Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
Coins and weights provide evidence which can throw light on the origins of the trans-Saharan gold trade. Such a trade does not seem to have existed before the end of the third century a.d., but from 296 to 311 an irregular gold coinage was issued at Carthage, and by the end of the fourth century there were significant changes in the North African tax system to enable more gold to be collected. The solidus, a coin first issued in 312, provided the standard used for weighing gold-dust in the trans-Saharan trade, while copper, a major item of merchandise in that trade, was being imported to Jenne-Jeno by a.d. 400. This strongly suggests that the gold trade first assumed significance in the fourth century. The trade was evidently flourishing before the Arab conquest, for the Byzantine mint of Carthage produced a copious output of gold between 534 and 695. For weighing gold-dust, the standard based on the Roman ounce and the solidus was retained by the Arabs, and survived until the nineteenth century in the Western Sudan. It was also adopted by the Akan of Ghana and Ivory Coast, who made it the basis of their weight-system from about 1400 to 1900.
1 D., and Robert, S. and Devisse, J., Tegdaoust I: Recherches sur Aoudaghost (Paris, 1970), 139.Google Scholar
2 G., and Charles-Picard, C., Daily Life in Carthage (London, 1961), 217.Google Scholar
3 See for instance Law, R. C. C., ‘The Garamantes and trans-Saharan enterprise in classical times’, J. Afr. Hist. VIII (1967), 188.Google Scholar
4 Müller, C., Geographi Graeci Minores, I (Paris, 1855–1861), 93–4.Google Scholar
5 Law, , ‘The Garamantes’, 188.Google Scholar
6 Germain, G., ‘Qu'est-ce le périple d'Hannon?’, Hesperis, XLIV (1957), 247–8.Google Scholar
7 Mauny, R., ‘La navigation sur les côtes du Sahara pendant l'antiquité’, Revue des études anciennes, LVII (1965), 99–101.Google Scholar
8 Herodotus, iv. 195.
9 Accounts of a silent gold trade have now been largely discredited: de Moraes Farias, P. F., ‘Silent trade: myth and historical evidence’, History in Africa I (1974), 9–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
10 Herodotus, iv. 196.
11 For instance by Law, , ‘The Garamantes’, 188Google Scholar (stating that the Carthaginians ‘certainly’ imported West African gold by sea); by Swanson, J. T., ‘The myth of trans-Saharan trade during the Roman era’ Int. J. Afr. Hist. Stud., VIII (1975), 595Google Scholar (‘silent barter between Carthaginians and a people located somewhere on the West African coast’); and by Thurstan Shaw, in Ajayi, J. F. A. and Crowder, M., eds, History of West Africa, I (2nd ed., London, 1976), 62Google Scholar (‘Herodotus's account of the Carthaginians’ “silent trade” for West African gold is almost certainly based on fact’).
12 Herodotus., 32.
13 Jenkins, G. K. and Lewis, R. B., Carthaginian Gold and Electrum Coins (Royal Numismatic Society, London 1963), 5.Google Scholar
14 Ibid. 20–4, 41.
15 Ibid. 37–41.
16 Ibid. 26 and footnote.
17 Seltman, C., Greek Coins (London, 1933), 241Google Scholar; Carson, R. A. G., Coins Ancient, Medieval and Modern (London, 1962), 88.Google Scholar
18 Rostovtzeff, M. I., The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, I (Oxford, 1941), 381–2, 402.Google Scholar
19 Robinson, E. S. G., Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Cyrenaica (London, 1927).Google Scholar
20 Other gold coins formerly attributed to the region are now known to be Spanish and Sicilian: Mazard, J., Corpus Nummorum Numidiae Mauretaniaeque (Paris, 1955), 46Google Scholar; Carson, R. A. G. and Sutherland, C. H. V. (eds.), Essays in Roman Coinage presented to Harold Mattingly (Oxford, 1956), 35Google Scholar; Jenkins, and Lewis, , Carthaginian Gold and Electrum Coins, 49.Google Scholar
21 Mattingly, H., Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, I (London, 1923), xxiii.Google Scholar
22 Mazard, J., ‘Le monnayage d'or des rois de Numidie et de Maurétanie’, Revue Numismatique, XIV (1952), 2, 18.Google Scholar
23 Swanson, , ‘The myth of trans-Saharan trade’, 594.Google Scholar
24 Haywood, R. M., ‘Roman Africa’, in Frank, Tenney (ed.), An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, IV (Baltimore, 1938), 23Google Scholar; Pliny, xxxiii. 15.
