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African and Afrikaner History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Shula Marks
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Type
Review Article
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The Journal of African History , Volume 11 , Issue 3 , July 1970 , pp. 435 - 447
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1970

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References

1 500 Years, xi, 425.Google Scholar

2 The major exceptions to this are Professor Muller's own more judicious, if somewhat vague, statements on the Mfecane, and the few remarks made in chapter 16 on the African reaction to the unification of South Africa.

3 500 Years, 184.Google Scholar

4 Ibid. 190.

5 Brookes, E. H. and Hurwitz, N., The Native Reserves of Natal, Natal Regional Survey, vii (Natal, 1957), 4.Google Scholar F. Wolfson, ‘Some aspects of the Native Administration in Natal under Theophilus Shepstone’ (Wits, M. A., 1946), 29,Google Scholar maintains that they were inadequate from the outset. The phrase is that of the missionary Aldin Grout. See also South African Native Affairs Commission, 1903–5, v, 63, Evidence of J. W. Shepstone. The major reason for the artificial land shortage was the speculation of land colonization companies.Google Scholar

6 Goodfellow, C. F., Great Britain and South African Confederation, 1870–1881 (O.U.P., 1966), 2.Google Scholar

7 de Kiewiet, C. W., The Imperial Factor in South Africa (Cambridge, 1937), 194.Google Scholar

8 Trade after all was the reason for the presence of whites in Natal in the first instance. For African agricultural production, see, for ex&le, The Diary of Henry Francis Fynn, ed. Stuart, J. & Malcolm, D.Mck. (Natal, 1950), 47.Google Scholar

9 Horwitz, R., The Political Economy of South Africa (London, 1967), 32, 39–40;Google ScholarDenoon, D., ‘Reconstruction in the Transvaal’ (Ph.D., Cambridge, 1965), kindly shown me by Dr Denoon.Google Scholar

10 500 Years, 202. The author of this chapter appears to share the view of the exlanddrost of Zoutpansberg, G. G. Munnik, who declared before the S.A.N.A C.: ‘Speaking as a Boer, I think that the Boers are of opinion that it is wrong to allow Kafirs to squat on Government ground. They think that there are plenty of other and better uses for Government ground than to allow Kafirs to squat on it…. He [the Kafir] does not need water as he waits for rain…’ (iv, 476, 486).Google Scholar

11 CO 179/212/21864, Encl. Report, C. R. Saunders, on the Delimitation of Zululand.

12 500 Years, 275, Chap. 14, by Dr van Zyl, M. C..Google Scholar

13 Blainey, G., ‘Lost causes of the Jameson Raid’, Economic History Review, (1965).Google Scholar

14 Hancock, W. K., Smuts. Vol. I. The Sanguine Years (Cambridge, 1963), 233;Google ScholarGarson, N. ‘“Het Volk”: The Botha–Smuts Party in the Transvaal, 1904–11’, The Historical Journal, Ix, no. 1 (1966), 330.Google Scholar

15 For an excellent assessment of the repercussions of this process on race attitudes see Van den Berghe, P., Race and Racism (N.Y. 1967), chap. 5.Google Scholar See also Hancock, W. K.A Survey of British Commonwealth Affairs, 11, part 2 (London, 1947), 42.Google Scholar

16 J. H., and Simons, R. E., Colour and Class in South Africa (Penguin, 1969) 90–4.Google Scholar For the phrase, see Simons, H. J. ‘South Africa's industrial colour bar’, unpubl. seminar paper, I.C.S., 17 02 1966.Google ScholarCf., Hancock, Survey, 42:Google Scholar ‘South Africa's national historian, if ever be should arise to tell with pride the story of how his country rejected a liberal doctrine which was foreign to her blood and soil, will not, if he is just, give all the glory to the descendants of the Voortrekkers. The triumph…will belong in part to those sturdy British workmen who made themselves at home on South African soil. The historian will not forget their vindication of the colour bar. Nor will he omit to record that it was their labour party which first appealed to the white voters of South Africa with a full-blooded programme of racial segregation.’ As Johnstone, F. A. has recently pointed out (‘Class conflict and colour bars in the South African gold mining industry, 1910–26’, unpubl. seminar paper, Inst. Commonwealth Studies, London, 26 02 1970), we also need to look anew at the role of the mining magnates in the erection of industrial colour bars.Google Scholar

17 Theal, G. M., Records of the Cape Colony, IV (London, 1899–1905), 381. Journal of Truter and Somerville.Google Scholar

18 Mason, R. J., ‘The origin of South African society’, South African Journal of Science, LXI, no. 7 (07 1965), 265.Google Scholar

19 Hancock, , Survey, 44–5.Google Scholar

20 Kruger, D. W., The Age of the Generals: A Short Political History of the Union of South Africa, 1910–1948 (Potchefstroom, 1958).Google Scholar

21 Lewsen, P. (ed.), The Merriman Papers, IV (Van Riebeck Society, no. 50, Cape Town, 1969).Google Scholar See especially the letters written to Steyn, M. T. in 1922–1923. A typical ex&le of 30 Sept. 1912 runs: ‘It grieves me greatly to feel that the S.A.P. is earning a reputation for rapacity and maladministration. With the exception of Smuts, Fischer and Burton it seems to me that the last place one looks for a minister is in his office conducting the affairs of the country—for which he is paid on a scale higher than any country in the world except England.’.Google Scholar

