Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-ndw9j Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-15T07:29:57.078Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Present State of Art Historical Research in Nigeria: Problems and Possibilities1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Extract

This paper reviews the present state of art historical research in Nigeria with a view to clearing the ground for a more accurate interpretation of the evidence. The ancient arts of Benin, Ife, Nok, Owo, Nupe and Igbo-Ukwu are discussed, among others, and suggestions offered that might shed more light on some of the problems created by the paucity of art historical data.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1977

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

2 Fagg, W., ‘Observation on Nigerian Art History’ in Masterpieces of African Art (Exhibition Catalogue), Brooklyn Museum, 1955, 1112Google Scholar and Willett, F., African Art: An Introduction (New York and Washington, 1971), ch. 3.Google Scholar

3 It is gratifying to note that Dr Stuart Fleming of Oxford University is currently developing a technique for the application of thermoluminescence dating to the clay core inside bronzes. As a matter of fact, this technique has already been used to date some of the casually-found objects. See Willett, F., ‘A Survey of Recent Results in the Radiocarbon chronology of Western and Northern AfricaJ. Afr. Hist. xii (1971), 367.Google Scholar

4 See Read, C. H. and Dalton, O. M., Antiquities from the City of Benin and from other Parts of West Africa in the British Museum (London, 1899)Google Scholar; von Luschan, F., Die Altertumer von Benin (Berlin and Leipzig, 3 vols., 1919)Google Scholar; Pitt-Rivers, A. H. L. F., Antique Works of Art from Benin (London, 1900)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roth, H. L., Great Benin, Its Customs, Art and Horrors (Halifax, 1903)Google Scholar; and Dark, P. C., ‘A Preliminary Catalogue of Benin Art and Technology: Some Problems of Material Cultural AnalysisJ. R. Anthrop. Inst., lxxxvh (1957), 175–89.Google Scholar

5 Read, and Dalton, , Antiquities, vi, 9.Google Scholar

6 W., and Forman, B. and Dark, P., Benin Art (London, 1960), 10.Google Scholar

7 Luschan, Von, Die Altertumer, vols. 1–3.Google Scholar

8 Struck, B., ‘Chronologie der Benin AltertumerZ. Ethnol., lv (1923), 113–66Google Scholar. For a full critique of von Luschan's and Struck's chronologies, see Dark, , ‘A Preliminary Catalogue’ 175Google Scholar, and Murray, K. C., ‘Benin ArtNigeria Mag., lxxi (1961), 373–8.Google Scholar

9 Egharevba, J. A., A Short History of Benin (Ibadan, 4th edn., 1968; first published in 1934), 10.Google Scholar

10 Ryder, A. F. C., Benin and the Europeans (London, 1969), 349–50.Google Scholar

11 Bradbury, R. E., ‘Chronological Problems in the Study of Benin HistoryJ. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, i (1959), 263–87Google Scholar; Bradbury, R. E., ‘Ezomo's Ikegobo and the Benin Cult of the HandMan, lvi (1961), 129–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Bradbury, R. E. and Lloyd, P. C., The Benin Kingdom and the Edo-Speaking Peoples … (London, 1957).Google Scholar

12 Ryder, , Benin and the Europeans, passimGoogle Scholar, and Ryder, A. F. C., ‘A Note on Afro-Portuguese IvoriesJ. Afr. Hist., v (1964), 363–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13 Forman, and Dark, , Benin Art, 159Google Scholar, and Dark, P., The Art of Benin: A Preliminary Catalogue of an Exhibition of the A. W. F. Fuller and Chicago Natural History Museum Collections of Antiquities from Benin (Chicago, 1962).Google Scholar

14 Elisofon, E. and Fagg, W., The Sculpture of Africa (London, 1958), 63–6Google Scholar, and Fagg, W., Nigerian Images (London, 1963), 30–9.Google Scholar

15 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 32.Google Scholar

17 Ibid. 35–7.

18 Ibid. 33.

21 Ibid. 37–8.

22 Dark, P., ‘Benin Bronze Heads: Styles and Chronology’ in African Images: Essays in African Iconology, edited by McCall, D. F. and Bay, E. G. (New York and London, 1975), 25103Google Scholar; and An Introduction to Benin Art and Technologr (Oxford, 1973), 112.Google Scholar

23 Egharevba, , A Short History, 11Google Scholar. Since not all the objects discussed here have been analysed to determine whether they are true bronze or brass, the term ‘bronze/bronze-casting’ as used in this paper, also refers to brass objects.

