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Madagascar and Africa: II. The Sakalava, Maroserana, Dady and Tromba before 1700

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

R. K. Kent
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Extract

Linguistic research has revealed a Bantu ‘substratum’ among the few ethnic relics of western Madagascar that survive in what became known as the Sakalava empire. Early in the 1600's, two Jesuits familiar with both sides of the Moçambique Channel, discovered that some 300 miles of western Malagasy littoral bore the name of Bambala and were inhabited by Bantu-speaking agriculturalists, whose idiom was only modified by Malagasy loans. Bambala's African colonies were sub-divided into riverain chiefdoms, the largest of which was Sadia, with some 10,000 inhabitants in 1617. From it, the Sakalava warriors fanned out in the 1620's, came into contact with the southwestern Maroserana dynasty and gave it an empire by 1690 stretching from St Augustine Bay to present-day Majunga.

Maroserana kings adopted two of Bambala's politico-religious institutions, while the empire-building gradually decimated the original Sakalava warriors and swept away Bambala's Bantu speakers by ± 1710. Pastoralists from north, south and east replaced the former agricultural peoples while retaining the name ‘Sakalava’. But, there is no doubt that the first Malagasy empire was an African creation, and doubly so since association with gold confirms anew the close links between the Maroserana and gold-bearing Mwene Mutapa.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of African History , Volume 9 , Issue 4 , October 1968 , pp. 517 - 546
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1968

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References

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2 This was first noticed by the Norwegian missionary and linguist, Lars, Dahle, in his analysis of ‘The Swaheli element in the new Malagasy–English dictionary’, Antananarivo Annual (1885), 99–115. The Richardson dictionary lists the appropriate words as either Sakalava or ‘provincial’. Also consulted were the unpublished manuscripts of the Académie Malgache entitled Enquêtes sur les dialectes malgaches (1909–12).Google Scholar

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6 See ‘Restitution des reliques des rois sakalava à leurs familles’, Journal Officiel de Madagascar (Tananarive), 12 03 1902, p. 7183.Google Scholar

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10 ‘The Sakkalava,’ according to Noel, ‘kings and subjects alike, are ruled by oral traditions,’ often called ‘fitera or customs and n'antoaniraza or ancestral ways… and they include history, mythology and poetry’, in ‘Recherches sur les Sakkalava’, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, XX (1873), 285, 292–293.Google Scholar ‘In every place visited among the Sakalava,’ wrote Guillain, ‘we found events and names recalled by tradition still living in the memory we have heard the Sakalava invoke these names in all important activities of their social life [and] recall with pride these events… and, in the presence of testimony thus given by an entire people, it became difficult to remain completely sceptical’, in his Documents sur l'histoire, la géographie et le commerce de la partie occidentale de Madagascar (1845), 9–10.Google Scholar

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14 The boundaries of Menabé were never precise. At its peak, the kingdom encompassed all lands south–north from the Fiherenana to the Manambao rivers and from the sea to the massifs of Isalo, Midongy, Lava, Tsara and Bongo. Cf. Thomassin, Lt. ‘Notes sur le royaume de Mahabo’, Notes, reconnaissances et explorations, VI (1900), 397.Google Scholar

15 But, according to a tradition prevalent in the valley of Fiherenana, which had been a buffer zone between Menabé and Mahafaly, the proto-Maroserana came from the interior of Madagascar as a ‘group of Whites’ led by Andrian-Alim-bé. In a short time, he gained control over south-western lands which became known as Mahafaly, ‘a site sacred, respected, fortunate in allusion to the glorious destiny augured by the arrival of the White Chief’. The name of Maroserana was given to his descendants, from whom the Volamena branched out later in time. This is the only known tradition which holds that the ancestral Maroserana did not come to Madagascar directly by a maritime route.