25 Haywood, , ‘Roman Africa’, 80–1.Google Scholar
26 Strabo, xvii. 3. 7.
27 Lucan, , Pharsalia, IX 425–5.Google Scholar
28 Pliny, v. 34, xxxiii. 21; Strabo, iii. 2. 8–10.
29 Thompson, L. and Ferguson, J. (eds.), Africa in Classical Antiquity (Ibadan, 1969), 16Google Scholar (citing no authority).
30 Davidson, B., Africa: History of a Continent (New York, 1966), 66.Google Scholar
31 Hallett, R., Africa to 1875: A Modern History (Ann Arbor, 1970), 124.Google Scholar
32 Haywood, , ‘Roman Africa’, 62.Google Scholar
33 Swanson, , ‘The myth of trans-Saharan trade’, 594.Google Scholar
34 Bovill, E. W., The Golden Trade of the Moors (2nd ed., London, 1968), 40–1Google Scholar; Levtzion, N., Ancient Ghana and Mali (London, 1973), 9.Google Scholar
35 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxviii. 6. 5, xxix. 5. 55; MacKendrick, P., The North African Stones Speak (University of North Carolina, 1980), 175.Google Scholar
36 Sutherland, C. H. V. and Carson, R. A. G., The Roman Imperial Coinage, VI (London, 1967). 645–81, 411–33.Google Scholar
37 Theodosian Code, 12. 7. 1 (Emperor Constantine to Euphrasius, 19 July 325: De ponderatoribus et auri illatione), in Pharr, C. (trans.), The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions (Princeton, N.J., 1952).Google Scholar The Code was published on 15 February 438.
38 Ibid. 10. 19. 4 (Valentinian and Valens to Germanianus, 8 Jan. 367).
39 Law, , ‘The Garamantes’, 197–8.Google Scholar For details see Gautier, E. F. and Reygasse, M., ‘Le monument de Tin-Hinan’, Annates de l'Académie des Sciences Coloniales, vii (1934)Google Scholar, and Reygasse, M., Monuments funéraires préislamiques de l'Afrique du Nord (Paris, 1950), 97–8.Google Scholar
40 Theodosian Code, 13. 1.8. Between 334 and 374 various exemptions were granted to architects, gravediggers, shipmasters, peasants on the imperial estates and free-born professors of painting: Ibid. 13. 1. 1, 13. 1. 8, 13. 4. 1 (posted at Carthage), 13. 4. 4, 13. 5. 10.
41 Ibid. 13. 1. 17–18, 12. 6. 39, 13. 1. 19.
42 Ibid. 11. 1. 32, 11. 7. 20–1, 11. 1. 34.
43 Novels of Valentinian Augustus 13, in Pharr, , The Theodosian Code, 527.Google Scholar
44 Jones, A. H. M., ‘Inflation under the Roman Empire’, Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd series, v, 3 (1953). 314.Google Scholar
45 The Portuguese were obtaining ten times as much (about 14,000 ounces a year) on the Gold Coast in the early sixteenth century.
