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The Samaritans in Justinian's Corpus Iuris Civilis

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 July 2014

Alfredo Mordechai Rabello
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Justinian, in his Corpus Iuris Civilis, showed great interest in the Samaritans, in the context of his lifelong effort to make Orthodox Christianity the prevailing faith of the Roman empire. In general, Justinian's relationship to non-Catholic religions was one of discrimination and degradation. The Samaritans were subjected to especially harsh treatment and repressive legislation, due to their sanguinary rebellions. This cycle of repression and rebellion had dire economic consequences in Palestine for the entire general population, including Christians, and contributed to the general population's dissatisfaction with Imperial policy.

In the Theodosian Code, the first official collection of Imperial constitutions, Samaritan-related legislation was grouped together with legislation related to Jews and Caelicolae, in the general context of the relationship between the Empire and the Church.

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Israel Law Review , Volume 31 , Issue 4 , Autumn 1997 , pp. 724 - 743
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press and The Faculty of Law, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 1997

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References

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2 De Iudaeis, Caelicolis et Samaritanis (“On the Jews, Caelicolae and the Samaritans.”), Chapter VIII of Book XVI. See De Giovanni, L., Il libro XVI del Codice Teodosiano. Alle origini della codificazione in tema di rapporti Chiesa-Stato (Napoli, 1985)Google Scholar; Bachrach, B.S., “The Jewish Community of the Later Roman Empire as seen in the Codex Theodosianus”, in Neusner, J.-Frerichs, E.S., eds., “To see ourselves as others see us” (Chico, 1985) 399ffGoogle Scholar. (at pp. 416ff. on the Samaritans); Capizzi, C., Giustiniano I tra politico e religione (Napoli, 1994) 41ffGoogle Scholar.

3 Const. Cordi, (16.XI.534).

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5 A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, Ebrei e Samaritani, op. cit., supra n. 1, at vol. II, pp. 716ff.

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8 On the expulsion from public services B. Biondi, Il Diritto Romano Cristiano, supra n. 6, vol. 3, pp. 371ff.; Sharf, A., “Byzantine Jewry in the Seventh Century” (1955) 48 Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 21 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rabello, A.M., “The Legal Condition of the Jews in Roman Empire”, Aufstieg und Niedergang der Roemischen Welt (Berlin-New York, II, 13, 1980) 662ff., at 742f.Google Scholar; Linder, A., The Jews in Roman Imperial Legislation (Detroit, 1987, English transl. of the original Hebrew, Jerusalem, 1983), No. 56Google Scholar. On the office of the decuriones see Berger, A., Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law (Philadelphia, 1950) 426 Google Scholar with the definition: “Members of a municipal senate elected for life … The decuriones decided about all matters involving the interests of the community, appointed local magistrates, and functioned as a court of appeal of fines imposed by municipal officers”. See also Nuyens, M., Le statut obligatoire des decurions dans le droit constamtinien (Louvain, 1964)Google Scholar.

9 B. Biondi, Il Diritto Romano Cristiano, supra n. 6, vol. 3, p. 377: “ …gli eretici non possono esercitare la funzione di giudici appunto perchè ignorano i precetti divini”; S. Puliatti, Ricerche, op. cit., supra n. 4, at 253. On the defensor civitatis see Mannino, V., Ricerche sul defensor civitatis (Milano, 1984) 95 Google Scholar.

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11 Juster, J., Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain (Paris, 1914) vol. 2, pp. 263f.Google Scholar; Dan, Y., “Cultured Liberal Professions in the Cities of Eretz Israel in the Byzantine Period”, (1978) 8 Cathedra 95ffGoogle Scholar.

12 Cf. Novella 8 of Justinian; B. Biondi, Diritto Romano Cristiano, supra n. 6, vol. I, pp. 145ff., 350f.; see the observation of Holum, K.G., “Caesarea and the Samaritans”, in Hohlfelder, , ed., City, Town and Countryside in the Early Byzantine Era (New York, 1982) 72 n. 19Google Scholar: “Presumably recruiting among Samaritans had continued despite Zeno's measure”. Cf. also Bonini, R., Ricerche sulla legislazione giustinianea dell'anno 535. (Bologna, 1976)Google Scholar.