16 Abraham, D. P., ‘The early political history of the kingdom of Mwene Mutapa, 850–1589’, in Historians in Tropical Africa (Salisbury, Rhodesia, 1962), mimeographed, 62, 67 and 77, note 13, for works by Posselt, Bullock and Gelfand on the same subject. The Sakalava mediums, known sometimes as vaha (from vahavahana or ‘informed beforehand’ and also famahavahana, ‘manifestation’), do not appear, however, to have had a role in matters of succession, like the Masvikiro.Google Scholar

17 In the widest sense, H. Baumann and D. Westermann attribute this feature to four ‘culture areas’ (all of them containing Bantu-speaking populations) or Southern Congolese, Interlacustrine, Rhodesian, and Zambezian, (Les Peuples et les civilisations de l'Afrique, (1962), 154, 169, 185, 223, 249–50, and 531–7 for bibliography of older primary accounts).Google Scholar In a more limited way, De, La Croix (Relation universelle de l'Afrique, III (1688), 364–5) saw the taking of hair and nails from the dead as a general custom in Loango kingdom.Google Scholar More specifically, Clement Doke reports that the Lamba even had an official with the title of Nail (Lyala) who kept the teeth, nails and toes of deceased chiefs (The Lambas of Northern Rhodesia (1931), 187–9.) Each type of illustration could be considerably augmented.Google Scholar

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31 Ibid. 12. The names are given as Darikipetuali and Faidabé.

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39 Cf. Santos, , dos, Fr. João, Ethiopia Oriental, II (1981), 1st ed. (1609);Google Scholar and Tantara, I (1953), 89–28,Google Scholar and Savaron's, ‘Contribution à l'histoire de l'Imerina’, BAM, nouvelle sèrie, XI (1928), 61–81.Google Scholar

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61 Mariano, , Letter of July 1616, in COACM, II (1904), 218–21;Google Scholar and Letter of 22 October 1616 (population decline), in COACM, II (1904), 239.Google Scholar

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68 This bull authorized, in the name of the king, Luis Mariano and other Jesuit Fathers to reside at Mazelagem. It was dated in the month of Fungalo, sixth day of the moon, in the year juma atano molongo antini peti nerufi, computed as 4 November 1619. It terminates: ‘I, Dadade, wrote [these words] on the order of Simamo and also by [permission of] Jombe Baqueli, Mandeishe Sabunda, Sangansa Hassani, Sangansa Malimu, Jombe Sabanda and by all the people of the land’: signed; Simamo; witness; Agilcouta (COACM, II (1904), 325–6). Jumbe has been the title of rulers on the Swahili Coast and Comoro Islands.Google Scholar

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82 From Antaylaot (Malay for ‘oversea people’) but restricted in Madagascar to Muslim settlers, a mixture of ‘Moors’ and Malagasy.

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84 Tantara, I (1953), 278.Google Scholar

85 Ibid.

86 Mariano, , Letter of 21 October, 1616, in COACM, II (1904), 220.Google Scholar

87 Conformity to this custom caused the Maroserana considerable trouble, from the lands of Mahafaly in the south-west to Iboina in the north, where the formation of Tsimihety (those who do not cut their hair) took place as a result of refusal to submit to the Maroserana. The Mahafaly oral traditions state that their ruling clan of Tsileliki intermarried with the Maroserana and hence did not have to shave their heads following a Maroserana death. Reported by Mamelomana, E., Les Mahafaly (78-page unpublished typescript based on oral texts, s.d., owned by University of Madagascar).Google Scholar

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94 According to an administrator named Dreyer, see Dreyer to Analalava Province Chief, Letter of December 1915, appended to document no. 620 of the Ch. Poirier Library (owned by the University of Madagascar); see also note 102 below.

95 Tovonkery was the elder of all the mpanjaka (chiefs) of Maromandia and principal guardian of oral tradition, entrusted with the key to the royal family tomb at Kapany, according to Dreyer, Letter of 9 Dec. 1915.

