Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
The European goods which Africans consumed in the slave trade era tell us much about the African societies which imported them. However the study of the subject has involved much confusion through the application of fragmentary evidence from different societies in different stages of development towards the fashioning of broad hypotheses about the impact of the trade on West Africa as a whole. It is important therefore, when the evidence is available, to study each society and each group of African middlemen individually as well as within the wider context.
The papers (especially the barter records) of Richard Miles throw a good deal of light on one such microcosm: the Akan people of the Gold Coast in the second half of the eighteenth century. The Fante middlemen with whom Miles dealt required, for virtually every barter, an assortment of goods from five major categories: hardware, currencies, textiles, luxury items, arms and ammunition. Though all these categories were necessary for the trade, it is notable that textiles were far and away the dominant commodity desired by the Akan. Guns were in surprisingly low demand during this period which suggests that the Akan slave producers (principally the Asante) had no difficulty raising slaves through tribute in peacetime and were not forced to rely on wars and slave-raids.
Miles's documents also make it clear that generalizations drawn from the Gold Coast in this period cannot be extended automatically to other areas; Akan history tells us that neither can they be extended on the Gold Coast into a different era.
1 For an overview of these historiographic trends, see Hopkins, A. G., Two Essays on Underdevelopment (Geneva, 1979).Google Scholar
2 Davies, K. G. pointed Out nearly thirty years ago that Africans were in no sense passive consumers and that their tastes dictated the nature of the trade: The Royal African Company (London, 1957), 235.Google Scholar But as recently as 1971, Claude Meillassoux wrote of the ‘shoddy trade goods and glass trinkets’ of the slave trade era in The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa (London, 1971), 50.Google Scholar
3 A good sample of the controversy in this area may be seen in Inikori's, J. E. introduction to Forced Migration (London, 1982), 55–7.Google Scholar
4 For the contention that the European trade goods consisted primarily of luxuries and arms to furnish the needs of warrior aristocracies see Meillassoux, op. cit., 52.Google Scholar
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6 The historiography of firearms is discussed below.Google Scholar
7 Inikori, Forced Migration, 13–14.Google Scholar
8 ‘Confederacy’ is a convenient word for describing the Fante polity in the eighteenth century. I use it with a small ‘c’ to distinguish it from the Fante Confederacy, a political movement circa 1865–72.Google Scholar
9 The barters are to be found in London, Public Record Office, T70/1264 and 1265.Google Scholar
10 For the hat, cow and dollars see T70/1264, barters with ‘Grant's boy’, 15 Dec. 1772, barters with ‘Sham, Joe and Adoe’, 7 Dec. 1775;Google ScholarT70/1265, barter with ‘Ammurro’, 9 July 1776.Google Scholar
11 For a full list of these items and their normal prices in ounces of trade, see Metcalf, op. cit., 40–41.Google Scholar
12 Miles also writes of woollen ‘halfsays’, but he appears to use says and halfsays interchangeably. It is clear however that half ells and ells are distinct, but in Miles's entries it is not always possible to distinguish between half ells and half a long ell.Google Scholar
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16 See Goucher, C. L., ‘Iron is iron ‘til it rust’, J. Afr. Hist., XXII (1981), 179–89,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Pole, L. M., ‘Decline or Survival? Iron production in West Africa from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries’, J. Afr. Hist., XXIII (1982), 503–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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18 T70/1265, barter 25 May 1777, with John Kwamino (slave no. 230).Google Scholar
19 T70/1479, Miles to Shoolbred, 15 May 1777.Google Scholar
20 T70/1479, Miles to Shoolbred, 7 June 1777;Google ScholarT70/1483, Miles to Shoolbred, 1 May 1778.Google Scholar
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23 T70/1479, Miles to Petrie, 30 Jan., 14 May and 30 Nov. 1777.Google Scholar
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35 Quoted in Richards, ‘Import of Firearms’, 46.Google Scholar
36 T70/73, Miles to Lords of Treasury, 24 April 1813.Google Scholar
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42 T70/1265, barters 25 May 1777 with ‘Assuah’ (slave nos. 225–6), and with John Kwamino (slave no. 230).Google Scholar
43 Romauls were small pieces of East Indian cotton goods that varied bewilderingly in quality as well as in colour and pattern. Thus ‘mixed’ romauls constituted a mini-assortment in themselves. For instance a box of 3000 mixed romauls shipped from England in 1795 comprised: 200 blue soot romauls, 200 brown Barragore romauls, 100 red Ashantee romauls, 700 hair romauls, 800 blue romauls, 800 fine blue romauls and 100 deep mixed romauls. See T70/1571, (?) to Richard Miles, ‘packed for the African Committee by Serjeant Chambers’, 2 Nov. 1795. ‘Mixed patches’, manufactured in England, varied in a similar fashion, but were more prosaically named: ‘type no. 3’, ‘type no. 7’ etc. See T70/1479, Miles to Captain Windsor Brown, 21 May 1774.Google Scholar
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45 David Richardson ‘West African consumption patterns and their influence on the eighteenth century slave trade’, in Gemery and Hogendorn, The Uncommon Market.Google Scholar
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47 T70/1482 and 1483 are filled with such correspondence.Google Scholar
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57 T70/1479 ‘Memorandum’, n.d. but follows in letterbook immediately after Miles to J. Brooks, 20 Nov. 1780.Google Scholar
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65 ‘Minutes of the Evidence’, op. cit., 63.Google Scholar
66 T70/1482, Miles to Cockburn, 5 Feb. 1773.Google Scholar
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