13 Biondi, B., Giustiniano primo principe e legislatore cattolico (Milano, 1936) 32 Google Scholar.

14 Rabello, A.M., Effetti personali della patria potestas (Milano, 1979)Google Scholar.

15 See Montgomery, J.A., The Samaritans. The Earliest Jewish Sect. Their History, Theology and Literature (New York, 1907) (repr. 1968), 113 Google Scholar: “The tragedy seems to have received its impulse from an edict of Justinian found under the title De Haereticis et Manichaeis et Samaritis, issued in 527 (C.I.5.12)”. We are in a period of religious reaction; see Malalas, , Chron. XVIII, p. 451 (ed. Bonn, )Google Scholar and Cameron, A., “The Last Days of the Academy of Athens”, in Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, n.s., 15 (1969) pp. 7ff.Google Scholar; Glucker, J., Antiochus and the Late Academy (Goettingen, 1978) 322ff.Google Scholar; Stern, M., Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, (Jerusalem 1980) vol. II, p. 671 Google Scholar; Bucci, O., “La politica culturale di Cosroe Anusirvan (531-579), la chiusura delle scuole di Atene (529) e l'esilio degli ultimi Maestri pagani in Persia”, in Studi Biscardi, vol. VI, (Milano, 1987) 507ff.Google Scholar; A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, op. cit., supra n. 1, at 721ff.; S. Puliatti, Ricerche, supra n. 4, at 279.

16 B. Biondi, Giustiniano, supra n. 13, at 21.

17 Cf. J. Juster, Les Juifs, supra n. 11, vol. 2, p. 91; and cf. Mishna, Baba Batra 8, 5; Yaron, R., Gifts in Contemplation of Death in Jewish and Roman Law (Oxford, 1960) 37ff.Google Scholar; Urbach, E.E., “Laws of Inheritance and After Life”, now in Urbach, E.E., The World of the Sages. Collected Studies (Jerusalem, 1988, in Hebrew) 229ff.Google Scholar; Falk, Z., “Testate Succession in Jewish Law” (1961) Journal of Jewish Studies 67 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Irshai, O., “The Apostate as an Inheritor in Geonic Responsa”, in Shenaton Hamishpat Haivri, XI–XII, (1984–1986) pp. 435ffGoogle Scholar. (in Hebrew).

18 See Winkler, S., “Die Samariter in den Jahren 529-530”, (1965) 43–45 Klio 450 Google Scholar; A. Linder, Roman Imperial Legislation, supra n. 8, (1987) No. 56; P.T.R. Gray, “Palestine and Justinian's Legislation on Non-Christian Religions”, supra n. 1, at 253 notes: “This law was of crucial importance to Samaritans. Largely self-sufficient agricultural communities, the Samaritan villages must have depended for their long-term survival on the passing of Samaritan land to Samaritan heirs. If sons who converted were entitled to inherit real property, the break-up of the Samaritan communities was possible”.

19 Cf. Abel, F.M., Histoire de la Palestine depuis la conqête d'Alexandre jusqu'à l'invasion arabe (Paris, 1952) vol. II, p. 358 Google Scholar; according to Stein and Puliatti this constitution must have been promulgated in 528, before the revolt: Stein, E., Histoire du Bas Empire, vol. II (Paris, Bruges, 1949)Google Scholar (= Amsterdam 1968) p. 373 n. 2: S. Puliatti, Ricerche, op. cit., supra n. 4, at 260: this thesis is based on the order of the constitutions in the Code and on its quotation in the next constitutions.

20 See A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, Ebrei e Samaritani, supra n. 1, vol. I, pp. 237ff. and p. 246, n. 19; S. Puliatti, Ricerche, supra n. 4, at 260ff.

21 “While the true Jews were subjected to the hatred of Byzantine rulers, the petty community of the Samaritans on Palestinian soil, thanks to their frequent revolts, suffered almost the total extirpation of their whole sect and their sanctuaries were burnt down and converted into chapels and churches”, Kraus, S., “The Christian Legislation on the Synagogue”, in I. Goldziher Memorial Volume II (Jerusalem, 1958) 19 Google Scholar; see also: Safrai, Z., “Samaritan Synagogues in the Roman Byzantine Period”, (1977) 4 Cathedra 84ffGoogle Scholar. (in Hebrew); Kloner, A., “Ancient Synagogues in Israel: An Archaeological Survey”, in Levine, L.I., Ancient Synagogues Revealed, (Jerusalem, 1981) 11 Google Scholar; A.M. Rabello, “Le sinagoghe samaritane in Palestina”, in idem., Giustiniano, supra n. 1, vol. II, pp. 846ff.