96 Tovonkery, , ‘Ory Mpanjaka Voalohany izay Fantatra Tantara araka ny Lovantsofina dia: Andriamandisoarivo’ (‘The first of kings whose history is known according to the heritage of the ears was Andriamandisoarivo’), in his ‘Lovantsofina Milaza ny Tantara Nihavian'ny Mpanjaka Sakalava Samy Hofa Eto Amin'ny Faritany Maromandia’ (‘Oral traditions of the Sakalava kings submitted by the District Head of Maromandia’), 1915, p. 7, document no. 620 of the Ch. Poirier Library, U.M.Google Scholar

97 Sgt., Firinga, ‘La Dynastie des Maroserana’, Revue de Madagascar, III (1901), 658–72. Prud'homme was in charge of Sakalava land.Google Scholar

98 Firinga, , ‘Maroserana’, RJW, III (1901), 662–3.Google Scholar

99 , Prud'homme, ‘Considerations sur lea Sakalava’, NRE, VI (1900), 9.Google Scholar The oldest source to advance this hypothesis I know of is Carpeau, du Saussay, Voyage de Madagascar (1722 but written actually in 1663), 246. He saw the ‘Blacks of Madagascar’ as its original population but the ‘Whites came some time ago from Mazambique…having been expelled by the tyrant of Quiloe’.Google Scholar

100 Cited by De La Motte Saint-Pierre, R., ‘Nossi-bé 13° latitude south’ (1949, unpublished typescript of the Académie Malgache),53–4. This would place the Maroserana formation roughly at ± 1550.Google Scholar

101 G. Grandidier, ‘Essai d'histoire des Malgaches de la région occidentale: lea Sakalava’ (s.d., unfinished typescript of 78 pp. with extensive notes, used by kind permission of Professor Hubert Deschamps), 1–3 and notes 8–9. Based on the Cahiers of his father, written among the Sakalava (1868–70), it cites them extensively; Abdallah, , ‘Généalogie des Maroserana’ (s.d. document no. 629 of the Poirier Library, U.M.), pp. 1–2;Google ScholarCh., Betoto, ‘Histoire de la royauté Sakalava’ (1950), typescript, pp. 3–4, by kind permission of the author.Google Scholar

102 Oral Traditions Taped/Reel I (1965), at Mirinarivo-Majunga (Iboina). Informants: mpanjaka Nintsy, Mamory-bé and Tsimanohitra Tombo. Mirinarivo-Majunga is the site of Doany which contains the royal Sakalava enclave (Zomba) and the tombs. Mamory-bé and Tombo are ampitatara (historians) and tomb-guardians.Google Scholar

103 Litt. ‘king wronged by thousands’. The fitahina alludes to a dynastic dispute between the sons of Andriandahifotsy and was given to the younger one Tsimanatona (see text below), founder of Sakalava-Iboina. In the old days, former kings could never by mentioned by their life-time names but only by the fitahina.

104 OTT/I (1965); informant: Nintsy.Google Scholar

105 OTT/I (1965); informant: Tombo.Google Scholar

106 Ibid.

107 OTT/I (1965); informant: Mamory-bé.Google Scholar

108 OTT/Reel III (1965), taped near Morondava, Menabé. Informant does not wish to be identified by name.Google Scholar

109 OTT/I (1965);Google Scholar informant: Tombo. Father Webber, who spent some time toward the middle of the nineteenth century among the Sakalava, defines Mososa as ‘one in contact with the demon, one who carries the ody (amulets) and flags in expeditions’; Dictionnaire (1853), 482.Google Scholar In the East African dialects of Gi-kunya and Ki-tikuu, mwosa applies to those who attend the dead, cf. Sacleux, , Dictionnaire, II (1945), 653. Osa is also found in the Hosana priests in Mwene Mutapa.Google Scholar

110 de. Flacourt, E., ‘Relation de ce qui s'est passé en l'Ile de Madagascar, 1642–1660’ (1661), COACM, IX (1920), 139.Google Scholar

