Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-fbnjt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-01T23:37:03.272Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Non-verbal cues as a test of gender and race bias in politics: the Italian case

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 July 2015

Shanto Iyengar*
Affiliation:
Department of Communication and Political Science, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305, USA
Mauro Barisione
Affiliation:
Department of Social and Political Sciences, Università degli Studi di Milano, Milan, Italy
*
Get access

Abstract

Gender and race biases persist in western democracies, with male and white candidates still being the norm. Voters may be more inclined to express sexist and racist attitudes in countries with a traditionally male-dominated political system and a majority-white population. As sexism and racism are notoriously difficult to document, and because many people are unaware of their biases toward social groups, we bypass conventional survey measurement and observe voters’ willingness to support candidates whose physical features have been manipulated to make them appear more prototypically feminine or non-white. We implemented this approach in the context of the 2013 Italian election, by presenting a national sample of Italian voters with pictures of male and female parliamentary candidates – both unknown and well known. Overall, we found no main effects of gender or race bias in political judgment. For Italian voters, party cues are by far the most powerful indicators of out-group status, and therefore the strongest predictors of candidate perception and support. This result may be of particular interest to other political contexts characterized by strong partisan polarization.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© Societá Italiana di Scienza Politica 2015 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abramowitz, A.I. and Saunders, K.L. (2008), Is polarization a myth?Journal of Politics, 70, 542555.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Almond, G. and Verba, S. (1963), The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations, Boston: Little Brown.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Balbo, L. and Manconi, L. (1992), I razzismi reali, Milano: Feltrinelli.Google Scholar
Banaji, M. and Heiphetz, L. (2010), ‘Attitudes’, in D. Gilbert and S. Fiske (eds), Handbook of Social Psychology, Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley, pp. 353393.Google Scholar
Banfield, E. (1958), The Moral Basis of a Backward Society, Glencoe: The Free Press.Google Scholar
Barański, Z. and Vinall, S. (eds) (1991), Women and Italy: Essays on Gender, Culture and History, Basingstoke: Macmillan Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Barisione, M. (2006), L’immagine del leader: quanto conta per gli elettori? Bologna: Il Mulino.Google Scholar
Barisione, M. (2015), ‘Political leadership’, in G. Mazzoleni (ed.), International Encyclopedia of Political Communication, Massachusetts: Wiley-Blackwell.Google Scholar
Barisione, M., Catellani, P. and Garzia, D. (2014), ‘Tra Facebook e i Tg: esposizione mediale e percezione dei leader nella campagna elettorale italiana del 2013’, Comunicazione Politica 15(1): 187210.Google Scholar
Barker, L.J., Jones, M. and Tate, K. (1999), African Americans and the American Political System, Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.Google Scholar
Bellucci, P. and Segatti, P. (eds) (2010), Votare in Italia: 1968–2008: dall’appartenenza alla scelta, Bologna: Il Mulino.Google Scholar
Benjamin, D. and Shapiro, J. (2009), ‘Thin-slice forecasts of gubernatorial elections’, The Review of Economics and Statistics 91: 523536.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Bertrand, M. and Mullainathan, S. (2004), ‘Are Emily and Greg more employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A field experiment on labor market discrimination’, American Economic Review 94: 9911013.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Blair, I., Judd, C. and Chapleau, C. (2004), ‘The influence of Afrocentric facial features in criminal sentencing’, Psychological Science 15: 674679.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Brambor, T., Clark, W.R. and Golder, M. (2006), ‘Understanding interaction models: improving empirical analyses’, Political Analysis 14(1): 6382.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Burgio, A. (ed.) (2000), Nel nome della razza. Il razzismo nella storia d’Italia, Bologna: Il Mulino.Google Scholar
Calise, M. (2000), Il partito personale, Laterza: Roma-Bari.Google Scholar
Canon, D.T. (1999), Race, Redistricting, and Representation: The Unintended Consequences of Black Majority Districts, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carmines, E.G., Sniderman, P.M. and Easter, B.C. (2011), ‘On the meaning, measurement, and implications of racial resentment’, The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 634: 98116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carpinella, C. and Johnson, K. (2013a), ‘Politics of the face: the role of sex-typicality in trait assessments of politicians’, Social Cognition 31: 770779.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carpinella, C. and Johnson, K. (2013b), ‘Appearance-based politics: sex-typed facial cues communicate political party affiliation’, Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 49: 156160.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Caruso, E., Mead, N. and Balcetis, E. (2009), ‘Political partisanship influences perception of a biracial candidate’s skin tone’, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106: 2016820173.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Chiao, J.Y., Bowman, N.E. and Gill, H. (2008), ‘The political gender gap: gender bias in facial inferences that predict voting behavior’, PLoS One, doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0003666.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Crosby, F., Bromley, S. and Saxe, L. (1980), ‘Recent unobtrusive studies of black and white discrimination and prejudice: a literature review’, Psychological Bulletin 87: 546563.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eagly, A.H. and Mladenic, A. (1994), ‘Are people prejudiced against women? Some answers from research on attitudes, gender stereotypes, and judgments of competence’, European review of social psychology 5: 135.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eberhardt, J., Davies, P., Purdie-Vaughns, V. and Johnson, S.L. (2006), ‘Looking deathworthy: perceived stereotypicality of black defendants predicts capital-sentencing outcomes’, Psychological Science 17: 383386.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Fiorina, M.P., Abrams, S.J. and Pope, J.C. (2005), Culture War? The Myth of a Polarized America, New York: Pearson Longman.Google Scholar
