Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2plfb Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T23:06:33.790Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

AFRICAN VOICES FROM THE CONGO COAST: LANGUAGES AND THE POLITICS OF IDENTIFICATION IN THE SLAVE SHIP JOVEM MARIA (1850)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 August 2019

MARCOS ABREU LEITÃO DE ALMEIDA*
Affiliation:
Northwestern University

Abstract

Between 1845 and 1850, the Congo coast became the most important source of slaves for the coffee growing areas in the Brazilian Empire. This essay develops a new methodology to understand the making of the ‘nations’ of 290 Africans found on the slave ship Jovem Maria, which boarded slaves in the Congo river and was captured by the Brazilian Navy near Rio de Janeiro in 1850. A close reading of such ‘nations’ reveals a complex overlapping between languages and forms of identification that alters the historian's use of concepts such as ‘ethnolinguistic group’ and ‘Bantu-based lingua franca’ in the Atlantic world. Building on recent developments in Central African linguistics, the article develops a social history of African languages in the Atlantic that foregrounds how recaptives negotiated commonalities and boundaries in the diaspora by drawing on a political vocabulary indigenous to their nineteenth-century homes in Central Africa.

Type
Re-Interpreting Affiliations in 19th Century Records
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

The author wishes to thank Jan Vansina (in memoriam) for discussions on how to interpret the primary sources used in this article. I am grateful to Koen Bostoen, William FitzSimons, Jonathon Glassman, Joseph Miller, David Schoenbrun, James Sweet, and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable criticisms of earlier drafts. The usual disclaimers apply. Author's e-mail: [email protected]

References

1 Eltis, D., Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade (Oxford, 1987), 165–75Google Scholar.; Ferreira, R., ‘The Suppression of the Slave Departures from Angola, 1830–1860s’, in Eltis, D. and Richardson, D. (eds.), Extending the Frontiers: Essays on the New Transatlantic Slave Trade Database (New Haven, CT, 2008), 325–8Google Scholar. da Silva, D. D., ‘The Atlantic slave trade from Angola: a port-by-port estimate of slaves embarked, 1701–1867’, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 46:1 (2013), 105–22Google Scholar. da Silva, F. Ribeiro and Sommerdyk, S., ‘Reexamining the geography and merchants of the West Central African slave trade: looking behind the numbers’, African Economic History 38 (2010), 77105Google Scholar; Richardson, D. and da Silva, F. R., ‘Introduction: the south Atlantic slave trade in historical perspective’, in Richardson, D. and da Silva, F. R., Networks and Trans-Cultural Exchange: Slave Trading in the South Atlantic, 1590–1867 (Leiden, 2014), 20–2Google Scholar.

2 Martin, P., The External Trade of the Loango Coast, 1576–1870: The Effects of Changing Commercial Relations on the Vili Kingdom of Loango (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar; Serrano, C., ‘Tráfico e mudança do poder tradicional no reino ngoyo (Cabinda No Século XIX)Estudos Afro-Asiáticos, 32: 1 (1997), 97108Google Scholar; Serrano, C., Os Senhores Da Terra E Os Homens Do Mar: Antropologia de Um Reino Africano (Luanda, 2015)Google Scholar; Martin, P., ‘Family strategies in nineteenth-century Cabinda’, The Journal of African History, 28:1 (1987), 6586CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Broadhead, S., ‘Brazil and the commercialization of Kongo, 1840–1870’, in Lovejoy, P. and Curto, J. (eds.), Enslaving Connections: Changing Cultures of Africa and Brazil during the Era of Slavery Trade (New York, 2003), 265–87Google Scholar; Broadhead, S., ‘Beyond decline: the kingdom of the Kongo in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries’, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 12:4 (1979), 615–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Heywood, L., ‘Slavery and its transformation in the kingdom of Kongo: 1491–1800’, The Journal of African History 50:1 (2009), 122CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thornton, J., ‘As guerras civis no Congo e o tráfico de escravos: a História e a demografia de 1718 a 1844 revisitadas’, Estudos Afro-Asiáticos 32:1 (1997), 5574Google Scholar; MacGaffey, W., Kongo Political Culture: The Conceptual Challenge of the Particular (Bloomington, IN, 2000)Google Scholar; Harms, R., River of Wealth, River of Sorrow: The Central Zaire Basin in the Era of the Slave and Ivory Trade, 1500–1891 (New Haven, CT, 1981)Google Scholar.