25 Bradbury, , ‘Chronological Problems’ 286.Google Scholar

26 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 32Google Scholar; Fagg, W. and Plass, M., African Sculpture: An Anthology (London, 1964), 65Google Scholar; Trowell, M., African Classical Sculpture (London, 2nd edn., 1964), 70Google Scholar; Willett, F., Ife in the History of West African Sculpture (London and New York, 1967), 154.Google Scholar

27 Gerbrands, A. A., Art as an Element of Culture, especially in Negro Africa (Leiden, 1957). 3540.Google Scholar

28 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 37Google Scholar, and Foiman, and Dark, , Benin Art, 19.Google Scholar

29 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, pl. 15.Google Scholar

30 Ibid. 37–8.

31 Ibid. 38, pl. 17.

32 See Willett, F., ‘The Benin Museum CollectionAfrican Arts, vi (1973), 17 and pl. 12Google Scholar. According to Willett, this head seems to suggest that early forms were copied in later periods.

33 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 35.Google Scholar

34 Shaw, T., ‘The Analysis of West African Bronzes: A Summary of the EvidenceIbadan, 28 (1970), 81.Google Scholar

35 See Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ 11Google Scholar, quoting Werner, O., ‘Metallurgische Untersuchungen der Benin-Bronzen des Museum füur Volkerkunde Berlin’ Baessler-Archiv N.F. 18, 71153.Google Scholar

36 Compare Willett, , Ife in the History, pls. 1–5 and pl. 94.Google Scholar

37 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pls. 2, 10 and 11.Google Scholar

38 See also Willett, , Ife in the History, 155.Google Scholar

39 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 32.Google Scholar

40 See also Williams, D., ‘The Nigerian Image’ Odu (new series), I (1964).Google Scholar

41 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pl. 19Google Scholar, and Roth, , Great Benin, fig. 268.Google Scholar

42 Willett, ibid. p. 15.

43 Roth, , Great Benin, fig. 267.Google Scholar

44 Ibid. fig. 268.

45 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pl. 15.Google Scholar

46 Ibid. pl. 19.

47 See below, pp. 208–9.

48 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 33.Google Scholar

49 However, it is possible that the use of bronze plaques was not unique to Benin. According to Johnson, Samuel, History of the Yorubas (Lagos, 1921), 155Google Scholar, one of the earliest kings of Old Oyo, Alafin Aganju, decorated his palace ‘with rows of brazen posts'— which could very well be bronze plaques. See also, Frobenius, L., The Voice of Africa (London, 1913), 1, 177.Google Scholar

50 Forman, and Dark, , Benin Art, 21–2.Google Scholar

51 For this, we are grateful to William Fagg whose research has greatly advanced our knowledge of Benin art history. Although his chronology is the most reasonable at the moment, it has been necessary to point out its shortcomings (certainly the result of a dearth of absolute dating evidence) because for over a decade now it has been so widely quoted that it is beginning to acquire the status of absolute historical fact. Of course, in the absence of a better alternative, it will continue to be used. But let us hope that, from now on, it will be used with greater caution.

52 Bradbury, , ‘Ezomo's Ikegobo’ 129–37.Google Scholar

53 Roth, L., Great Benin, 230Google Scholar. In this story, Ahammangiwa is identified as a white man who made plaques for Oba Esigie.