Garzia, D. (2014), Personalization of Politics and Electoral Change, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Garzia, D. and Viotti, F. (2011), ‘Leaders, partisanship and voting behavior in Italy, 1990–2008’, Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 41(3): 411432.Google Scholar
Glenn, E. (2009), Shades of Difference: Why Skin Color Matters, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Glick, P. and Fiske, S. (1996), ‘The ambivalent sexism inventory: differentiating hostile and benevolent sexism’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 70: 491512.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Greenwald, A.G., McGhee, D.E. and Schwartz, J.L.K. (1998), ‘Measuring individual differences in implicit cognition: the implicit association test’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 74: 14641480.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Greenwald, A., Tucker, C., Sriram, N., Bar-Anan, Y. and Nosek, B. (2009), ‘Implicit race attitudes predicted vote in the 2008 U.S. presidential election’, Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy 9: 241253.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Griffin, J.D. and Newman, B. (2008), Minority Report: Evaluating Political Equality in America, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hehman, E., Carpinella, C., Johnson, K., Leitner, J. and Freeman, J. (2014), ‘Early processing of gendered facial cues predicts the electoral success of female politicians’, Social Psychological and Personality Science 5: 815824.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Herring, C., Keith, V. and Horton, H.D. (eds) (2004), Skin Deep: How Race and Complexion Matter in the ‘Color Blind’ Era, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Hochschild, J.L. and Weaver, V. (2007), ‘The skin color paradox and the American racial order’, Social Forces 86: 643670.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hovland, C.I., Harvey, O.J. and Sherif, M. (1957), ‘Assimilation and contrast effects in reactions to communication and attitude change’, The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 55(2): 244252.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Huddy, L. and Terkildsen, N. (1993), ‘Gender stereotypes and the perception of male and female candidates’, American Journal of Political Science 37: 119147.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
ITANES (ed.) (2008), Il ritorno di Berlusconi, Bologna: Il Mulino.Google Scholar
Iyengar, S. (2011), ‘Laboratory experiments in political science’, in J.N. Druckman, D.P. Green, J.H. Kuklinski, and A. Lupia (eds), Cambridge Handbook of Experimental Political Science. New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 73–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Iyengar, S., Sood, G. and Lelkes, Y. (2012), ‘Affect, not ideology a social identity perspective on polarization’, Public Opinion Quarterly 76(3): 405431.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Iyengar, S., Messing, S., Bailenson, J. and Hahn, K. (2010), ‘Do explicit racial cues influence candidate preference? The case of skin complexion in the 2008 campaign’. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the APSA, September 2–5, Washington, DC.Google Scholar
Johns, R. and Shephard, M. (2007), ‘Gender, candidate image and electoral preference’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9: 434460.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kinder, D.R. and Sears, D.O. (1981), ‘Prejudice and politics: symbolic racism versus racial threats to the good life’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 40: 414431.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
King, D.C. and Matland, R.E. (2003), ‘Sex and the Grand Old Party: an experimental investigation of the effect of candidate sex on support for a Republican candidate’, American Politics Research 31: 595612.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
King-Meadow, T. and Schaller, T.F. (2006), Devolution and Black State Legislators: Challenges and Choices in the 21st Century, Albany, NY: SUNY Press.Google Scholar
Koch, J.M. (2000), ‘Do citizens apply gender stereotypes to infer candidates’ ideological orientations?’, The Journal of Politics 62(2): 414429.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuklinski, J.H. (ed.) (2001), Citizens and Politics: Perspectives from Political Psychology, New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lammers, J., Gordijn, E.H. and Otten, S. (2009), ‘Iron ladies, men of steel: the effects of gender stereotyping on the perception of male and female candidates are moderated by prototypicality’, European Journal of Social Psychology 39(2): 186195.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Levendusky, M. (2009), The Partisan Sort: How Liberals Became Democrats and Conservatives Became Republicans, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lodge, M., Steenbergen, M.R. and Brau, S. (1995), ‘The responsive voter: campaign information and the dynamics of candidate evaluation’, American Political Science Review 89(2): 309326.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lublin, D. (1997), ‘The election of African Americans and Latinos to the US House of Representatives, 1972–1994’, American Politics Research 25(3): 269286.