3 This historiography questions the frontier thesis, which argued in favor of an enslavement zone moving progressively eastward. This argument was most brilliantly espoused by Miller, J., Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade, 1730–1830 (Madison, WI, 1988), 140169Google Scholar; See also, Cândido, M., Fronteras de Esclavización: Esclavitud, Comercio E Identidad En Benguela, 1780–1850 (Mexico City, 2011)Google Scholar; Cândido, M. P., An African Slaving Port and the Atlantic World: Benguela and Its Hinterland (Cambridge, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Ferreira, R., Cross-Cultural Exchange in the Atlantic World Angola and Brazil during the Era of the Slave Trade (Cambridge, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; J. Thornton, ‘As Guerras’; de Almeida, M. L., ‘Vozes centro-africanas no Atlântico-Sul (1831–c.1850)’, in Lima, I. S. and do Carmo, L. (eds.), História Social Da Língua Nacional 2: Diáspora Africana (Rio de Janeiro, 2014), 73103Google Scholar; Vos, J., ‘Without the slave trade, no recruitment’: from slave trading to ‘migrant recruitment’ in the Lower Congo, 1830–90’, in Lawrance, B. N. and Roberts, R. L. (eds.), Trafficking in Slavery's Wake: Law and the Experience of Women and Children in Africa (Athens, OH, 2012), 4563Google Scholar; da Silva, D. D., ‘The Kimbundu diaspora to Brazil’, African Diaspora 8:2 (2015), 200219CrossRefGoogle Scholar; da Silva, D. D., The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780–1867 (Cambridge, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 MacGaffey, Kongo, 70; Martin, External Trade, 117–135; Thornton, J., ‘The Origins and early history of the Kingdom of Kongo, c. 1350–1550’, The International Journal of African Historical Studies 34:1 (2001): 89120CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 97–8; MacGaffey, W., ‘A note on Vansina's invention of matrilinearity’, The Journal of African History 54:2 (2013): 269280CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 279; Vos, J., Kongo in the Age of Empire, 1860–1913: The Breakdown of a Moral Order (Madison, WI, 2015), 2540Google Scholar; Thornton, J., ‘‘‘I am the subject of the King of Congo’: African political ideology and the Haitian Revolution’, Journal of World History, 4:2 (1993): 181214Google Scholar.

5 J. Janzen, ‘Teaching the Kongo trans-Atlantic’, The African Diaspora Archaeology Network, Spring Newsletter (2012), 14; See also: Sweet, J. H., ‘Reimagining the African-Atlantic archive: method, concept, epistemology, ontology’, The Journal of African History, 55:2 (2014), 147–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sweet, J., ‘Research note: new perspectives on Kongo in revolutionary Haiti’, The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Latin American History, 74:1 (2017), 8397CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 J. Miller suggested this approach. See J. Miller ‘Retention, Reinvention, and Remembering: Restoring Identities Through Enslavement in Angola and Under Slavery in Brazil' in J. Curto and P. Lovejoy, Enslaving, 81–3.

7 R. Ferreira, Cross-Cultural, 242–5.

8 Miller, ‘Retention’, 88. See also: Smallwood, S., Saltwater Slavery: A Middle Passage from Africa to American Diaspora (Cambridge, 2008)Google Scholar. Brown, V., ‘Social death and political life in the study of Slavery’, The American Historical Review, 114:5 (2009), 1231–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Slenes, R., ‘Malungu, ngoma vem!': África coberta e descoberta do Brasil’, Revista USP 12 (1992), 4867CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Slenes, R., ‘Metaphors to live by in the diaspora: conceptual tropes and ontological wordplay among Central Africans in the Middle Passage and beyond’ in Albaugh, E. A. and de Luna, K. M. (eds.), Tracing Language Movement in Africa (Oxford, 2018)Google Scholar.

9 Nwokeji, U. and Eltis, D., ‘The roots of the African diaspora: methodological considerations in the analysis of names in the liberated African registers of Sierra Leone and Havana’, History in Africa, 29 (2002), 365–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Anderson, et al. , ‘Using African names to identify the origins of captives in the transatlantic slave trade: crowd-sourcing and the registers of liberated Africans, 1808–1862’, History in Africa, 40:1 (2013), 165–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Silva, Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade; Anderson, R., ‘The diaspora of Sierra Leone's liberated Africans: enlistment, forced migration, and ‘Liberation’ at Freetown, 1808–1863’, African Economic History, 41 (2013), 101138Google Scholar; Schwarz, S., ‘Reconstructing the life histories of liberated Africans: Sierra Leone in the early nineteenth century’, History in Africa 39 (2012), 175207CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Keefer, K., ‘Group identity, scarification, and Poro among liberated Africans in Sierra Leone, 1808–1819’, Journal of West African History, 3:1 (2017), 125CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lovejoy, H., ‘The registers of liberated Africans of the Havana Slave Trade Commission: implementation and policy, 1824–1841’, Slavery & Abolition 37:1 (2016), 2344CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lovejoy, H. B., ‘The registers of liberated Africans of the Havana Slave Trade Commission: transcription methodology and statistical analysis’, African Economic History 38 (2010), 107135Google Scholar.

10 Lists of liberated Africans from the Anglo-Brazilian Commission were first analyzed by Mary Karasch, also in consultation with Jan Vansina. See, Karasch, M., Slave Life in Rio De Janeiro, 18081850 (New Haven, 1987), 371–83Google Scholar. This work was further refined by M. L. de Almeida, ‘Vozes Centro Africanas’, 73–103; See also D. da Silva, The Atlantic Slave Trade, 73–100, 172–5.

11 Anderson et al., ‘Using’, 169; Lovejoy, ‘The Registers’, 35.

12 Nwokeji and Eltis, ‘The roots of the African diaspora’, 372–3; Anderson et al., ‘Using African names’, 184–7.

13 Anderson et al., ‘Using African names’, 184–5.

14 H. B. Lovejoy, ‘The Registers,’ 35.

15 Brown, ‘Social death’, 1233.

16 Lakoff, G., Women, Fire, and Dangerous Things: What Categories Reveal about the Mind (Chicago, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 Dimmendaal, G., Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages (Amsterdam, 2011), 178CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sweet, J., ‘Mistaken identities? Olaudah Equiano, Domingos Álvares, and the methodological challenges of studying the African diaspora’, American Historical Review, 114:2 (2009), 279306CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 Anderson et al., ‘Using African names,’ 182.

19 Ferreira, Cross-Cultural, 248; Cândido, An African Slaving Port.

20 R. Ferreira, ‘Measuring short- and long-term impacts of abolitionism in the south Atlantic, 1807–1860s’ in R. Anderson and F. R. da Silva, Networks, 221.

21 Salles, R., E o vale era o escravo: Vassouras, século XIX: senhores e escravos no coração do império (Rio de Janeiro, 2008)Google Scholar; Parron, T., Politica da Escravidão No Imperio do Brasil 1826–1865 (Rio de Janeiro, 2011)Google Scholar.

22 Slenes, ‘Malungu,’ 59–62.

23 Slenes, R., ‘Great ‘Arch’ Descending’: Manumission Rates, Subaltern Social Mobility, and the Identities of Enslaved, Freeborn, and Freed Blacks in Southwestern Brazil, 1791–1888’ in Gledhill, J. and Schell, P. (eds.), New Approaches to Resistance in Brazil and Mexico (Durham, NC, 2012), 100–19Google Scholar.

24 Slenes, R., ‘The great porpoise-skull strike: Central African water spirits and slave identity in early-nineteenth-century’, in Heywood, L. (ed.), Central Africans and Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora (Cambridge, 2001)Google Scholar; Slenes, R., ‘Like forest hardwoods: Jongueiros Cumba in the Central-African slave quarters’, and ‘‘‘I come from afar, I come digging’: Kongo and Near-Kongo Metaphors in Jongo lyrics’, in Stone, M. and Monteiro, P. (eds.), Cangoma Calling: Spirits and Rhythms of Freedom in Brazilian Jongo Slavery Songs, (Austin, 2013), 52–44Google Scholar, 66–76; Slenes, R. W., ‘L'arbre Nsanda replanté: cultes d'affliction Kongo et identité des esclaves de plantation dans le Brésil du sud-est entre 1810 et 1888’, Cahiers Du Brésil Contemporain, 67 (2007): 217314Google Scholar.

25 Sweet, ‘Reimagining’, 147–8.

26 National Archive in Rio de Janeiro, Auditoria Geral da Marinha: microfilm 116–2001, Processo de Presa feita pelo Vapor de Guerra ‘Urânia’ de um iate com 291 Africanos nos mares da Ilha Grande (1850).

27 Microfilm 116–2001, Processo de presa (1850), 7v-8.

28 Ibid. 8.

29 de Oliveira, M. I. C., #x2018;Quem eram os ‘negros da guiné? A origem dos africanos na Bahia’, Afro-Ásia, 19 (1997), 3773Google Scholar; M. Karasch, ‘Guiné, Mina, Angola, and Benguela: African and Crioulo Nations in Central Brazil, 1780–1835’, in Lovejoy and Curto, Enslaving Connections, 165–86; Soares, M. de C., Devotos da cor: identidade étnica, religiosidade e escravidão no Rio de Janeiro, século XVIII (Rio de Janeiro, 2000)Google Scholar; e Souza, M. de M., Reis negros no Brasil escravista: história da festa de coroação de Rei Congo (Belo Horizonte, 2002)Google Scholar; Farias, J. B. et al. , No labirinto das nações: africanos e identidades no Rio de Janeiro, século XIX (Rio de Janeiro, 2005)Google Scholar.

30 M. Karasch, ‘Guiné, Mina, Angola, and Benguela, in Lovejoy and Curto (eds.), Enslaving Connections.

31 Sweet, ‘Reimagining the African-Atlantic archive,’ 152.

32 Nwokeji and Eltis, ‘The Roots’, 368; Anderson et al., ‘Using African Names’, 6; Lovejoy, ‘The Registers of Liberated Africans’, 35.

33 The Brazilian historiography about the 1850 law is vast. For the newest interpretations on the subject, see: Mamigonian, Africanos, 209–283; Parron, Política, 230–52; Chalhoub, S., A Força da Escravidão (São Paulo, 2012), 110–40Google Scholar.

34 Mamigonian, Africanos, 284–91.

35 Ibid. 48; Lovejoy, Registers, 25–30.

36 Itamaraty Historical Archive, Rio de Janeiro, Comissão Mista-Brasileira, 15/1, Slave Ship Feliz (1839). See L. De Almeida, ‘Vozes’, 73–103; D. Da Silva, The Atlantic, 73–100.

37 National Archive in Rio de Janeiro, Auditoria Geral da Marinha: microfilm 116–2001, Processo de Apreensão do Iate ‘Rolha’ e uma garupa com 212 Africanos, pelo Vapor de Guerra ‘Urânia’ no porto de Macahé (1850)

38 K. Laman, Cahiers en Kikongo, LKI: 152 (Cahier 66); LKM 337, 90; See also, Monteiro, J., Angola and the River Congo (London, 1875), 392Google Scholar; Martin, Family, 70–5; Broadhead, ‘Beyond’, 639.

39 Fayer, J., ‘African interpreters in the Atlantic slave trade’, Anthropological Linguistics, 45:3 (2003): 281–95Google Scholar; Cândido, M., ‘Different slave journeys: enslaved African seamen on board of Portuguese ships, c.1760–1820sSlavery & Abolition 31:3 (2010), 395409CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 De Grandpré, L. Voyage a la cote Occidentale D'Afrique, fait dans les années 1786 et 1787 (Paris, 1801), 52Google Scholar; Soares found two Cabindans working as ‘Bomba’ for a powerful slave trader in Rio de Janeiro in 1830. Soares, C. E.L.. A Capoeira Escrava e outras tradições rebeldes no Rio de Janeiro (1808–1850) (Campinas, BR, 2001), 272–3Google Scholar; In Suriname, the name ‘bomba’ meant ‘overseer’: Davis, N.Z., ‘Judges, masters, diviners: slaves’ experience of criminal justice in colonial Suriname’, Law and History Review, 29:4 (2011): 925–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 940.

41 Ferreira, Measuring, 229–34; Eltis, Economic Growth, 165; Da Silva, 119.

42 J. Vos, ‘Without’, 48.

43 H. Lovejoy, ‘The registers’, 35.

44 Brubaker, R. and Cooper, F., ‘Identity’, in Cooper, F., Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History (Berkeley, CA, 2005), 71Google Scholar.

45 My approach draws heavily from Xu, D., ‘Speech community theory and the language / dialect debate’, Journal of Asian Pacific Communication, 26:1(2016), 831CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also, see Morgan, M. H., Speech Communities (Cambridge, 2014), 2Google Scholar.

46 Xu, ‘Speech’, 23–7.

47 Nurse, D. and Philippson, G., ‘Introduction’, in Nurse, D. and Philippson, G., The Bantu Languages (London, 2003), 8Google Scholar.

48 Lakoff, Women, 92.

49 Saidi, C., Women's Authority and Society in Early East-Central Africa (Rochester, NY, 2010), 80–4Google Scholar.

50 Schadeberg, T., ‘Derivation’, in Nurse, D. and Philippson, G., The Bantu Languages (New York, 2003), 86Google Scholar.

51 National Archive in Rio de Janeiro, Processo de Apreensão do Iate ‘Rolha’, 23v–4.

52 Vansina, J., How Societies Are Born (London, 2004), 277Google Scholar.

53 Cannecattim, B.M., Diccionario da lingua bunda (Lisboa, 1804), 499Google Scholar, 559, 663; de Assis Junior, A., Dicionário Kimbundu-Português, Linguístico, Botânico, Histórico E Corográfico. Seguido de Um Índice Alfabético Dos Nomes Próprios (Luanda, 1940), 17Google Scholar, 25.

54 Laman, Dictionnaire, 539.

55 De Schryver, G.-M. et al. , ‘Introducing a state-of-the-art phylogenetic classification of the Kikongo language cluster’, Africana Linguistica, 21 (2015), 87162CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 Bostoen, K. and de Schryver, G., ‘Linguistic innovation, political centralization, and economic integration in the Kongo Kingdom: reconstructing the spread of prefix reduction’, Diachronica, 32:2 (2015), 139–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57 Bostoen and De Schryver, ‘Linguistic innovation’, 152–9.

58 Assis Junior, Dicionário, 519; do Nascimento, J. P., Diccionario Portuguez-Kimbundu (Huilla, Angola, 1903), 43Google Scholar.

59 Laman, Dictionnaire, 799; Cannecattim, Diccionario, 125, 147; Assis Junior, Dicionário, 322.

60 G.-M. Schryver et al., ‘Introducing’, 137

61 Vansina, How Societies, 202–3.

62 C. Vieira-Martinez, ‘Building Kimbundu: language community reconsidered in West Central Africa, c. 1500–1750’ (Unpublished PhD thesis, University of California, Los Angeles), 186–88; Vansina, J., ‘Portuguese vs. Kimbundu: language use in the colony of Angola (1575–c. 1845)’, Bulletin Des Séances de l'Académie Royale Des Sciences d'Outre-Mer 47:3 (2001), 267–81Google Scholar.

63 Cannecattim, Diccionario, vii; Atkins, G., ‘A demographic survey of the Kimbundu-Kongo language border in Angola’, Boletim Da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa 73 (1955), 325–47Google Scholar, 333.

64 See Domingues, ‘Kimbundu’, 206–8.

65 For the concept of ‘convergence area’ see Dimmendaal, Historical, 204.

66 Vansina, J., Paths in the Rainforests: Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa (Madison, 1990)Google Scholar; Ehret, C., ‘Bantu expansions: re-envisioning a central problem of early African history’, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 34 (2001), 25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

67 Samarin, W. J., ‘Language in the colonization of Central Africa, 1880–1900’, Canadian Journal of African Studies 23 (1989), 236Google Scholar.

68 Samarin, ‘Language’; Harms, River of Wealth, River of Sorrow, 92–3.

69 Vieira-Martinez, ‘Building’ 223; J. Vansina, ‘Portuguese,’ 273–6

70 Vansina, How Societies Are Born, 103.

71 Silva, ‘Kimbundu’, 211.

72 In 2015, I identified 88 names in Kikongo in the Brilhante while I was in Mbanza Kongo. This work is in preparation. See also Thornton, As Guerras Civis, 66–7.

73 W. MacGaffey, Kongo; MacGaffey, W., ‘Kongo slavery remembered by themselves: Texts from 1915’, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 41 (2008), 55–6Google Scholar.

74 W. MacGaffey, Kongo, 77.

75 J. Miller, Way; Guyer, J., ‘Wealth in people and self-realization in Equatorial Africa’, Man, 28 (1993), 256CrossRefGoogle Scholar; W. MacGaffey, ‘Kongo Slavery.'

76 MacGaffey, ‘Kongo Slavery’, 76; R. Ferreira, Cross-Cultural, 72; J. Vos, ‘Without’, 54.

77 Patterson, O., Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, 1985), 44Google Scholar.

78 Kahane, H. and Kahane., R.Notes on the Linguistic History of Sclavus’ in Gatto, G., Studi In Onore Di Ettore Lo Gatto E Giovanni Maver, (1962), 345–60Google Scholar.

79 MacGaffey, Kongo Political Culture, 72–6; Vansina, Paths, 222–4.

80 D.D. da Silva, The Atlantic, 92–3 states that most Kikongo speakers in the Atlantic belonged to the ‘Nsundi ethnic group.’ Yet, nineteenth century Nsundi is not an ethnicity in any modern sense. See, MacGaffey, Kongo, 70–2

81 MacGaffey, ‘Kongo Slavery’, 72.; Martin, The External Trade, 159–74; Vansina, Paths, 223.

82 Miller, ‘Retention’, 87. Karasch, Slave Life, 18.

83 Thornton, ‘‘I Am the Subject,’ 185–6.

84 MacGaffey, Kongo, 70–8; de Maret, P., ‘From kinship to kingship: an African journey into complexityAzania: Archaeological Research in Africa 47:3 (2012): 314–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 320–1. Vos, Kongo, 33.

85 [M. Milheiros], ‘Registo etnográfico e social sobre a tribo dos Sossos’, Mensário Administrativo, N.29/30 (1950), 55.

86 de Cannecattim, B. M., Collecção de observações grammaticaes sobre a lingua bunda ou angolense; e, Diccionario abreviado da lingua congueza (Lisboa, 1859)Google Scholar, XI. Assis Junior, Dicionário, 154, 343. On the dynamics of indebtedness, slavery and justice in Angola see, Miller, Way of Death, 98–9, 123–4; Ferreira, Cross-Cultural, 66–71, 88–125.

87 National Historical Archive of Angola, Luanda, Caixa 2841, Requerimento do Missionário Capuchinho Bernardo Maria Cannecatim para o Príncipe Regente D. João, 1801.

88 Laman, Dictionnaire, 76; Visseq, Dictionnaire, 289.

89 L. Bittremieux, Moyambsch idioticon (Gent, 1922), 46; See, for example, the testimony of Dsíku, who claimed being a Sunde enslaved by ‘Bayombe’ raiders in Koelle, S. W., Polyglotta Africana; or, A Comparative Vocabulary of Nearly Three Hundred Words and Phrases, in More than One Hundred Distinct African Languages (London, 1854), 15Google Scholar; MacGaffey, ‘Kongo Slavery’ 57–62.

90 Bittremieux, Moyambsch, 367; MacGaffey, Kongo, 70. Martin, The External Trade, 168.

91 Visseq, A., Dictionnaire Fiot-Français (Paris, 1890), 60Google Scholar.

92 Martin, The External Trade, 129; Mobley, Kongolese Atlantic, 186–229.

93 Chatelain, H., Folk-Tales of Angola: Fifty Tales, with Ki-Mbundu Text, Literal English Translation (London, 1894), 239Google Scholar, 307; Furthermore, the final /-e/ tell us that the word characterizes the state of a person or thing as a result of an action. See Bastin, Y., ‘Les déverbatifs Bantous en -e’, Journal of African Languages and Linguistics (1989), 11: 151174CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 164–6.