the Sango cult was used as a political weapon: a good number of Old Oyo governors resident in the vassal states were priests of the cult; and when they were not, they had Sango priests in their entourage.
111 The task of using the ram symbolism as a guide is rendered all the more difficult by the fact that at Owo and Benin wooden ram heads are placed on ancestral altars while smaller ones in the bronze and ivory are stitched to the ceremonial dresses of some chiefs. Nevertheless, a thorough investigation of the origin and significance of the ram symbolism at Benin and Owo is likely to have some implications for the representation of the animal on the Nupe ‘Gara’ figure, and on many of the so-called ‘Lower Niger Bronzes’ as well. For a preliminary study of the ram symbolism among the Oyo Yoruba, see Lawal, B., ‘Yoruba-Sango Ram Symbolism: From Ancient Sahara or Dynastic Egypt?’ in African Images: Essays in African Iconology, eds. McCall, D. F. and Bay, E. G. (New York and London, 1975), 225–51.Google Scholar
112 Illustrated in Willett, , Ife in the History, pl. 93.Google Scholar
113 Ryder, , ‘A Reconsideration’ 26. 33.Google Scholar
114 Illustrated in Willett, , Ife in the History, pls. 31, 92.Google Scholar
115 But since many of such heads are in fragments, it is difficult to tell whether their missing bodies wore the cross. Nevertheless, representations of the Maltese cross do occur in Ife art. See ibid., pl. 58, and Willett, , ‘New Light’ 39–40.Google Scholar
116 Although the Maltese cross appears only on the robe of the Nupe ‘Gara’ figure, it is certainly more than a mere decoration. Among the Ashanti, for instance, this type of cross is called Musuyidie (something which removes evil). According to Rattray, a cloth with Maltese cross design was placed beside the sleeping couch of the Ashantene who, on waking up in the morning, would step on the cloth three times (Rattray, R. S., Religion and Art in Ashanti (Oxford, 1923), 226, n. 149Google Scholar). It is possible, therefore, that the Maltese cross pattern on the Nupe ‘Gara’ figure had a talismanic function, although the cross pendant given by the ‘Ogane’ to royal messengers from Benin is said to accord them some privileges.
117 Ryder, , ‘A Reconsideration’, 33–4.Google Scholar
118 George, J. O., Historical Notes on the Yoruba Country and its Tribes (Lagos?, 1895), 28Google Scholar; quoted by Ryder, , ‘Reconsideration’ 37Google Scholar; Bowen, T. J., Adventures and Missionary Labours in Several Countries in the Interior of Africa (Charleston, 1857), 265Google Scholar, and Sowande, F., Ifa (Lagos, 1964), 45–6.Google Scholar
119 Abimbola, W., ‘The Literature of the Ifa Cult’ in Sources of Yoruba History, 55Google Scholar. However, Mr ‘Toso Eluyemi (personal communications, 1974) is of the opinion that the seven Ife mentioned by Ifa may be no more than the original confederate settlements that later united to form present-day Ife.