22 B. Biondi, Giustiniano, supra n. 13, at 20, 32f.; B. Albanese, Le Persone, supra n. 7, at 423 n. 351.

23 Baron, S.W., A Social and Religious History of the Jews (Philadelphia, 1957) vol. 3, pp. 9fGoogle Scholar. and see the articles of Safrai, Z. and Dan, Y. in Baras, Z., Safrai, S., Stern, M., Tsafrir, Y., eds., Eretz Israel from the Destruction of the Second Temple to the Muslim Conquest (Jerusalem, 1982, in Hebrew) 127ff., 284ffGoogle Scholar.

24 B. Biondi, Il Diritto Romano Cristiano, supra n. 6, vol. I, pp. 138, 146, 150, 353; vol. III, p. 371; Segre', A., “Essays on Byzantine Economic History, I, The annona civica and the annona militaris”, (1942–1943) 16 Byzantion 393ffGoogle Scholar.

25 J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, supra n. 11, vol. I, pp. 177ff.; in the same direction Parkes, J., The Conflict of the Church and the Synagogue (New York, 1974) 256 Google Scholar.

26 A. Berger, “La concezione di eretico”, supra n. 4.

27 This constitution too refers to the prohibition of pagan teaching and Justinian's decision about the Academy of Athens; see supra n. 14 and see also Luz, M., “Marinus: A Neo-Platonic Eretz-Israeli in Athens”, in Greece and Rome in Eretz Israel (Jerusalem, 1989, in Hebrew) 36ff.Google Scholar; Amelotti, M.-Zingale, L. Migliardi, Le costituzioni giustinianee nei papiri e nelle epigrafi (Milano, 1985) 17ff., 136fGoogle Scholar; in general see: Crown, A.D., “The Samaritan Diaspora to the End of the Byzantine Era” (1972) 2 Australian Journal of Biblical Archaeology 107ffGoogle Scholar.

28 On the problem of reference of the judges to the Emperor (referé au legislatif) for the solution of a juridical question, see Rabello, A.M., “Non Liquet: from Modern Law to Roman Law” (1974) 9 Is. L.R. 963ff.Google Scholar; Sommariva, G. Bassanelli, L'imperatore unico creatore ed interprete delle leggi e l'autonomia del giudice nel diritto giustinianeo (Milano, 1983)Google Scholar.

29 On this legislation see Berger, A., “Studi sui Basilici, VI, Bas, 21.1.45 e CI.1.5.21” (1955) 6 IURA 104ff.Google Scholar; Parkes, Church and Synagogue, supra n. 25, pp. 177ff.

30 See the canon 196 of the Council of Carthage of 419 and our comments in Giustiniano, Ebrei e Samaritani, supra n. 1, at 537ff. and cf. the Novella 45 of Justinian (537).

31 On this constitution see J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, supra n. 11, vol. I, p. 179; A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, supra n. 1, at 802ff.

32 Cf. Avi-Yonah, M., The Jews of Palestine. A Political History from the Bar Kochba War to the Arab Conquest (Oxford, 1976) 247 Google Scholar.

33 On the situation of Judaism in the Roman Empire and in particular in the time of Justinian see A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, op. cit., supra n. 1; idem, “The Legal Condition, op. cit, supra n. 8; on the problem of the Jurisdiction, idem, “Jewish and Roman Jurisdiction” in An Introduction to the History and Sources of Jewish Law, B. Jackson, et al. eds., (Oxford, 1996) 141-167.

34 Regarding the particularly onerous nature of the office of decurion, see supra our Comment on C.J. 1.5.12 and see n. 8.

35 Jones, A.H.M., “Il sistema delle caste nel tardo impero romano”, in Vera, A., ed., La Società del Basso Impero. Guida storica e critica (Bari, 1983) 49 Google Scholar.