54 Bradbury, , ‘Ezomo's Ikegobo’ passim.Google Scholar

55 Frobenius, L., Und Afrika Sprach, 3 vols. (Berlin, 19121913)Google Scholar; Auf dem Wege nach Atlantis (Berlin, 1911), 1112Google Scholar; Das Unbekarmte Afrika (Munchen, 1923), 136–8Google Scholar; Die Atlantische Gotterlehre, xvi–xviii (Jena, 1926), 78, 168–72, 181–6, 195–6.Google Scholar

56 Dahse, J., ‘Ein Zweites Goldland Salomos, Vorstudiens zur Geschichte West AfrikasZ. Ethnol., 1911, 5870Google Scholar; Petrie, W., Ancient Egypt, pt. 2 (London, 1914), 184, 169Google Scholar; Adam, L., Primitive Art (London, 1940), 105–10Google Scholar; Paulme, D., African Sculpture (London, 1962), 94Google Scholar; , H. and Meyerowitz, V., ‘Bronzes and Terracottas from Ile-Ife’, Burlington Magazine, lxxv (1939), 150–1Google Scholar; and Jeffreys, M. D. W., ‘The Origins of the Benin BronzesAfrican Studies, x (1951), 8991.Google Scholar

57 See Willett, , Ife in the History, ch. I–III.Google Scholar

58 Willett, F., African Art, 72, pl. 41.Google Scholar

59 Willett, , Ife in the History, 30.Google Scholar

60 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 26–7.Google Scholar

61 Willett, , Ife in the History, 27Google Scholar. For a different view, see Abiodun, R., ‘A Reconsideration of the Function of Ako, Second Burial Effigy in OwoAfrica, xlvi (1976), 420.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

63 A. Rubin, Review of African Stone Sculpture by P. Allison and Ife in the History, in Art Bulletin, lii (1970), 350.Google Scholar

64 Willett, , Ife in the History, passim.Google Scholar

65 See also, Rubin, , ‘Review’ 351.Google Scholar

66 Willett, , Ife in the History, 61Google Scholar, and Willett, , African Art, 73.Google Scholar

67 Eyo, E., ‘1969 Excavations at Ile-IfeAfrican Arts, iii (1970), 211Google Scholar; ‘Excavations at Odo Ogbe Street and Lafogido, Ife, Nigeria’ W. Afr. J. Archa., iv (1974), 99109Google Scholar and Willett, , ‘A Survey of Recent Results’ 336–67.Google Scholar

68 Garlake, P. S., ‘Excavations at Obalara's Land, Ife: An Interim ReportW. Afr. J. Arch., iv (1974), 111–48.Google Scholar

69 Willett, , Ife in the History, 66–7Google Scholar, and Willett, F., ‘Archaeology’ in Sources of Yoruba History, ed. by Biobaku, S. O. (Oxford, 1973), 132.Google Scholar

70 Willett, , African Art, 72.Google Scholar

71 Idowu, E. B., Olodumare, God in Yoruba Belief (London, 1970), 308Google Scholar, and Willett, , Ife in the History, 150.Google Scholar

72 Willet, ibid. 79–84.

73 Allison, P., African Stone Sculpture (London, 1968), 1120.Google Scholar

74 Fagg, B., ‘A Preliminary Note on a New Series of Pottery Figures from Northern NigeriaAfrica, xv (1945), 21–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fagg, B., ‘The Nok Culture in Pre-historyJ. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, i (1959), 288–93Google Scholar; and Fagg, B., ‘The Radiocarbon Dating of the Nok Culture, Northern NigeriaNature, 9 01 1965, 205, 212Google Scholar. For other publications on Nok, see Shaw, T. and Vanderburg, J., A Bibliography of Nigerian Archaeology (Ibadan, 1969).Google Scholar

75 Connah, G. E., ‘Progress Report on Archaeological work in Bornu, 1964–1966’ Northern History Research Scheme, Second Interim Report (Zaria, 1967), 2031.Google Scholar

76 Priddy, A. J., ‘An Iron Age Site near Yelwa, Sokoto Province: Preliminary ReportW. Afr. Archaeol. Newsletter, xii (1970), 2032Google Scholar, and Shaw, T., ‘Archaeology in NigeriaAntiquity, xliii (1969), 196.Google Scholar

77 Breternitz, D., ‘Interim Report of the University of Colorado Kainji Rescue Archaeology Project 1968W. Afr. Archaeol. Newsletter, x (1968), 3042.Google Scholar

78 Norris, M. W. and Perry, S. H., ‘Terracotta Figurines from Near Zaria, NigeriaW. Afr. J. Arch., ii (1972), 103–7.Google Scholar