22 Oxford History, p. v.Google Scholar

23 500 Years, 430. Also 434.Google Scholar

24 Ranger, T. O. (ed.) Emerging Themes in African History (London, 1968), especially Oliver, R., 56–7.Google Scholar

25 Elton, G. R., The Practice of History (Fontana, 1969), p. 22.Google Scholar

26 Thompson, L. M. (ed.), African Societies in Southern Africa before 1880 (London, 1969).Google Scholar

27 Oxford History, 23.Google Scholar

28 Ibid. 30

29 The earlier view that Khoikhoi cattle also differed in type from that of the Southern Bantu, being humped Zebu as opposed to the Sanga cattle of the Nguni, is apparently no longer considered valid. Afrikander cattle which are descended from the cattle of the Khoikhoi are now regarded as Sanga also. I am grateful to Mr Ian Mason of the Institute of Animal Genetics, Edinburgh, for this information. See also Mason, I. L. and Maule, J. P., The Indigenous Livestock of Eastern and Southern Africa (Commonwealth Agricultural Bureau, 1960).Google Scholar

30 Westphal, E. O. J., ‘The linguistic prehistory of Southern Africa: Bush, Kwadi, Hottentot and Bantu Relationships’, Africa, XXXIII, no. iii (1963), pp 253–6;Google ScholarOxford History, 104.Google Scholar

31 Oxford History, 56, 58, 108.Google Scholar

32 See my ‘The traditions of the Natal Nguni’, in African Societies in Southern Africa before 1880 (ed. Thompson, L.), 132, for a statement of the problem.Google Scholar

33 Oxford History, 58–9.Google Scholar

34 Ibid 67, 71. Monica Wilson does, however, suggest that the disintegration of culture and adaptability might be opposite sides of the same coin (p. 73).

35 C 31, Cape archives, Records of the D.E.I.C., Re/utions of the Council of Policy, pp. 28 ff. Report Landdrost, P. Lourensz and Burgher, Captain re Commando into Nagaqualand, 08–09 1739;Google Scholar Report Krywagen, , 2 06 1739, pp. 163–203.Google Scholar Also van der Merwe, P. J., Die Noordwaartse Beweging van die Boere voor die Groot Trek (The Hague, 1937) 8.Google Scholar

36 Oxford History, 247.Google Scholar

37 Theal, G. M., History of South Africa, Vol. I, 1486–1691 (London, 1888), 14–30.Google Scholar

38 500 Years, 433Google Scholar

39 Transactions of the London Missionary Society, 2nd ed. (London, 1804), 325, 332.Google Scholar

40 van der Merwe, P. J., Die Noordwaartse Beweging, 19–21. The increasingly bitter warfare in the northeast needs examining. It may be that by the 1770s the San were being squeezed simultaneously on all fronts and this may also account for their deteriorating relations with the Xhosa also.Google Scholar

41 The Harmless People (1st publ. 1959, Penguin, 1969).Google Scholar

42 The best description of this process is probably in Tabler, E. W., The Far Interior (Cape Town, 1955).Google Scholar

43 Cope, J., King of the Hottentots (Cape Town, 1969),Google Scholar tells the story of Goree in fascinating detail, but Goree alias Cory comes alive even in the pages of Theal—see Theal, G. M., History and Ethnography of South Africa before 1795, I (London, 1907), 429–30.Google Scholar

44 V. C. 58 (verbatim copies of documents in Europe made by G. M. Theal and in the Cape Archives), Bletterman, E. to Sir, Thomas Smythe, 20. 02 1614. (from India Office, London).Google Scholar

45 Oxford History, 130.Google Scholar

46 For this layering see the chapters by Martin, Legassick and Marks, S. in Thompson, L. M. (ed.) African Societies in Southern Africa; van Warmelo, N. J. makes the point both in relation to the Sotho (p. 96) and the Nguni (p. 59) very forcibly in his Preliminary Survey of the Bantu Tribes of South Africa, Department of Native Affairs Ethnological Publications, v (Pretoria, 1935).Google Scholar For the lack of clear-cut distinctions between the Sotho and Nguni (or sections of each) in earlier times, a conversation recorded by James, Stuart in 1903 with a Zulu, Munyu ka Timuni; ‘we are abeSutu…. The people were called abeSutu because they lived enhla—north. We left the AbeSutu who are of different kinds and by so living apart from them we have become a different kind of people’ (Stuart Papers, Killie C&bell Library, Durban). In a recent interview Princess Magogo of the Zulu Royal House maintained that she remembered very old people saying in her youth (she must now be about 70) ‘We are Abesotho’ (interview, April 1969).Google Scholar

47 Oxford History, 110–11.Google Scholar

48 Ibid. 97.

49 Theal, G. M., Records of South East Africa, viii (London, 1899), 312.Google Scholar

50 See chapters by Legassick and Marks already cited.

51 See for ex&le, Marais, J. S., Maynier and the First Boer Republic (Cape Town, 1944), which deals with the first three frontier wars. It was only with the appearance of the British troops in 1811 that the westermost Xhosa were driven from the Zuurveld.Google Scholar

52 Laslett, P., The World We Have Lost (London, 1965), 231–2.Google Scholar