46 Wroth, W., Catalogue of the Coins of the Vandals, Ostrogoths and Lombards (London, 1911), xv–xvi, xxiGoogle Scholar; Tomasini, W. J., The Barbaric Tremissis in Spain and Southern France: Anastasius to Leovigild (American Numismatic Society, New York, 1964), 25–44.Google Scholar
47 Courtois, C. and others, Tablettes Albertini (Paris, 1952), 302.Google Scholar
48 MacKendrick, , The North African Stones Speak, 258.Google Scholar
49 Sear, D. R., Byzantine Coins and Their Values (London, 1974), 70, 90, 103, 117, 136, 140, 164–5, 188–90, 202.Google Scholar
50 Whitting, P. D., Byzantine Coins (London, 1973), 69Google Scholar; Wroth, W., Imperial Byzantine Coins in the British Museum, I (London, 1908), ci.Google Scholar
51 Grierson, P., ‘Dated solidi of Maurice, Phocas, and Heraclius’, The Numismatic Chronicle, 6th series, x (1950), 60–1, 69.Google Scholar
52 Grierson, P., ‘A barbarous North African solidus of the late seventh century’, The Numismatic Chronicle, 6th series, x (1950), 301Google Scholar; Carson, , Coins Ancient, Medieval and Modern, 205.Google Scholar
53 Grierson, , ‘Dated solidi’,60Google Scholar; Whitting, P. D., ‘A seventh-century hoard at Carthage’, The Numismatic Chronicle, 7th series, vi (1966), 226.Google Scholar
54 Rynearson, P. F., Byzantine Coin Values, a Guide (San Diego, California, 1967), 39, 45–51.Google Scholar
55 Grierson, , ‘Dated solidi’, 301–5Google Scholar, has suggested that certain copies of solidi of Constantine IV were struck by the Arabs at Kairouan as early as 669–70. His arguments are not very convincing.
56 Ibid. 49–51; Whitting, , Byzantine Coins, 226.Google Scholar
57 Grierson, , ‘Dated solidi’, 54–5.Google Scholar
58 Sear, , Byzantine Coins, 119–20.Google Scholar
59 al-Hakam, Ibn ʿAbd, Conquête de l'Afrique du Nord et de l'Espagne, trans. Gateau, A. (2nd ed., Algiers, 1948), 35.Google Scholar
60 Levi-Provençal, E., ‘Un nouveau récit de la Conquêe de l'Afrique du Nord par les Arabes’, Arabica, i (1954), 36–7Google Scholar (an account by al-Halim).
61 Al-Hakam, , Conquête de l'Afrique du Nord, 45, 47.Google Scholar
62 Ibid. 59, 63–5. See also 154 n. 43 for the correct date of this campaign.
63 Al-Halim in Levi-Provençal, , ‘Un nouveau récit’, 40.Google Scholar
64 Whitting, , ‘A seventh-century hoard’, 225–6.Google Scholar
65 Al-Hakam, , Conquête de l'Afrique du Nord, 121–3.Google Scholar
66 Beaumier, A. (trans.), ‘Roudh el-Kartas’, Histoire des Souverains du Maghreb (Espagne et Maroc) et annates de la Ville de Fes (Paris, 1860), 55.Google Scholar
67 Both gold dinars and silver dirhems were struck to pay the tribute: de Candia, J. Farrugia, ‘Monnaies aghlabides du Museé du Bardo’, Les Cahiers de Tunisie, iv (1956), 95–6, 99.Google Scholar See also Talbi, M., L'émirat aghlabide (Paris, 1966), 109 n. iGoogle Scholar and sources therein cited.
68 Baladhuri, Futuh el-Buldan, and Maqrizi, Sudur el-‘uqud fi dikr en nuqud, trans, in Eustache, D., ‘Etudes de numismatique et de métrologie musulmanes’, Hespéris-Tamuda, ix, i (1968), 76, 78Google Scholar and x, 1–2 (1969), 98.