79 See Willett, , ‘A Survey of Recent Results’ 365Google Scholar, who has also compared Yelwa terracottas with those of Nok. One of the Yelwa figures is illustrated in Shaw, , ‘Archaeology in Nigeria’ frontispiece.Google Scholar

80 Willett, , Ife in the History, 115–17.Google Scholar

81 Willett, , African Art, 73.Google Scholar

82 Willett, , Ife in the History, 110–17, 125.Google Scholar

83 Willett, , African Art, 73.Google Scholar

84 Eyo, E., ‘New Treasures from NigeriaExpedition, xiv (1972), 4.Google Scholar

85 Ibid. 10–11. See also id., Two Thousand Years of Nigerian Art (Lagos, 1977), 130.Google Scholar

86 Eccles, P., ‘Nupe BronzesNigeria Magazine, lxxxii (1962), 1323Google Scholar, and Nadel, S. F., Black Byzantium (London, 1942), 72–6, 406.Google Scholar

87 Nadel, op cit., 75.

88 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 40Google Scholar, and Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ 14.Google Scholar

89 Illustrated in Eccles, , ‘Nupe Bronzes’ 20–1.Google Scholar

90 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 40Google Scholar; Eccles, , ‘Nupe Bronzes’ 21Google Scholar; Bertho, J. and Mauny, R., ‘Archaéologie du Pays Yoruba et du Bas-NigerNotes Africaine, lvi (1962), 110Google Scholar; Willett, , Ife in the History, 51Google Scholar, and Eyo, E., Highlights from 2000 Years of Nigerian Art (Lagos, 1973).Google Scholar

91 Illustrated in Eccles, , ‘Nupe Bronzes’ 19.Google Scholar

92 Illustrated in Eyo, , Highlights.Google Scholar

93 See Thompson, R. F., ‘The sign of the Divine King: an Essay on Yoruba Bead-Embroidered Crowns with Veil and Bird DecorationsAfrican Arts, iii (1970), 11Google Scholar. In this essay, Thompson attempts to show that the crown of birds worn by the ‘Gara’ may be ancestral to modern Yoruba beaded-crown with birds. See also Williams, D., ‘Art in Metal’ in Sources of Yoruba History, 161.Google Scholar

94 Willett, , Ife in the History, 170–2.Google Scholar

95 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pls. 3, 4, 17 and 19Google Scholar. See also Meyerowitz, E. L. R., ‘Four Pre-Portuguese Bronze Castings from BeninMan, xl (1940), 131.Google Scholar

96 Ryder, A. F. C., ‘A Reconsideration of the Ife-Benin RelationshipJ. Afr. Hist., vi (1965), 2537.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

97 Ibid., 35–6.

98 Ibid., 33.

99 Willett, F., ‘New Light on the Ife-Benin RelationshipAfrican Forum, iii and iv (1968), 2834Google Scholar, and Willett, , ‘Archaeology’ 128–30.Google Scholar

100 Akinjogbin, I. A., ‘Ife, the Home of a New UniversityNigeria Magazine, xcii (1967), 41Google Scholar. See also Idowu, , Olodumare, 11Google Scholar, and Ojo, G. J. A., Yorttba Culture (London and Ife, 1967), 195.Google Scholar

101 Ryder, , ‘A Reconsideration’ 36Google Scholar, and Bradbury, , ‘Chronological Problems’ 280.Google Scholar

102 According to S. F. Nadel, Tsoede is said to have ‘delivered Nupe country from the supremacy of Idah, and established the independent Nupe kingdom’. See The King's Hangmen: A Judicial Organization in Central NigeriaMan, xxxv (1935), 129–30.Google Scholar

103 Fagg, , Nigerian Images, 39Google Scholar, and Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ 16.Google Scholar

104 Clapperton, H., Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior (London, 1829), 22Google Scholar; quoted by Ryder, , ‘A Reconsideration’ 31.Google Scholar

105 Egbarevba, , A Short History, 27–8.Google Scholar

106 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pl. 1.Google Scholar

107 Illustrated in Eccles, , ‘Nupe Bronzes’ 23.Google Scholar

108 Willett, , ‘The Benin Museum’ pl. 17Google Scholar, and Meyerowitz, E. H., ‘Ancient Bronzes in the Royal Palace at BeninBurlington Magazine, lxxxiii (1943), 248–53, pl. IDGoogle Scholar. Since the face of this figure is not striated, he may very well be a local (Benin) priest.