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Marcus, G.E. (2000), ‘Emotions in politics’, Annual Review of Political Science 3(1): 221250.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McConahay, J., Hardee, B. and Batts, V. (1981), ‘Has racism declined in America? It depends upon who is asking and what is asked’, Journal of Conflict Resolution 25: 563579.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McDermott, M. (1998), ‘Race and gender cues in low-information elections’, Political Research Quarterly 51: 895918.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mo, C.H. (2014), ‘The consequences of explicit and implicit gender attitudes and candidate quality in the calculations of voters’, Political Behavior 37: 357395.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mo, C.H. and Weiksner, G.M. (2009), ‘The sexist vote: results from a lab election experiment’. Paper presented at the Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference, Chicago, April 22–25.Google Scholar
Nevid, J.S. and McClelland, N. (2010), ‘Measurement of implicit and explicit attitudes toward Barack Obama’, Psychology & Marketing 27: 9891000.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Nosek, B.A. and Smyth, F.L. (2007), ‘A multitrait-multimethod validation of the implicit association test: implicit and explicit attitudes are related but distinct constructs’, Experimental Psychology 54: 1429.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Olivola, C.Y. and Todorov, A. (2010), ‘Elected in 100 milliseconds: appearance-based trait inferences and voting’, Journal of Nonverbal Behavior 34: 83110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pew Research Center (2014), Political Polarization in the American Public, Washington DC: Pew Research Center.Google Scholar
Popkin, S. (1994), The Reasoning Voter: Communication and Persuasion in Presidential Campaigns, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Prior, M. (2013), ‘Media and political polarization’, Annual Review of Political Science 16: 101127.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Putnam, R. (1993), Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy, Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Quillian, L. (1995), ‘Prejudice as a response to perceived group threat: population composition and anti-immigrant and racial prejudice in Europe’, American Sociological Review 60: 586611.Google Scholar
Sani, G. (1980), ‘The political culture of Italy: continuity and change’, in G. Almond and S. Verba (eds), The Civic Culture Revisited, Boston: Little Brown & Co, pp. 273324.Google Scholar
Sears, D.O. (1988), ‘Symbolic racism’, in D.O. Sears, P.A. Katz and D.A. Taylor (eds), Eliminating Racism: Profiles in Controversy, New York: Plenum Press, pp. 5384.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sears, D.O. and Henry, P.J. (2003), ‘The origins of symbolic racism’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 85: 259275.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Sherif, M. and Hovland, C.I. (1961), Social Judgment: Assimilation and Contrast Effects in Communication and Attitude Change, Oxford: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Sniderman, P.M., Brody, R.A. and Tetlock, P.E. (1991), Reasoning and Choice: Explorations in Political Psychology, New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sniderman, P.M., Peri, P., De Figueiredo, R.J.P. and Piazza, T. (2002), The Outsider: Prejudice and Politics in Italy, Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Spackman, B. (1996), Fascist Virilities: Rhetoric, Ideology, and Social Fantasy in Italy, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.Google Scholar
Stokes, D. (1992), ‘Valence politics’, in D. Kavanagh (ed.), Electoral Politics, Oxford: Clarendon Press, pp. 80100.Google Scholar
Swim, J., Aikin, K., Hall, W. and Hunter, B. (1995), ‘Sexism and racism: old-fashioned and modern prejudices’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 68: 199214.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Taber, C.S., Cann, D. and Kucsova, S. (2009), ‘The motivated processing of political arguments’, Political Behavior 31(2): 137155.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Todorov, A. and Uleman, J.S. (2003), ‘The efficiency of binding spontaneous trait inferences to actor’s faces’, Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 39: 549562.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Todorov, A., Pakrashi, M. and Oosterhof, N.N. (2009), ‘Evaluating faces on trustworthiness after minimal time exposure’, Social Cognition 27: 813833.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tougas, F., Brown, R., Beaton, A.M. and Joly, S. (1995), ‘Neosexism: Plus Ça Change, Plus C’est Pareil’, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 21: 842849.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Vavreck, L. and Iyengar, S. (2013), ‘The future of political communication research: online panels and experimentation’, in R.Y., Shapiro and L.R., Jacobs (eds), The Oxford Handbook of American Public Opinion and the Media, Oxford: OUP.Google Scholar
Vezzoni, C. (2014), ‘Italian National Election Survey 2013: a further step in a consolidating tradition’, Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 1: 81108.Google Scholar
Virtanen, S.V. and Huddy, L. (1998), ‘Old-fashioned racism and new forms of racial prejudice’, The Journal of Politics 60: 311332.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Weaver, V.M. (2012), ‘The electoral consequences of skin color: the “hidden” side of race in politics’, Political Behavior 34: 159192.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Young, A.I., Ratner, K.G. and Fazio, R.H. (2014), ‘Political attitudes bias the mental representation of a presidential candidate’s face’, Psychological Science 25: 503551.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Zick, A., Pettigrew, T.F. and Wagner, U. (2008), ‘Ethnic prejudice and discrimination in Europe’, Journal of Social Issues 64(2): 233251.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Supplementary material: Link

Iyengar and Barisione Dataset

Link