120 Johnson, , The History, 4.Google Scholar
121 Ibid., 10–11.
122 Boston, J., ‘Oral Tradition and the History of Igala’ J. Afr. Hist., x (1969), 28Google Scholar, and Armstrong, R. G., ‘The Igala’ in Peoples of the Niger-Benue Confluence, ed. Forde, D. (London, 1955), 80.Google Scholar
123 Armstrong, , ‘The Igala’ 80.Google Scholar
124 Willett, , ‘Archaeology’ 138.Google Scholar
125 Johnson, , The History, 4.Google Scholar
126 Willett, Ife in the History, pis. 23, 24Google Scholar, and Nigerian Museum, An Introduction to the Art of Ife (Lagos, 1955), 17.Google Scholar
127 Johnson, , The History, 3Google Scholar. In other literatures, this relationship has been traced to the fact that the Yoruba are said to be part of the Kisra Migration which reportedly reached West Africa from the Nile Valley in the second half of the first millennium A.D. See Mathew, A. B., ‘The Kisra Legend’ Afr. Stud., ix (1950), 144–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Biobaku, S. O., The Origin of the Yoruba (Lagos, 1955).Google Scholar
128 Lawal, , ‘Yoruba-Sango Sculpture’, 140–65.Google Scholar
129 According to Leo Frobenius (The Voice of Africa, I, 210Google Scholar), there seem to have been two Sangos at Old Oyo. The first, Tapa-Sango, from Nupe, was symbolized by a ram, while the second, Mesi-Sango, from Borgu, was symbolized by equestrian sculpture. These are said to represent two different dynasties. Mesi-Sango is said to have once displaced Tapa-Sango, but the latter subsequently regained power. But as I have argued elsewhere (Lawal, , ‘Yoruba–Sango Sculpture’ 128–39)Google Scholar, Frobenius seems to have mistaken the dual organization of the Sango cult at New Oyo as evidence of two originally separate cults.
130 Meyerowitz, , ‘Four Pre-Portuguese Bronze Castings’ 131Google Scholar. However, this need not imply that all ram representations in Benin once belonged to the Sango cult; and it must also be noted that the Benin thunder god is called Ogiuwu (king of death), but his historical relationship with Sango cannot yet be ascertained.
131 Johnson, , The History, 149.Google Scholar
132 Lawal, , ‘Yoruba-Sango Sculpture’ 140–2.Google Scholar
133 Johnson, , The History, 159–60Google Scholar; Smith, R., ‘Alafin in Exile, A Study of the Igboho Period in Oyo History’ J. Afr. Hist., vi (1965), 63–7Google Scholar; and Akinjogbin, I. A., ‘The Oyo Empire in the Eighteenth Century: A Reassessment’ J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, iii (1966), 449–50.Google Scholar
134 See Temple, C. L., Notes on the Tribes of Northern Nigeria (London, 1965), 390.Google Scholar
135 For a critical analysis of the Nupe Gbedegi Tradition, see Lawal, ‘Yoruba-Sango Sculpture’ 146–8.Google Scholar
136 Ryder, , ‘A Reconsideration’ 32.Google Scholar
137 Ibid., 33.
138 Willett, , ‘Archaeology’ 133.Google Scholar
139 Nevertheless, the four Alakoro brass masks which are said to have been brought from Old Oyo do suggest the existence of a bronze-casting centre there (illustrated in Thompson, R. F., Black Gods and Kings: Yoruba Art at U.C.L.A. (Los Angeles, 1971), pls. 12–16Google Scholar, and Williams, D., ‘Two Brass Masks from Oyo-Ile’ Odu (n.s.) III (1966), 61–3Google Scholar). It is interesting to note that, though different in style, one of the Alakoro masks (pl. 14) has keloid marks above the eyebrows like Benin bronze heads and the face of theh eadmedallion the Nupe ‘Gara’ figure. Similar keloid marks and the cat-whisker marks occur on a carved wooden object with a human face said to have been excavated by Frobenius in 1910 from the grave of a Sango priest at Modakeke, but which might have been made at Old Oyo, especially since the people of Modakeke are refugees from Old Oyo. (This object is well illustrated in Leuzinger, E., The Sculpture of Black Africa (New York, 1973), pl. 18Google Scholar.) Lastly, the style of a bronze armlet said to have been captured from an Old Oyo war chief (illustrated in Meyerowitz, E. L. R., ‘A Bronze Armlet from Old Oyo, Nigeria’ Man, xli (1941), 25)CrossRefGoogle Scholar is close enough to some of the Nupe bronzes as well as to many of the so-called alien bronzes in the Benin corpus.