109 Illustrated in Eccles, , ‘Nupe Bronzes’, 18.Google Scholar

110 Elsewhere (Lawal, B., ‘Yoruba Sango Sculpture in Historical Retrospect’. Unpubl. Ph.D. Dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington, 1970, 140–65Google Scholar), I have tried to link this cult with the ancient kingdom of Old Oyo where the ram was sacred to Sango, the Yoruba god of thunder and lightning. For in the heyday of the Old Oyo Empire, the Sango cult was used as a political weapon: a good number of Old Oyo governors resident in the vassal states were priests of the cult; and when they were not, they had Sango priests in their entourage.

111 The task of using the ram symbolism as a guide is rendered all the more difficult by the fact that at Owo and Benin wooden ram heads are placed on ancestral altars while smaller ones in the bronze and ivory are stitched to the ceremonial dresses of some chiefs. Nevertheless, a thorough investigation of the origin and significance of the ram symbolism at Benin and Owo is likely to have some implications for the representation of the animal on the Nupe ‘Gara’ figure, and on many of the so-called ‘Lower Niger Bronzes’ as well. For a preliminary study of the ram symbolism among the Oyo Yoruba, see Lawal, B., ‘Yoruba-Sango Ram Symbolism: From Ancient Sahara or Dynastic Egypt?’ in African Images: Essays in African Iconology, eds. McCall, D. F. and Bay, E. G. (New York and London, 1975), 225–51.Google Scholar

112 Illustrated in Willett, , Ife in the History, pl. 93.Google Scholar

113 Ryder, , ‘A Reconsideration’ 26. 33.Google Scholar

114 Illustrated in Willett, , Ife in the History, pls. 31, 92.Google Scholar

115 But since many of such heads are in fragments, it is difficult to tell whether their missing bodies wore the cross. Nevertheless, representations of the Maltese cross do occur in Ife art. See ibid., pl. 58, and Willett, , ‘New Light’ 3940.Google Scholar

116 Although the Maltese cross appears only on the robe of the Nupe ‘Gara’ figure, it is certainly more than a mere decoration. Among the Ashanti, for instance, this type of cross is called Musuyidie (something which removes evil). According to Rattray, a cloth with Maltese cross design was placed beside the sleeping couch of the Ashantene who, on waking up in the morning, would step on the cloth three times (Rattray, R. S., Religion and Art in Ashanti (Oxford, 1923), 226, n. 149Google Scholar). It is possible, therefore, that the Maltese cross pattern on the Nupe ‘Gara’ figure had a talismanic function, although the cross pendant given by the ‘Ogane’ to royal messengers from Benin is said to accord them some privileges.

117 Ryder, , ‘A Reconsideration’, 33–4.Google Scholar

118 George, J. O., Historical Notes on the Yoruba Country and its Tribes (Lagos?, 1895), 28Google Scholar; quoted by Ryder, , ‘Reconsideration’ 37Google Scholar; Bowen, T. J., Adventures and Missionary Labours in Several Countries in the Interior of Africa (Charleston, 1857), 265Google Scholar, and Sowande, F., Ifa (Lagos, 1964), 45–6.Google Scholar

119 Abimbola, W., ‘The Literature of the Ifa Cult’ in Sources of Yoruba History, 55Google Scholar. However, Mr ‘Toso Eluyemi (personal communications, 1974) is of the opinion that the seven Ife mentioned by Ifa may be no more than the original confederate settlements that later united to form present-day Ife.