69 Walker, J., A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins (British Museum, London, 1956), xli.Google Scholar
70 Mitchiner, M., Oriental Coins and their Values: the World of Islam (London, 1977), 55.Google Scholar
71 Walker, , Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins, lviii–lix.Google Scholar
72 Vire, F., ‘Dénéraux, estampilles et poids musulmans en verre de Tunisie’, Les Cahiers de Tunisie, iv (1956), 35 (no. 19) and 37 (no. 22).Google Scholar
73 Some Abbasid dinars from Egypt also bear the name ‘El Maghrib’: Lane-Poole, S., Catalogue of the Collection of Arabic Coins Preserved in the Khedivial Library at Cairo (London, 1897), 69–70.Google Scholar
74 Devisse, in Robert, and Devisse, , Tegdaoust, 134–6, 139.Google Scholar
75 Ibid. 140 n. i. A notable omission is Walker's standard catalogue of Umayyad coins: see note 69 supra.
76 Levtzion, , Ancient Ghana, 127Google Scholar; Messier, R. A., ‘Muslim exploitation of West African gold during the period of the Fatimid Caliphate’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1972), 32.Google Scholar
77 Jenkins, and Lewis, , Carthaginian Gold and Electrum Coins, 13.Google Scholar
78 The weight of the libra is often stated to be 327 45 grams, but this conveys a false sense of precision, and is now recognised as slightly too high: see Grierson, P., ‘The monetary reforms of ʿAbd al-Malik’, J. Econ. & Soc. Hist. of the Orient, iii (1960), 252.Google Scholar
79 Ferron, J. and Pinard, M., ‘Les fouilles de Byrsa’, Cahiers de Byrsa, ix (1960–1961), 163 (no. 518).Google Scholar
80 Sutherland, and Carson, , Roman Imperial Coinage, 40, 100.Google Scholar
81 Encyclopaedia of Islam, i (Leyden, 1936), 975Google Scholar, citing Koran iii. 68; Baladhuri in Eustache, , ‘Etudes de numismatique’, Pt i, 76–8Google Scholar; Maqrizi, Ibid. Pt 2, 98.
82 Walker, , Catalogue of the Arab–Byzantine, Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins, 17–18, 42–3Google Scholar (giving specimens of 4.50, 4.48, 4.46, 4.46 and 4.41 grams).
83 Hazard, H. W., The Numismatic History of Late Medieval North Africa (New York, 1952), 61, 325.Google Scholar
84 Ibid. 325.
85 Balog, P., The Coinage of the Mamluk Sultans of Egypt and Syria (New York, 1964) 39–47.Google Scholar See also Poole, S. Lane, The Coinage of Egypt (British Museum, 1879)Google Scholar, and The Coins of the Turks in the British Museum (London, 1883).Google Scholar
86 Encyclopaedia of Islam, iii, 528.
87 See for instance Johnson, M., ‘The nineteenth-century gold mithqal in West and North Africa’, J. Afr. Hist. ix (1968), 547–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar, where the confusion is extreme.
88 For instance Khaldun, Ibn, The Muqaddimah (trans. Rosenthal, F., New York, 1958), 59–60.Google Scholar
89 The Arabs were slow to interfere with the weight systems of the lands they occupied: Grierson, , ‘The monetary reforms of 'Abd al-Malik’, 241.Google Scholar In some cases they validated Byzantine weights of Roman standard for continued use: Miles, G. C., A Byzantine weight validated by al-Walid (A.N.S., New York, 1939)Google Scholar and ‘A Byzantine bronze weight in the name of Bisr b. Marwan’, Arabica ix (1962), 113–8.Google Scholar
90 They were, however, not completely unknown. Specimens from Kumbi, Jenne, Air and Gao have been noted: Garrard, T. F., Akan Weights and the Gold Trade (London, 1980), 216.Google Scholar
91 The Voyages of Alvise da Cadamosto, ed. and trans. Crone, G. R. (London, 1937), 26.Google Scholar
92 Martin, A. G. P., Quatre siècles d'histoire marocaine (Paris, 1923), 13.Google Scholar
93 Ibid. 15.
94 Monteil, C., Monographie de Djénné (Tulle, 1903), 251–3.Google Scholar
95 Binger, L. G., Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée (Paris, 1892), 166.Google Scholar
96 Garrard, T. F., ‘Notes on Begho’ (Dept. of Archaeology, Univ. of Ghana, 1976), 8, 17, 20–1Google Scholar (interviews at Namasa, Debibi and Bonduku, 1975).