36 Regarding this Novella see J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, op. cit., supra n. 11, vol. II, p. 123f. Browe, P., “Die Judengesetzgebung Justinians”, (1935) 8 Analecta Gregoriana 109 ff., at 129 Google Scholar; A. Berger, “Studi sui Basilici, VI, Bas. 21.1.45 e CI.1.5.21”, supra n. 29; Van Der Wal, N., Manuale Novellarum Justiniani. Aperçu systematique du contenu des Novelles de Justinien (Groningen, 1964) 56ff., 136 Google Scholar; A.M. Rabello, “The Legal Condition, op. cit., supra n. 8, at 742 f.; A. Linder, Roman Imperial Legislation, op. cit., supra n. 8, No. 64; Colombo, A.M. Bartoletti, Lessico delle Novelle di Giustiniano (Roma, 1981–1986)Google Scholar; Eadem, , Legum Iustiniani Imperatoris Vocabularium — Novellae, pars latina, i-x and Indices (Milano, 1977–1979)Google Scholar; pars graeca (Milano, 1984).

37 See e.g., C.J. 1.9.5; 1.9.10; 1.5.7; 1.5.12 etc.

38 Spade, G. Ferrari Dalle, “Privilegi degli Ebrei nell'impero romano-cristiano”, in Festschrift L. Wenger, vol. II, (1944) pp. 102ffGoogle Scholar. (= Scritti giuridici, III, p. 277).

39 See e.g., the constitutions quoted in n. 3; In general, see J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, op. cit. supra n. 11, vol. II, p. 261; Colorni, V., Gli Ebrei nel sistema del Diritto comune fino alla prima emancipazione (Milano, 1956) 21 Google Scholar; A.M. Rabello, “The Legal Condition”, op. cit, supra n. 8, at 742f.

40 See our discussion of C.J. 1.5.21, supra text at nn. 28-31 and see J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, op. cit, supra n. 11, vol. II, p. 123 n. 4 regarding an “interpretation apportée par la Nov.J. 45 cap. 1”.

41 See A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, Ebrei e Samaritani, op. cit., supra n. 1, vol. I, pp. 157ff. (on Procopius), pp. 237ff. regarding the Secret History of Procopius and pp. 456ff. (on Targum Sheni), and the Bibliography quoted there.

42 This explanation seems incongruous to J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, op. cit., supra n. 11, vol. II, p. 124; A. Linder, Roman Imperial Legislation, op. cit., supra n. 8, No. 64.

43 E. Stein, Histoire du Bas Empire, op. cit., supra n. 19, vol. II, p. 435.

44 Bonini, R., Introduzione allo studio dell'età giustinianea (Bologna, 4th ed., 1985) 105 Google Scholar. According to Bonini (p. 108), Novella 45 is an example of “atteggiamenti di netta critica” of the Emperor towards his praefectum praetorio. Regarding the circumstances of the transmission of this Novella to the praefectum praetorio, see De Martino, F., Storia della Costituzione Romana, vol. V (Napoli, 1967) 260f, n. 23Google Scholar.

45 Regarding this phenomenon, see A.M. Rabello, “Non Liquet”, op. cit., supra n. 28, at 63ff.; Sommariva, G. Bassanelli, L'imperatore unico creatore ed interprete delle leggi e l'autonomia del giudice nel diritto giuistinianeo (Milano, 1983)Google Scholar; Lanata, G., Legislazione e natura nelle Novelle giustinianee (Napoli, 1984) 134ff., 135 n. 97Google Scholar.

46 Regarding Novella 129, see, in particular, J. Montgomery, The Samaritans, supra n. 15, at 120ff.; N. Van Der Wal, Manuale Novellarum, supra n. 36, index; R. Bonini, Introduzione, supra n. 44, at 99; Puliatti, S., Ricerche sulle Novelle di Giustino II. La legislazione imperiale da Giustiniano I a Giustino II, vol. I, Problemi di diritto pubblico (Milano, 1984) 20 and 40 Google Scholar; regarding the linguistic characteristic of this Novella, see Lanata, G., “Le Novelle giustinianee e la traduzione dell'Autentico. A proposito del Legum Iustiniani Imperatoris Vocabularium” (1979) 49 Byzantion 261 and n. 85Google Scholar; regarding the character of retroactivity of some norms, see G. Lanata, Legislazione e natura, supra n. 45, at 63; regarding the publication of Novella 129, see Eadem, ibidem, p. 119; regarding the international political situation, with reference to Palestine too, see Brown, P., The Making of Late Antiquity (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1978)Google Scholar; regarding the relations between Rome and Iran during this period, see Bertinelli, M.G. Angeli, Roma e l'Oriente. Strategia, economia, societa‘e cultura nelle relazioni fra Roma, la Giudea e l'Iran (Roma, 1979) 146ff.Google Scholar; regarding the situation in Palestine, see A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, supra n. 1, 42ff.; 149ff.; 237ff.; regarding the situation in Cesarea, see Levine, L.I., Caesarea under Roman Rule (Leiden, 1975) 60, 136f.Google Scholar