120 Johnson, , The History, 4.Google Scholar

121 Ibid., 10–11.

122 Boston, J., ‘Oral Tradition and the History of IgalaJ. Afr. Hist., x (1969), 28Google Scholar, and Armstrong, R. G., ‘The Igala’ in Peoples of the Niger-Benue Confluence, ed. Forde, D. (London, 1955), 80.Google Scholar

123 Armstrong, , ‘The Igala’ 80.Google Scholar

124 Willett, , ‘Archaeology’ 138.Google Scholar

125 Johnson, , The History, 4.Google Scholar

126 Willett, Ife in the History, pis. 23, 24Google Scholar, and Nigerian Museum, An Introduction to the Art of Ife (Lagos, 1955), 17.Google Scholar

127 Johnson, , The History, 3Google Scholar. In other literatures, this relationship has been traced to the fact that the Yoruba are said to be part of the Kisra Migration which reportedly reached West Africa from the Nile Valley in the second half of the first millennium A.D. See Mathew, A. B., ‘The Kisra LegendAfr. Stud., ix (1950), 144–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Biobaku, S. O., The Origin of the Yoruba (Lagos, 1955).Google Scholar

128 Lawal, , ‘Yoruba-Sango Sculpture’, 140–65.Google Scholar

129 According to Leo Frobenius (The Voice of Africa, I, 210Google Scholar), there seem to have been two Sangos at Old Oyo. The first, Tapa-Sango, from Nupe, was symbolized by a ram, while the second, Mesi-Sango, from Borgu, was symbolized by equestrian sculpture. These are said to represent two different dynasties. Mesi-Sango is said to have once displaced Tapa-Sango, but the latter subsequently regained power. But as I have argued elsewhere (Lawal, , ‘Yoruba–Sango Sculpture’ 128–39)Google Scholar, Frobenius seems to have mistaken the dual organization of the Sango cult at New Oyo as evidence of two originally separate cults.

130 Meyerowitz, , ‘Four Pre-Portuguese Bronze Castings’ 131Google Scholar. However, this need not imply that all ram representations in Benin once belonged to the Sango cult; and it must also be noted that the Benin thunder god is called Ogiuwu (king of death), but his historical relationship with Sango cannot yet be ascertained.

131 Johnson, , The History, 149.Google Scholar

132 Lawal, , ‘Yoruba-Sango Sculpture’ 140–2.Google Scholar

133 Johnson, , The History, 159–60Google Scholar; Smith, R., ‘Alafin in Exile, A Study of the Igboho Period in Oyo HistoryJ. Afr. Hist., vi (1965), 63–7Google Scholar; and Akinjogbin, I. A., ‘The Oyo Empire in the Eighteenth Century: A ReassessmentJ. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, iii (1966), 449–50.Google Scholar

134 See Temple, C. L., Notes on the Tribes of Northern Nigeria (London, 1965), 390.Google Scholar

135 For a critical analysis of the Nupe Gbedegi Tradition, see Lawal, ‘Yoruba-Sango Sculpture’ 146–8.Google Scholar

136 Ryder, , ‘A Reconsideration’ 32.Google Scholar

137 Ibid., 33.

138 Willett, , ‘Archaeology’ 133.Google Scholar

139 Nevertheless, the four Alakoro brass masks which are said to have been brought from Old Oyo do suggest the existence of a bronze-casting centre there (illustrated in Thompson, R. F., Black Gods and Kings: Yoruba Art at U.C.L.A. (Los Angeles, 1971), pls. 12–16Google Scholar, and Williams, D., ‘Two Brass Masks from Oyo-Ile’ Odu (n.s.) III (1966), 61–3Google Scholar). It is interesting to note that, though different in style, one of the Alakoro masks (pl. 14) has keloid marks above the eyebrows like Benin bronze heads and the face of theh eadmedallion the Nupe ‘Gara’ figure. Similar keloid marks and the cat-whisker marks occur on a carved wooden object with a human face said to have been excavated by Frobenius in 1910 from the grave of a Sango priest at Modakeke, but which might have been made at Old Oyo, especially since the people of Modakeke are refugees from Old Oyo. (This object is well illustrated in Leuzinger, E., The Sculpture of Black Africa (New York, 1973), pl. 18Google Scholar.) Lastly, the style of a bronze armlet said to have been captured from an Old Oyo war chief (illustrated in Meyerowitz, E. L. R., ‘A Bronze Armlet from Old Oyo, NigeriaMan, xli (1941), 25)CrossRefGoogle Scholar is close enough to some of the Nupe bronzes as well as to many of the so-called alien bronzes in the Benin corpus.

140 Rubin, , ‘Review’ 352, n. 9.Google Scholar

141 Fraser, D., ‘The Tsoede Bronzes and Owo Yoruba ArtAfrican Arts, viii (1975), 30–5, 91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

142 This attribution was made in two public lectures in 1971, one at the University of Ibadan (March) and the other at Harvard University (May).

143 Ojo, J. R. O., ‘A Bronze Stool Collected at Ijebu-Ode’, African Arts, ix (1975), 4850, 92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

144 Shaw, , Igbo-Ukwu, vols. I and II.Google Scholar

145 Lawal, B., ‘The Igbo-Ukwu Bronzes: A Search for the Economic EvidenceJ. Hist. Sec. Nigeria, vi (1972), 313–21Google Scholar; id., Dating Problems at Igbo-Ukwu’, Afr. Hist., XIV (1973), 18Google Scholar; Posnansky, M., ‘The Early Development of Trade in West Africa: Some Archaeological ConsiderationsGhana Social Science Journal, ii (1973), 114Google Scholar; id., ‘Review’ of Igbo-Ukvm: An Account of Archaeological Discoveries in Eastern Nigeria, in Archaeology, VI (1037)’ 309–11Google Scholar; Northrup, D., ‘The Growth of Trade among the Igbo before 1800J. Afr. Hist., xiii (1972), 218Google Scholar. See also Williams, D., Icon and Image, a study of Sacred and Secular forms of Classical African Art (London, 1974), 276Google Scholar. For Thurstan Shaw's reply, see Those Igbo-Ukwu Radiocarbon Dates: Facts, Fictions and ProbabilitiesJ. Afr. Hist., XVI (1975), 503–17.Google Scholar

146 Horton, R., ‘A Note on Recent Finds of Brasswork in the Niger Delta’ Odu (n.s.), ii (1965), 7691Google Scholar; Ekejiuba, F., ‘A Contribution to the Problem of Brasswork in Eastern NigeriaAfrican Notes, iv (1965), 1115Google Scholar; Hartle, D. D., ‘Archaeology in Eastern NigeriaNigeria Magazine, xciii (1967), 134–43.Google Scholar

147 Lecoq, R., Les Bamileke (Paris, 1953), fig. 45.Google Scholar

148 Shaw, , Igbo-Ukwu, vol. I, 282Google Scholar; vol II, pl. 337.

149 Williams, D., ‘An Outline History of Tropical African Art’ in Africa in the Nineteenth and the Twentieth Centuries, ed. Anene, J. C. and Brown, G. N. (Ibadan, 1966), 68.Google Scholar

150 Shaw, , Igbo-Ukwu, vol. I, 270.Google Scholar

151 Jeffreys, M. D. W., ‘The Umundri Tradition of OriginAfrican Studies, xv (1956), 110–31Google Scholar, and Boston, J., ‘Notes on Contact between the Igala and the Ibo’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, ii (1960), 52–7.Google Scholar

152 For a comprehensive discussion of the Esie and other related stone sculptures, see Allison, , African Stone Sculpture, 21–4.Google Scholar

153 See ibid., 25–35, and Allison, P., Cross River Monoliths (Lagos, 1968).Google Scholar

154 Dark, , An Introduction to Benin Art, 96–7.Google Scholar

155 Wescott, J., Yoruba Art in German and Swiss Museums (Ibadan, 1958).Google Scholar

156 Fagg, B., ‘The Rock Gong Complex Today and in Prehistoric TimesJ. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, i (1956), 2742Google Scholar; id., ‘The Cave Paintings and Rock Gongs of Birnin Kudu, Proceedings of the Pan African Congress on Prehistory, Livingstone, 1955 (London, 1957), 306–12Google Scholar; Sassoon, H., ‘Cave Paintings Recently Discovered near BauchiMan, ix (1960), 50–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lebeuf, J. P., ‘Research Notes: Prehistory, Proto-history and History in ChadJ. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, ii (1963), 593601.Google Scholar