140 Rubin, , ‘Review’ 352, n. 9.Google Scholar
141 Fraser, D., ‘The Tsoede Bronzes and Owo Yoruba Art’ African Arts, viii (1975), 30–5, 91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
142 This attribution was made in two public lectures in 1971, one at the University of Ibadan (March) and the other at Harvard University (May).
143 Ojo, J. R. O., ‘A Bronze Stool Collected at Ijebu-Ode’, African Arts, ix (1975), 48–50, 92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
144 Shaw, , Igbo-Ukwu, vols. I and II.Google Scholar
145 Lawal, B., ‘The Igbo-Ukwu Bronzes: A Search for the Economic Evidence’ J. Hist. Sec. Nigeria, vi (1972), 313–21Google Scholar; id., ‘Dating Problems at Igbo-Ukwu’, Afr. Hist., XIV (1973), 1–8Google Scholar; Posnansky, M., ‘The Early Development of Trade in West Africa: Some Archaeological Considerations’ Ghana Social Science Journal, ii (1973), 1–14Google Scholar; id., ‘Review’ of Igbo-Ukvm: An Account of Archaeological Discoveries in Eastern Nigeria, in Archaeology, VI (1037)’ 309–11Google Scholar; Northrup, D., ‘The Growth of Trade among the Igbo before 1800’ J. Afr. Hist., xiii (1972), 218Google Scholar. See also Williams, D., Icon and Image, a study of Sacred and Secular forms of Classical African Art (London, 1974), 276Google Scholar. For Thurstan Shaw's reply, see ‘Those Igbo-Ukwu Radiocarbon Dates: Facts, Fictions and Probabilities’ J. Afr. Hist., XVI (1975), 503–17.Google Scholar
146 Horton, R., ‘A Note on Recent Finds of Brasswork in the Niger Delta’ Odu (n.s.), ii (1965), 76–91Google Scholar; Ekejiuba, F., ‘A Contribution to the Problem of Brasswork in Eastern Nigeria’ African Notes, iv (1965), 11–15Google Scholar; Hartle, D. D., ‘Archaeology in Eastern Nigeria’ Nigeria Magazine, xciii (1967), 134–43.Google Scholar
147 Lecoq, R., Les Bamileke (Paris, 1953), fig. 45.Google Scholar
148 Shaw, , Igbo-Ukwu, vol. I, 282Google Scholar; vol II, pl. 337.
149 Williams, D., ‘An Outline History of Tropical African Art’ in Africa in the Nineteenth and the Twentieth Centuries, ed. Anene, J. C. and Brown, G. N. (Ibadan, 1966), 68.Google Scholar
150 Shaw, , Igbo-Ukwu, vol. I, 270.Google Scholar
151 Jeffreys, M. D. W., ‘The Umundri Tradition of Origin’ African Studies, xv (1956), 110–31Google Scholar, and Boston, J., ‘Notes on Contact between the Igala and the Ibo’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, ii (1960), 52–7.Google Scholar
152 For a comprehensive discussion of the Esie and other related stone sculptures, see Allison, , African Stone Sculpture, 21–4.Google Scholar
153 See ibid., 25–35, and Allison, P., Cross River Monoliths (Lagos, 1968).Google Scholar
154 Dark, , An Introduction to Benin Art, 96–7.Google Scholar
155 Wescott, J., Yoruba Art in German and Swiss Museums (Ibadan, 1958).Google Scholar
156 Fagg, B., ‘The Rock Gong Complex Today and in Prehistoric Times’ J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, i (1956), 27–42Google Scholar; id., ‘The Cave Paintings and Rock Gongs of Birnin Kudu, Proceedings of the Pan African Congress on Prehistory, Livingstone, 1955 (London, 1957), 306–12Google Scholar; Sassoon, H., ‘Cave Paintings Recently Discovered near Bauchi’ Man, ix (1960), 50–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lebeuf, J. P., ‘Research Notes: Prehistory, Proto-history and History in Chad’ J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, ii (1963), 593–601.Google Scholar