47 This word is preferred by Puliatti, Ricerche, op. cit., in place of liberality.

48 Regarding Novella 144, see especially J. Montgomery, The Samaritans, supra n. 15, 122ff.; N. Van Der Wai, Manuale Novellarum, supra n. 36, index; Dan, Y., “Eretz Israel in the IV and V Century” in Eretz Israel from the Destruction of the Second Temple to the Muslim Conquest, vol. I (Jerusalem, 1982, in Hebrew) 288f.Google Scholar; S. Puliatti, Ricerche, supra n. 46, at 3ff., 15ff.; 33ff.; 48; 125; G. Lanata, Legislazione e natura, supra n. 45, at 120, 128ff.

49 Nevertheless, we would not claim that the Samaritan legislation was a consequence of the revolt. We have confined ourselves to quoting the arguments reported in the Novella itself. Personally, we think the opposite; we believe that the revolt was a result of the legislation. Jones shares this opinion, see infra n. 53. See also the observations of R. Bonini, “L'ultima legislazione pubblicistica di Giustiniano (543-567), in Idem, Studi sull'eta' giustinianea (Rimini, 1987) 57ff.

50 Regarding the dating, see Marc, P., Plan eines: der griechischen Urkunden des Mittelalters und der neueren Zeit (Munchen, 1903) 36 Google Scholar; S. Puliatti, Ricerche, supra n. 46, at 33, n. 65f.

51 M. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, supra n. 15, at 671ff.; Y. Dan, “Eretz Israel in the IV and V Century”, supra n. 48, at 48 ff.; Bucci, O., “La politica culturale di Cosroe Amsirvan (531-779), in Studi Biscardi, vol. VI (Milano, 1987) 507ff.Google Scholar

52 J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, supra n. 11, vol. I, pp. 113 and 114 n. 2. Juster explains that originally this period was established for Samaritans, and not for Jews as, for the moment, only Samaritans were being forced to convert to the State religion, and only Samaritan converts to Christianity were being suspected of secretly continuing to practice their former faith. See A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, supra n. 1, at 619.

53 We report the conclusive words of Jones, A.H.M., The Later Roman Empire, 284-602, vol. 1 (Baltimore, 1986) 296 Google Scholar, “Justinian became increasingly religious with advancing years. He continued to issue laws regulating minutely the internal affairs of the church, and he even extended his interest to the Jewish cult, laying down rules for synagogue services. The penal laws against pagans, Jews, Samaritans and heretics were not relaxed, and there was a renewed drive against pagan practices in 562. Justinian also continued untiringly his efforts to reconcile the monophysites to the true faith.” In vol. 2., pp. 948, Jones adds, “The Eastern government followed suit in 438 with a severer law, debarring Jews and Samaritans from all dignitates and militiae, including even the lowly post of defensor civitatis; they were not, however, relieved of the onerous service of the cohortalini, nor yet from the curia. By the law of Leo, which declared that only orthodox Christians might be barristers, Jews were also excluded from the legal profession. This remained the law under Justinian, who sharpened it by adding to the list of prohibited posts that of curator or pater civitatis, and by depriving Jews and Samaritans of the meagre privileges which still sttached to curial rank while holding them to its onerous obligations. Except for their exclusion from the public service and the bar the Jews thus incurred no serious civil disabilities until the reign of Justin. He applied to them (and to Samaritans) the same penal laws which he enacted against pagans and heretics. Like them they were debarred from making wills or receiving inheritances, from giving testimony in a court of law, or indeed from performing any legal act. In the relative toleration accorded to Jews down to the reign of Justinian the imperial government was undoubtedly fighting a rearguard action against the mounting pressure of public opinion”.