111 COACM, ii (1904), 488.Google Scholar

112 Kent, , ‘Bara’, JAH, IX, no. 3 (1968).Google Scholar

113 Ibid.

114 Abraham, , ‘Mwene Mutapa, 850–1589’ (1962), 68.Google Scholar

115 Guillain, , Documents (1845), 11, note 1, who asked for the etymons of Maroserana could not obtain ‘an adequate explanation’. It was a title meaning lit. ‘many paths’ or ‘many traces’.Google Scholar

116 Grandidier, A., first in his ‘Un voyage scientifique à Madagascar’, Revue Scientifique, I, no. 46 (05 1872), 1086, and subsequently in almost every passage dealing with the origins of the Sakalava and south-eastern Anteisaka. He has been followed by numerous writers.Google Scholar

117 Cf. Marchand, , ‘Les habitants de la province de Farafangana’, Revue de Madagascar, III (1901), 485–6;Google Scholar and Deschamps, H., Les Antaisaka, (1936), 162–4 and passim. Grandidier's ‘Anteisaka–Sakalava’ hypothesis and his ‘Indian theory’ are still widely accepted and adhered to in Madagascar. They will be reviewed in some detail shortly in the Bulletin de Madagascar.Google Scholar

118 Deschamps, , Antaisaka (1936), 163–4.Google Scholar

119 ‘Niandohan'ny Fivavahan'ny Sakalava’ (‘Origins of the Sakalava Religion’), MS notebook, document no. 2238/2 of the Académie Malgache, pp. 1–7. Set down on paper by an anonymous writer ca. 1908.

120 Ndramboay appears in numerous traditions and is associated either with Andriamandazoala or Andriamandresi, with a human sacrifice of a royal wife, or with the creation of another symbol of Sakalava royalty, the vy lava, long ceremonial knife. The vy lava is discussed by administrator Bernard in ‘Notice sur le Vy Lava’ (MS s.d. document no. 623 of the Poirier Library, U.M.), pp. 1–3.

121 For example, Henri, Rusillon, ‘Généalogie Maroserana Zafimbolamena’, BAM, VI (1922–1923), 172. There were two Andriamisara in this genealogy according to him.Google Scholar

122 Birkeli, , Marques (1926), 32–3. This was actually true in 1926, but the remains of Andriamisara have since been taken to Majunga.Google Scholar

123 Reported by Captain Holm, of Soldaat, in COACM, III (1905), 381–2.Google Scholar

124 ‘Voyage de Ia flüte Waaterhoen’, COACM, III (1905), 307–9.Google Scholar

125 ‘Description de la Baie de Saint-Augustin’, COACM, III (1905), 334.Google Scholar

126 Martin, F., Mémoire concernant l'Ile de Madagascar, 11 Aoýt 1665–19 Octobre 1668, COACM, IX (1920), 514.Google Scholar

127 Ibid. 479, 515–16.

128 Ibid. 605–6.

129 The 1668 document to which Guillain had referred is actually dated 22 February 1670, ‘Relation des Remarques qui ont estes faites sur les principalles Bayes, Ances & Havres de l'Isle Duaphine & Isles Adiaçantes’ (Paris, Archives Nationales, Section Outre-Mer, Correspondence Madagascar, new doc. no. C 5A1/32. I am grateful to M. Laroche, the Director, for permission to use the Archival materials). It was prepared by the captains, pilots and merchants of the vessel Petit St Jan. On folio 4 of the text, it is stated that chiefs of the St Augustine Bay area came to Fort-Dauphin early in February 1669 to ask the governor ‘for protection against La Heye Fouchy’.

130 In Du, Bois, Les Voyages faites… aux Isles Dauphine ou Madagascar, & Bourbon, ou Mascarenne, es années 1669–1672 (1674), 108.Google Scholar

131 Du, Bois, Voyages (1674), 305–8.Google Scholar

132 For example, the Antetsetsake, Tsimanavadraza, Tentembola and Andrevola (both tsi mate manota, or exempt from capital punishment), Tambahy, Antamby, Andrabé, Tsongoro, among others.