97 Garrard, Akan Weights, chapter 7.
98 Garrard, T. F., ‘Pottery and stone goldweights from Ghana’, Sankofa, i (Legon Archaeological Society, University of Ghana, 1975), 53–61.Google Scholar
99 Mauny, R., Tableau geographique de l'ouest africain au moyen âge, (IFAN, Dakar, 1961), 416Google Scholar; Garrard, , Akan weights, 219.Google Scholar See also Martin, , Quatre Siecles, 15.Google Scholar
100 Africanus, Leo, in Ramusio, G. B., Delle Navigatione e Viaggi, i (Venice, 1588) 78 D.Google Scholar
101 Hacquard, A. and Dupuis, A., Manuel de la langue Songay parlée de Tombouctou à Say dans la boucle du Niger (Paris, 1897), 45Google Scholar; Hacquard, A., Monographie de Tombouctou (Paris, 1900), 57–8.Google Scholar
102 Monteil, , Monographie de Djenne, 251–3Google Scholar; Mauny, , Tableau géographique, 418.Google Scholar
103 Garrard, , ‘Pottery and stone goldweights’ 53–61.Google Scholar
104 S. K., and McIntosh, R. J., Prehistoric Investigations at Jenne, Mali (Cambridge, 1980), 161–2.Google Scholar
105 Miles, , A Byzantine weight, 6Google Scholar, citing Sir Flinders Petrie; Garrard, , Akan Weights, 237.Google Scholar
106 The Roman standard also survived in many towns of southern Europe until the nineteenth century.
107 Garrard, , Akan Weights, 236.Google Scholar
108 Balog, P., ‘Islamic bronze weights from Egypt’, J. Econ. & Soc. Hist. of the Orient, xiii (1970), plates i–iiGoogle Scholar; Photothèque IFAN, Dakar, No. B. 55. 541 (Jenne weights); Garrard, , Akan Weights, 278–83Google Scholar and plates.
109 Hacquard, and Dupuis, , Manuel de la langue Songay, 45Google Scholar; Binger, , Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée, ii, 166Google Scholar; Garrard, , Akan Weights, 240.Google Scholar
110 N. Levtzion, in Ajayi and Crowder, History of West Africa, i, 115.
111 McIntosh, and McIntosh, , Prehistoric Investigations, ii, 444.Google Scholar
112 In the 1780s an African trader from the Gambia located Bitu on a branch of the Niger, upstream from Jenne and close to Bambara: Report of the Lords of the Committee of Council… Concerning the Present State of the Trade to Africa, and Particularly the Trade in Slaves (London, 1789)Google Scholar, part vi (information from Captain Blankett). Bitu is not to be confused with Begho, an entirely different town which lay north of the Akan forest.
113 The important Akan goldfields further to the south do not appear to have been exploited until about the fourteenth century.
114 Barker, H., ‘Examination of the Ife bronze heads’, Man, lxv, (1965), 23–4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
115 McIntosh, and McIntosh, , Prehistoric Investigations, ii, 445.Google Scholar
116 Messier, R. A., ‘The Almoravids: West African gold and the gold currency of the Mediterranean basin’, J. Econ. & Soc. Hist. of the Orient, xvii, i (1974), 31–47.Google Scholar
117 Miles, G. C., ‘The year 400 a.h.1009–1010 a.d. at the mint of Cordoba’, Numisma, xvii (1967), 9–25Google Scholar; a.s. Ehrenkreutz, , ‘Numismato-statistical reflections on the annual gold coinage production of the Tulunid mint in Egypt’, J. Econ. & Soc. Hist. of the Orient, xx (1977), 267–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
118 For discussion of some of the issues and problems involved, see the inquiry by a seminar, ‘Early Islamic mint output’, J. Econ. & Soc. Hist. of the Orient, ix (1966), 212–41Google Scholar, and Grierson, P., ‘The volume of Anglo-Saxon Coinage’, Econ. Hist. Rev. xx (1967), 153–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar