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Firearms and warfare on the Gold and Slave Coasts from the sixteenth to the ninteenth centuries

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

R. A. Kea
R. A. Kea
Affiliation:
School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
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Extract

According to Egharevba, firearms arrived in the Benin Kingdom in the latter part of the fifteenth century, and they were first employed in Benin campaigns during the reign of Oba Esigie. Another writer states that ‘the Ekiti had encountered firearms as early as the sixteenth century, when Benin soldiers, armed with guns, supported the Ikerre in a war against the Ado’. The view that Benin military prowess in the sixteenth century derived from a monopoly in the use of firearms is current in several publications; however, the role of guns in sixteenth century Benin military history has been overestimated, for although some Portuguese arquebusiers accompanied Benin armies on expeditions and assisted the Benin rulers in their military affairs, the Benin troops did not possess the new weapons.

Type
Papers on Firearms in Sub-Saharan Africa, I
Information
The Journal of African History , Volume 12 , Issue 2 , April 1971 , pp. 185 - 213
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1971

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References

1 Egharevba, J., A Short History of Benin (Ibadan Univ. Press, 1960, 3rd ed.), 27, 30.Google Scholar

2 Smith, R. S., Kingdoms of the Yoruba (London, 1969), 124, and also 58–9.Google Scholar

3 Aderibigbe, A. A. B., ‘Peoples of Southern Nigeria’ in A Thousand Years of West African History, eds. Ajayi, J. F. Ade and Espie, I. (Ibadan Univ. Press, 1969 rev. ed.) 199;Google ScholarFlint, J. E., Nigeria and Ghana (Prentice-Hall, 1966), 81;Google ScholarRyder, A. F. C., Benin and the Europeans, 1485–1897 (Longmans, 1969), 49 and note. See note 9 below.Google Scholar

4 Ryder, , op. cit. 46.Google Scholar

5 Ibid.

6 Ryder, , op. cit. 43.Google Scholar

7 Ryder, A. F. C., ‘The Benin Mission’, Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, 1, 2 (1960), 233, 234–5, 234 n. I;Google ScholarBoxer, C. R., Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion, 1415–1825 (Johannesburg, 1961), 7–8.Google Scholar

8 Streider, J., ‘Negerkunst von Benin und Deutsches Metallexportgewerbe im 15 und 16 Jahrhundert’, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie. Heft 4'6 (Berlin, 1933), 259;Google ScholarCipolla, C. M., Guns, Sails and Empires (Minerva Press, 1965), 26, 31 and footnotes 2, 3 and 4, 32 and note 3 above.Google Scholar

9 Ryder, Google Scholar (1969), op. cit. 52. In the 1530s small quantities of firearms were smuggled into Benin from São Tomé. Ibid. 68.

10 Sundström, L., The Trade of Guinea (Lund, 1965), 55.Google Scholar

11 Ryder, Google Scholar, op. cit. 52. D. Ruiters (1623) does not list firearms among the Dutch imports into Benin nor does he refer to them when describing the wars of that kingdom. Ruiters, D., Toortse der Zee-Vaert (1623); Uitgegeven door S. P. L'Honoré Naber ('S-Gravenhage, 1913), 76, 78–9.Google Scholar

12 Barbot, J., A Description of the Coasts of North and South Guinea (London, 1746), 357–8, 365.Google Scholar

13 Ryder, , op. cit. 148–9, 150, 199. See note 18 below.Google Scholar

14 Cf. ‘The Second Voyage to Guinea set out by Sir G. Barne, Sir J. Yorke [et. al.] in the yeare 1554’ in R.Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation 8 vols (London and Toronto), IV, 52; Europeans in West Africa 1450–1560, Trans. and ed. Blake, J. W., 2 vols (London, 1942), 1, 45, 51;Google Scholar ‘Wm. Towerson's First Voyage to Guinea 1555–56’ in ibid. II, 385, and ‘The Second Voyage to Guinea and the River Sestos by Mr. Baker in 1563’ in Astley, J., A New and General Collection of Voyages and Travels, 4 vols (London, 1745–1747), 1, 182.Google Scholar Also Ratelband, K., ‘West-Afrika’. Overdruk uit Nederland in de Vijf Werelddeelen (Leiden, 1947), 253.Google Scholar

15 Bijlage, VIII, ‘Vertoog of Deductie, opgesteld voor de Staten-Generaal der Vereen. Nederlanden, door den Directeur-Generaal van de Nederlandsche Bezittingen ter Kuste van Guinea, J. Valckenburg … Anno 1656’ in de Jonge, J. K. J., De Oorsprong van Nederlands Bezittingen op de Kust van Guinea ('S-Gravenhage, 1871), 53, 57, 67.Google Scholar Cf.Ruiters, op. cit. 72, 73 and Herman, H., ‘Onze besittingen op de Kust van Guinea en de Krygsverrichtingen alḍaar, 1598 tot 1872’, Eerste Deel 1598 tot 1816. Aanwinsten no. xii, I (Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague) (Jaar, 1925), 223. I wish to thank Mr A. van Dantzig of the University of Ghana for drawing my attention to this work.Google Scholar

16 de Marees, P., Beschryvinghe ende Historische Verhael van het Gout Koninchrijck van Guinea anders de Gout-Custe de Mina genaemt liggende in het deel van Africa; Uitgegeven door S. P. L'Honoré Naber ('S-Gravenhage, 1912), 95–96.Google Scholar

17 ‘T Cargasoen ofte coopmanschappen, geladen in tboot, genaemt De Goede Hoop, nae de costen van Guinea’ and ‘Reeckeninge van A. Adriaensz tot Schiedam van Uytredinge met sün ladinge op Guinea’ in van Gelder, H. E., ‘Scheepsrekeningen van Enkele der Vroegste Guinea-Vaarten’, Economisch-Historisch Jaarboek, Tweede Deel, 'S-Gravenhage (1918), 246, 249.Google Scholar The ‘musketten’ were probably matchlock muskets, and the ‘roers’ snaphaunce muskets. The snaphaunce was a prototype of the later flintlock musket. See note 84 below. Sundström, , op. cit. 199Google Scholar states that in the late sixteenth century guns were exported from LiÈge via Antwerp to Africa, however both matchlock and snaphaunce muskets were made in the Netherlands at this time. See Hayward, J. F., The Art of the Gunmaker, 2 vols (London, 1962–1963), 35, 127, 134.Google Scholar

18 Van, Gelder, op. cit. 239.Google Scholar Also Unger, W. S., ‘Nieuwe gegens betreffende het begin der vaart op Guinea’, Economisch-Historisch Jaarboek. Een en Twintigste Deel ('S-Gravenhage, 1940).Google Scholar In 1598 two yachts (jachten) visited ‘a city which they say is as large as Antwerp, called Benayn (Benin)’, and it is possible that a small number of firearms were sold there at this time. ibid. 205.

19 De Marees, ibid. French vessels traded regularly on the Gold Coast in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and it is possible that French traders were another source of firearms. ibid. 87, 88 and Reizen naar West-Afrika van Pieter van den Broecke 1605–1614 Uitgegeven door K. Ratelband ('S-Gravenhage, 1950), 23.

20 De, Marees, op. cit. 49.Google Scholar

21 Thus in 1603 the personal weapons of a crew of eight on a Dutch ship of 40 to 50 last were four muskets, eight long and twelve short pikes; a crew of 25 aboard a ship of 140 to 200 last carried 16 muskets, two dozen long and three dozen short pikes. Herman, , op. cit., 15.Google Scholar

22 On Dutch-Portuguese enmity in the early seventeenth century see Bijlage II, ‘Vertoog of remonstrantie van de Bewindehebbers der verschillen-de Compagnien, handelende op de Kust van Guinea, aan de Staten-Generaal overgeleverd … 1609–1611’ in de Jonge, op. cit. 36 ff. and no. 96 ‘Carts de D. Cristovão de Melo a El-Rei (5–2–1607)’ in Brasio, A., Monumenta Missionaria Africana (Lisboa, 1955), vol. 5, 249–51.Google ScholarBarbot, , op. cit. 164, says that the Dutch supplied the Fetu and Kommenda with arms to encourage them to rise against the Portuguese.Google Scholar See also de, Marees, op. cit. 218–19, 226.Google Scholar

23 N.A. 375, fol. 262, 28 May 1612 and N. A. 645 A, fols. 29–30, 28 July 1617; ‘Consideratien van Handelaars over het belang van den Handel op de Kust van Guinea (1608?)’; Kroniek van het Historisch Genootschap, Gevestigd te Utrecht, Zeven en Twintigste Jaargang. Zesde Serie, Tweede Deel (Utrecht, 1872), 262;Google ScholarRuiters, , op. cit. 72;Google ScholarBrun, S., Schiffarten (1624). Uitgegeven door S. P. L'Honoré Naber ('S.Gravenhage, 1913), 26, 28.Google Scholar

24 Herman, , op. cit. 25–6, 63;Google ScholarRatelband, , op. cit. 260.Google Scholar See also OWIC 2, ‘Secrete Notulen van de Vergadering van XIX …’ (March?) 1632, and Beilage 6, ‘Accord en Verbond aangegaan tusschen den Ed. Heer Directeur-Generaal (en) Tekki Addico, Coning van Groot en Klijn Commany’ [4 Oct. 1704] in Doorman, J. G., ‘Die Nederländisch WestIndische Compagnie an der Gold-Küste’, Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land-, en Volkenkunde, Deel XL (Batavia and 'S-Hage, 1898), 487–9.Google Scholar

25 Bran, , op. cit. 28–9. The Accra king paid each musketeer two Benda (c. £16).Google Scholar

26 Brun, , op. cit. 63.Google Scholar

27 ‘An Annotated Dutch Map of 1629’, GNQ, no. 9 (1966), i. Also Dapper, O., Description de l'Afrique (Amsterdam, 1686), 284Google Scholar

28 OWIC II. De Guverneur opt Fort Nassaw, 3 Feb. 1634. The Portuguese were relatively well-supplied with firearms. In 1635 their arsenal at Sāo Jorge da Mina had inter alia 100 matchlock muskets and 100 arquebuses. See no. 81 ‘Carts a El-Rei sobre a Mina (10–3–1635)’ in Brasio, (1960), op. cit VIII, 319.Google Scholar

29 OWIC 13. ‘;Register op de Contracten en Accorden van wegens de Edele Generaale WIC gemaakt met de Naturellen …’, entry for x8 July 1640.

30 Vijf Dagregisters van Het Kasteel São Jorge da Mina (Elmina) aan de Goudkust (1645–1647). Uitgegeven door K. Ratelband ('S-Gravenhage, 1953), 361–83, 385–6, 388–93; ‘Journaal gehouden by my Louys Dammaert uitgevaren met ‘t Schip Prins Wilem …’, entry for 7 Jan. 1655. Aanwinsten, no. XXII (1898), Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague; N.A. 3589, fol. 363, 15 Sept. 1671. See also note 23 above.Google Scholar

31 Vijf Dagregisters … op. cit. 224, 226, 260.Google Scholar

32 Ibid. 224, 225, 226, 260, and also 174.

33 OWIC 11. Reyndrich Caarlof, Fiscael, tot XIX, Casteel del Mina, 26 [Oct.?] 1647; ‘Journaal gehouden by my Louys Dammert…’, op. cit. entry for 12 Oct. 1652.

34 Vijf Dagregisters… op. cit. 275Google Scholar

35 Cf.ibid. 226.

36 ‘Journaal gehouden by my Louys Dammaert…’ op. cit., entry for 9. Feb. 3654; Dapper, , op. cit. 302;Google ScholarDrvan Brakel, S., ‘Eene Memorie over den Handel der WIC omstreeks 1670’, Bijdragen en Mededeetingen van het Historische Genootschap, Vijf en Dertigste Deel (Amsterdam, 1914), 95.Google Scholar

37 Vijf Dagregisters … op. cit. 68 and note 6, 93, 260.Google Scholar Daaku writes that ‘until some later period in the 17th Century, people from the states of Assin, Denkyira, Adanse and even Inta (Ashanti), … all came under the term Akani’ Daaku, K. Y., ‘Pre-Ashanti states’, GNQ, no. 9 (1966), 11.Google Scholar

38 Vjjf Dagregisters … op. cit. 264.Google Scholar

39 Ibid. 224, 261, 264. Dapper, op. cit. 289, says that the ‘Akany, used shields, lances and swords in war.

40 Muller, W. J., Die Africanische auf der Guineisch Gold-Cust gelegene Landschafft Fetu (Graz, Austria, 1968), 60. The Abrambu paid an annual tribute to ‘Akany’. Vijf Dagregisters… op. cit. 264.Google Scholar

41 ‘Journaal gehouden by my Louys Dammaert…’ op. cit., entries for 20 and 21 Apr. 1653.

42 ‘Journaal gehouden by my Louys Dammaert …’ op. cit., entry for 2 Jan. 1654; ‘Rapport van den Generael Valckenburg gedoen in Sept. 1659’, Koninkijk Institut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkekunde Bibliotheek, Leiden; Bijiage VIII ‘Vertoog of Deductie …’ in de Jonge, op. cit. 57. There is no evidence that the Swedes sold guns on the Gold Coast in the 1650s. See Granlund, V., En Svensk Koloni i Afrika eller Svenska Afrikanska Kompaniets Historia (Stockholm, 1879), 128,Google Scholar and de Roever, N., ‘Twee Concurrenten van de Eerste West-Indische Compagnie’ Ou d-Holland—Zevende Jaargang (Amsterdam, 1889). Director-General Valkenburg refers to private Dutch traders on the Gold Coast, but he does not state whether or not they sold firearms. See ‘Rapport van Generael Valckenburg …’ op. cit.Google Scholar

43 NBKG 81. ‘Dach Register’, entry for 6 June 1660; NBKG 228. ‘Cargasoen na de Kust van Guinea’, 9 Mar. 1663.

44 See entries in T 70'309, passim, and T. 70'1221, passim. Also T 70'909, ‘Invoice of goods laden on board the Marmaduke (1662)’. The invoices also show that not all ships carried firearms at this time.

45 De Reis van Michiel Adriaanszoon de Ruyter in 1664–1665. Uitgegeven door P. Verhoogen en L. Koelmans ('S-Gravenhage, 1961), 83, 245.Google Scholar

46 ‘Inleiding’ in ibid. 80.

47 Villault, de Bellefond, A Relation of the Coasts of Africk called Guinea (London, 1670), 254;Google ScholarMüller, , op. cit. 126–7, also pp. 134–5.Google Scholar

48 Cf. Müller, op. cit. 127; Bosman, W., A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea (London, 1705), 186;Google ScholarOtto, Friedrich von der Gröben, Guineische Reisebeschreibung (Murjenwerder, 1694), 60, 61;Google ScholarRask, J., En Kort og Sandferdig Reisebeskrivelse til og fra Guinea (Trondhjem, 249–50Google Scholar and Larsen, K., De Danske i Guinea (København, 1938), 19.Google Scholar

49 T 70'910. ‘Invoice of goods laden on board the Wm. Henery’, London, 15 11 1673; ‘Invoice of goods …’, London, 12 1674.Google Scholar

50 T 70'20. ‘Inventory of goods remaining in the warehouse in Cape Coast Castle in Guinny belonging to the RAC of England taken the 12th day of January 1680’; T 70'1229. ‘Muskets’ in ‘Warehouse Book Kept at Cape Coast Castle from Feb. the 1st 1685 to Oct. 1689’.

51 T 70'20. N. Bradley, M. Hollis, A. Harbin, Cape Coast Castle, 28 Dec. 1678; Daaku, K. Y., ‘Trade and Politics on the Gold Coast: 1640–1720’ Ph.D. Thesis (Univ. of London, 1964), 349.Google Scholar

52 ‘Extracten uit Missiven aan de Kamer Amsterdam der OWIC van de Generaal Valkenburgh uit del Mina.’ Letter of 10 June 1658. (Koninlijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkekunde Bibliothek, Leiden); Müller, , op. cit., pp. 271, 273; Daaku (1966), op. cit. II, 12. The identification of Valkenburg's place-names is uncertain. Cf. also de Bellefond, op. cit. 278, 279, 281.Google Scholar

53 Barbot, , op. cit. 189, 209, 211. Elsewhere, 186, he says that the Akwamu and Akyem bought firelocks and gunpowder from the Europeans. On Aowin see Bosman, , op. cit. 79, 186.Google Scholar For traditions on firearms in the pre-Asante states see Rattray, R. S., Ashanti Law and Constitution (Oxford, 1929), 148, 219,Google Scholar and Busia, K. A., The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti (Oxford Univ. Press, 1951), 92.Google Scholar

54 Cf. de Marees, op. cit., 230–1; Ruiters, op. cit. 76; Viif Dagregisters … passim.

55 N.A. 3589 fol. 363, 15 Sept. 1671; Drvan Brakel, S., ‘Bescheiden over den Slavehandel der WIC’, Economisch-Historisch Jaarboek. Vierde, Deel ('S-Gravenhage, 1918), 77–81.Google Scholar Also Dapper, , op. cit. 305–6.Google Scholar

56 T 70'20. ‘[Invoice of] goods most in demand at. ye Royall Comps' Factory at Ophra in Arda’, T. Clark and H. Elliott, 17 Sept. 1678; from J. Mildmay, Ophra in Ardra, 13 Oct. 1680.

57 Dapper, , op. cit. 306; T 70'20. From J. Mildmay, Ophra in Ardra, 13 Oct. 1680.Google Scholar

58 ‘A Voyage to Ardrah and Travels to the Capital Assem in 1669 and 1670. By the Sieur d'Elbée sent by the French West India Company’ in Astley, , op. cit. III, 67, 70, 73.Google Scholar

59 Ibid., 66, 70, 71.

60 T 70'20. ‘Invoice of goods most in demand at Ardra factory this present January 15 1681’ and H. Greenhill, W. Stapleton, H. Spurway, J. Nightingale, Cape Coast Castle, 10 June 1681.

61 T 70'911. ‘Invoice of goods laden on board the ‘Bohemiah’ bound for Ardra for the purchasing of 330 Negroes’, London, 19 July 1682; ‘Invoice of goods laden on board the Alexander bound for Ardra to purchase 360 Negroes’, London, 26 Aug. 1682; ‘Invoice of goods laden on board the ‘Merchants Bonaventer’ bound for Ardra’, London, 23 Nov. 1682.

62 T 70'1223, ‘Pro 490 slaves to be purchased by Capt. P. Weybourn & Comp. at Ardra …’, (London), 22 Mar. 1687.

63 Herissé, A. Le, L'Ancien Royaume du Dahomey (Paris, 1911), 60–1;Google Scholar M. J. and Herskovits, F. S., Dahomean Narrative (Northwestern Univ. Press, 1958), 362.Google Scholar

64 On Ardra-Whydah firearms trade see T 70'919 passim, T 70'920 passim, and T 70'922 passim. Dutch and French gun imports would raise the number of firearms imported into Whydah to well over 2,000 per annum. On Whydah merchants see Barbot, , op. cit. 327Google Scholar and Tylleman, E., En liden Enfoldig Beretning om Det Landskab Guinea op dets Beskkafenhed langs ved Sø-kanten (Kiøbenhafn, 1697), 130. An early eighteenth-century reference states that ‘Whydah cloths [are] made at Lucamee where no white men ever were’. T 70'7. Baldwin, Mabyn and Barlow, Whydah, 9 Aug. 1723. ‘Lucamee’ may in fact be the same as Oyo.Google Scholar

65 Bosman, , op. cit. 184Google Scholar. Cf. Ratelband (1947), op. cit. 264. The firearms trade, like the trade in other commodities, was very lucrative. Brandenburg merchants made a profit of 130–158 per cent on carbines and muskets; other goods: 160 per cent on iron bars, 223 per cent on cloth, 550 per cent on glass-beads and 191 per cent on spirits. Schück, R., Brandenburg-Preussens Kolonial-Politik (Leipzig, 1889), 331.Google Scholar In 1787 the prime cost of 200 flintlock muskets was £130, the Committee of Merchants Trading to Africa paid £200 for them, and they were sold on the Guinea Coast for £300. It may be noted that mortars, hand grenades and the like were not sold to local merchants. Occasionally cannon were sold or presented as gifts. See Bosman, , op. cit. 187 and Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guinée, Isles Voisines et à Cayenne, fait en 1725, 1726 and 1727, 4 vols. (Paris, 1730), II, 47.Google ScholarMr, N.Voyages au Côtes de Guinée et en Amerique (Amsterdam, 1719), 45 note.Google Scholar

66 Davies, K. G., The Royal African Company (London, 1957), 177, 356.Google Scholar

67 The Dutch sent firearms not only to West Africa but to England, Denmark and various other European states, as well as to North Africa and Asia. Alm, A. J., ‘Handelsgevär’, Livrustkammeren, Journal of the Royal Armoury Stockholm, v, 1–2 (Stockholm, 1949–1951), 74;Google ScholarLenk, T., Flintlåset (Stockholm, 1939), 26–9;Google ScholarDavies, op. cit. 173;Google ScholarBlackmore, H. L., British Military Firearms 1650–1850 (London, 1961), 37, 38–9;Google ScholarMoller, Th., Gamle Danske Military Vàben (Copenhagen, 1963), 11;Google ScholarCipolla, , op. cit. 48–51Google Scholar. Cf. also Tylleman, op. cit. 150 and Barbot, op. cit. 273.

68 WIC 54. De Vergaderinge der thiener aan den Directeur-Generaal Sweerts, N. op El Mina, Amsterdam, 9 10 1688.Google Scholar

69 WIC 124. ‘Extract uyt bet Register der resolutien gehouden by den Heer Dir. Gen. en Raden over de Noort en Zuyt Cust van Africa ter s'gaderinge mt Castell St. George del Mina’ Jan. 1690; WIC 97. ‘Formulier en Petie van Koopmansz welke tot voort zetting van de Handel op de Gout Custe van Guinea dienstig…’ Casteel St. George d'Elmina, 15 Apr. 1700.

70 WIC 98. ‘Generall Restant des Koopmansz dewelke moet en komente resteeren op de Kuste van Guinea op alle Comps fort en Logien en Scheepen dezen ultmo July 1704.’

71 WIC 98. ‘Extract der Coopmansz de welke door ordre van den Dir. Gen. W. de la Palma zyn vernegotieert in de maanden Juny & July 1704 in de logic tot Bercoe in Guinea.’ Barbot, op. cit. 273, stated that the French sold more muskets than the English and Dutch.

72 Westergaard, W., The Danish West Indies under Company Rule (New York, 1917), 151–2. Brandenburg trade seems to have been equally small.Google Scholar

73 Nørregard, G.,‘ Varer til Guinea’ Handels- og Safarts Museet på Kronborg. (årbog, 1951), 61.Google Scholar

74 Von Gröben, op. cit. 61; VVWIS II66.‘Copia van de Reeckeninge van Kosten, schaden, ende Interessen mitsgaders reparatie voor het gewelt geleden by de Churfurstelycke Brand. Afri. Comp. door die van de N.W.I.C. ende hare Gouverneur Generael Sweerts, op‘t fort del Mina.’

75 Cf. T 70'To. From Agent N. Bradley, Cabo Corso Castle 29 05 1679; T 70'II. From Nurse, H. & Humfreyes, S., Cabo Corso Castle, 10. 1685; T 7016. From Phipps, J., Cape Coast Castle, 30 04 1716; Bosman, , op. cit., 5–6; Rask, op. cit. 78–9.Google Scholar

76 VVWIS 929.‘In den Jare 1725 ter Kust van Guinea verovert der Enterloper de Witte Moor met de onder-genoemde Goederen geconfisquiert’ and‘In den Jare 1726 ter Kust van Guinea verovert der Enterloper der 3 Marries en met de zelve de ondergenoemde Koopmanschappen geconfisqueert'. See also the entries for Feb. and Aug.1728.

77 T 70'5. SirDalby, Thomas, Cape Coast Castle, 30 09. 1708.Google Scholar

78 See notes 83 and 85 below where references to invoices are given; also Dzn, J. Hudig, De Scheepvaart op West-Afrika en West-Indif in de Actiende eeuw (Amsterdam [1927]), 16.Google Scholar For the period 1846–1869 Szoon estimated that firearms and munitions constituted 9 per cent of the total Dutch trade to the Gold Coast. Szoon, H. M., De Afstand der Kust van Guinea aan England (Rotterdam, 1871), 4.Google Scholar

79 T 70'125.‘At Committee of Goods…’ 20 Feb. 1682; T 70'126.‘At Committee of Goods.…’ 27 Mar. 1683. For descriptions of these arms and locks see Alm, , op. cit. Blackmore, op. cit. 20, 21, 26, 29–30, 32, 36, 49Google Scholar and Carmen, W. Y., A History of firearms (London, 1955).Google Scholar

80 T 70'126.‘At Committee of Goods’ 20 Aug. 1684; T 70f II. From Greenhill, A., Master, W., Adams, T., Cape Coast Castle, 14 12. 1683; From the same 5 01. 1684; Davies, op. cit. 173 note 3.Google Scholar

81 T 70'51. To Buckeridge, N., Cooper, W. and Brom, T. from Hall, W., Dept. Governor,[et al], London, 9 06 1698.Google Scholar

82 Cf Tylleman. ibid.

83 See e.g. the invoices in T 70'128 passim, T 70'129 passim, T 70'919 passim, T 70'920 passim, T 70'921 passim, and T 70'922 passlm.

84 Carmen, op. cit. 101; Hayward, op. cit. 1, 134; Blackmore, op. cit. 32, 61; T 70'229, ‘Committee of Goods', 6 Feb. I700; T 70'26, Sir Dalby Thomas [Cape Coast Castle], 31 Aug. 1708.Carmen , ibid. states that the snaphaunce is the same as the flintlock ‘except for a slight rearrangement of the parts already in use, with the addition of the “frizzen” or battery. It is a point of manufacturing rather than invention.’

85 See references in note 83 above and also the invoices in T 70'923 passim, T 70'924 passim, T 70'925 passim, T 70'1231 passim and T 70'1466 passim. For descriptions of these guns and locks see Alm, , op. cit. 87–8, 90, Lenk, op. cit. 27, 28, Blackmore, op. cit. 9, 3. Carmen, op. cit. 102, says that seventeenth century European flintlocks carried 14 lead bullets (balls) to the pound. The prices of the ordinary trade guns varied over the decades. The cheapest was the trading gun at 6s. 6d. (in the 1720S it cost us, to 12S. 6d.) while the blunderbuss was the dearest at 26s. 8d.Google Scholar

86 WIC 484 passim; WIC 485 passim; WIC 97,‘Formulier en Petitie van Koopmansz welke tot voort zetting van de Handel op de Gout Custe van Guinea.…’ Casteel St. Geo d'Elmina, 15 Apr. 1700; WIC 1024,‘Reek. der Handelde als Resterende Coopmanschappe en de welke door andre van de Bewint hebbers der Geoctroyeerde WIC.…’ 13 Oct. 1691, and ‘Generaale Reekening alsmede bewys der resterende Coopmanschappen…zedert ulto Oct. 1690 tot den laasten Nov. 1691 ten comptoire van Offra Ardra.…’; Wisse, A., De Commercie-Compagnie te MiddeThurg ban hoar Oprichting tot het Jaar 1754 (Utrecht, 7933), 56, 57–8.Google Scholar

87 T 70'6. Johnson, Mr to Capt. Wheeler, R. of ye Experiment, Cape Coast Castle, 5 04 1718.Google Scholar

88 Tylleman , ibid.

89 N/rregåhd, , op. cit. 61–2 and note 5.Google Scholar

90 T 70'26. Sir Dalby, Thomas [;Cape Coast Castle], 2 08. 1708.Google Scholar

91 T 70'22.‘Remarks’ by Sir Dalby, Thomas in‘Warehouse Keepers ACCO. for the month of May, Cape Coast Castle, 1707’ ‘Remarks on the Scheme of Trade’ in‘Cape Coast Castle Warehouse Keeper Accot. for the month of Feb. 1708’, Wm. Hicks.Google Scholar

92 Marchais, , op. cit. at, 243, 278.Google Scholar

93 T 70'22.‘An Account of goods disposed of for Gold, Elephant Teeth, Slaves, etc. with the months charge at Cape Coast Castle and Out factories for the month of Sept. 1709.’

94 T 70'22. Sir Dalby, Thomas, Cape Coast Castle, 12 09. 1709. Muskets with bayonets were never extensively used by soldiers of the Gold and Slave Coast states. The Dahomey king Ghezo seems to have thought highly of flintlock muskets with bayonets. FO 84'886.‘Facts relating to my second visit to Abomey’ (L. Fraser, H.M. Vice Consul for the Kingdom of Dahomey), entry for 16 Aug. 1851.Google Scholar

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165 Ibid. 60.

166 See 22 above.

167 Bosman, , op. cit. 27, 184.Google Scholar A Brandenburg official, Niemann, wrote in 1684 that ‘Sie sind ganz sicher im Schiessen und rasch im Gewehrladen…’. Quoted in Schück, , op. cit. 328.Google Scholar

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175 NBKG 299. ‘Verklaring der Koningen, Terre Grandes en Vaandrigs uyt de Seeven Qvartieren van Elmina aangaande't op trekken naar Axim’ 2 Oct. 1763 (no. 74).

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179 For Whydah see Marchais, , op. cit. 11, 47, 62, 194, 195, 196, 268; for Dahomey see note 149 above and [Pruneau de Pommegorge], op. cit. 167, 174–5, 181.Google Scholar

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185 Marchais, , op. cit. II, 237.Google Scholar Cf. Mr N., op. cit. 45. The latter, 46, states that couriers attached to the Whydah army rode on horses.Google Scholar

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191 Foa, , op. cit. 259–60.Google Scholar He adds that a European soldier using the ‘fusil Gras’ could fire 10–15 times within this period. However, , Skertchly, , op. cit. 126, did not think much if the Dahomey soldiers as marksmen.Google Scholar

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193 I wish to thank the Central Research Fund, University of London, for providing me with a grant to enable me to carry out research in the Netherlands. I am also grateful to Dr Hart of the Gemeente Archief, Amsterdam, for his invaluable assistance.