133 Drury, , Madagascar (1890), 280, wrote that he ‘could not find that ever they formed themselves into regular kingdoms… each town being a distinct and independent common-wealth’. This was in contrast to their ‘superior ingenuity’ in crafts and medicine (the Vazimba cured Drury's venereal disease).Google Scholar

134 Grandidier, G., ‘Essai’ (typescript), p. 3 bis, note 7.’ To the Maroserana and Sakalava chiefs they paid as tribute the réré or large river turtles, excellent food, along with sweetwater fish and bananas.’Google Scholar

135 Birkeli, , Marques (1926), 33. According to Eric Axelson, Portuguese in South-East Africa, 1600–1700 (1964), 5, 37 Dos Santos reported the kingdom of Sacumbe, upstream from Tete', on a fortified hill honeycombed with copper-workings. Tete itself was ruled by Chief Nhampanza. The Malagasy term for chief ruler, king is mpanjaka (pron. mpanzaka).Google Scholar

136 Grandidier, G., ‘Essai’ (typescript), note 3 pp. 4–5Google Scholar his, cited from Grandidier's, A. ‘Notes de Voyage’, MS (1870), and his father found two at Mahabo and eight in Belo (Tsiribihina).Google Scholar

137 Grandidier, G., ‘Essai’ (typescript), p. 4–5Google Scholar bis, note 2, from Grandidier's, A. ‘Notes de Voyage’, MS (1869), p. 688.Google Scholar

138 First reported by Guillain, , Documents (1845), 12–13.Google Scholar

139 Pirate, Cornelius, ‘Account’ (1703), COACM, III (1905), 616–17. This is the first mention in print of both Antalaotra and Vazimba.Google Scholar

140 Drury, . Madagascar (1890). 274.Google Scholar

141 De, la Merveille, ‘Récit’ (7 August 1708), COACM, III (1905), 620Google Scholar (small print), reprinted from La, Roque, Voyage de l'Arabie heureuse en 1708–1710 (1715).Google Scholar

142 Drury, , Madagascar (1890), 261–2. Drury estimated Tsimanongarivo's age at around 80.Google Scholar

143 For a brief outline of Sakalava kingdoms in the eighteenth century, see Hubert, DeschampsHistoire de Madagascar (2nd ed. 1961), 103–4.Google Scholar

144 ‘Relâche du navire Le Barneveld’ (1719), COACM, v (1907), 22, 24.Google Scholar

145 ‘Le Barneveld’, COACM, v (1907), 35.Google Scholar

146 Its very nature turned Ambongo into a refuge for dissident elements both from Menabé and Boina. Both the Sakalava and the Merina armies raided Ambongo several times in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Cf. Mayeur, Nicolas, Journal de voyage au pays des Sédaves (1774), in BAM, X (1913), 64;Google ScholarGuillain, , Documents (1845), 271–3;Google ScholarL'Iraka, no. 91 (15 03 1901), 735–6.Google Scholar

147 See Grandidier, A., Histoire de la géographie de Madagascar (2nd ed., 1892), 191–5.Google Scholar

148 On 19 June 1869 Alfred Grandidier saw at Manambolo, on a sand-bar, the last of the Vazimba conic huts, quite unique in the island. They had a base-diameter of about 2 m. and their height varied from 1·50 to 1·80 cm. (Ethnographie de Madagascar, IV, no. 3 (1917), 522).Google Scholar

149 Oliver, R., ‘The problem of the Bantu expansion’, JAH, VII, no. 3 (1966), 361–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

150 This will be plotted through linguistic and ethnographic data in the forthcoming Early Kingdoms of Madagascar. It is possible to suggest that data for Madagascar will force a reassessment of the Lunda expansions along much earlier dates.