54 The first chapter of this Novella is significant as it gives legal force to the canons approved by the councils of Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus and Chalcedon. R. Bonini points out that this reflected “not expansion in the sphere of the church's influence, but rather, on the contrary, the establishment of a presupposition for State intervention and interference in the internal life of the Church and for the assertion of a more oppressive protectorate”. See “L'ultima legislazione pubblicistica di Giustiniano” (543-567), supra n. 49, at 83. This event did not have a great effect on either Jews or Samaritans, because there was no disagreement between the Church and Justinian regarding them.

55 J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, supra n. 11, vol. II, p. 69 n. 3.

56 M. Avi-Yonah, The Jews of Palestine, supra n. 32, at 249; J. Parkes, The Conflict of the Church and the Synagogue, supra n. 25, at 247.

57 See the conclusion of the Novella, where the Emperor, after publishing the Novella in Constantinople, delayed its publication in the provinces. Biener, F.A., Geschichte der Novellen Justinians (Berlin, 1824, = repr. Aalen, 1970) 33 Google Scholar; Juster, Juifs, supra n. 11, vol. I, p. 238, stated that they did not understand such reserve. Yet, one must recall that during this period the Emperor wanted to avoid the expenses entailed in publishing constitutions. Regarding this, see Van Der Wal, Manuale Nouellarum, supra n. 36, at 13, no. 4. From this, we conclude that the Novella was in universal force, even though its publication was limited. As far as the expenses of publication are concerned, without reference to the Novella, see Von Schwind, M.F.F., Zur Frage der Publikation im Römischen Recht (Muenchen, 1940)Google Scholar.

58 Regarding Palestinian real estate, see Gulak, A., History of Jewish Law in Talmudic Times: The Law of Real Property (Jerusalem, 1939, in Hebrew)Google Scholar; Sperber, D., Roman Palestine, 200-400, The Land (Ramat Gan, 1978)Google Scholar.

59 Juster, Juifs, supra n. 11, vol. I, p. 472, n. 3; S. Kraus, “The Christian Legislation on the Synagogue”, supra n. 21; Avi-Yonah, M., The Jews under Roman and Byzantine Rule. A Political History of Palestine from the Bar Kokhba War to the Arab Conquest (Jerusalem-New York, 1984) 250 Google Scholar. Note that from this point of view, Jews were in a better position than Samaritans, who were not able to maintain any synagogues.

60 Baron, S.W., A Social and Religious History of the Jews, vol. 3, (Philadelphia, 2nd ed., revised and enlarged, 1967) 9 Google Scholar “Nevertheless, the basic continuity in the Empire's general toleration of Judaism becomes doubly evident when one considers Justinian's contrasting treatment of the Samaritans. We shall see in another context how troublesome these sectarians, after their great religious revival under Baba Rabba, had become to the Byzantine administration. Justinian thought that he could settle the problem by a sleight of hand. By declaring the Samaritans a Christian rather than a Jewish sect, in 529, he removed from under their legal status whatever props had been lent them by their traditional toleration as a religio licita. Not only was their temple on Gerizim to be permanently replaced by a church, but their synagogues were to be destroyed everywhere. In the subsequent legislation, too, their faith appears as merely part and parcel of the Christian heretical movements. While heresies were much too widespread throughout the empire and embraced too large and influential segments in the population to be placed under the sanction of capital punishment as they later were in Western laws, the very continuity of existence of the Samaritan denomination was now severely threatened”: pp. 230, footnote no. 4 “… Justinian's Novella 131, XIV. 1 in CJ, III, 663. Cf. Arcadius' statement quoted by Gregoire, H. in his chapter on “The Byzantine Church,” in Baynes, N.H. and Moss, H. St. L.B., Byzantium: An Introduction to East Roman Civilization (Oxford, 2nd ed., 1961) 131 Google Scholar; Juster, Juifs, supra n. 11, vol. I, p. 251, n. 1. Justinian's combination of the prohibition of new synagogues with that of the acquisition of church property by Jews in that Novella of 545 was not merely coincidental. In at least one case, we are told, a fanatical Christian monk, Sergius of Mesopotamian Amida, was long thwarted by the local clergy in his efforts to destroy the synagogue and to eliminate the Jewish community. The Jews were “settled in the territory of the Church of Amida”, John of Ephesus reports, “and used to pay many contributions to the members of the Church; out of the desire for the abundance of their gold all the members of the Church became their supporters, threatening the blessed Sergius and saying, “This man wishes to destroy the property of the Church'. Cf. his Lives of the Eastern Saints, v. ed. and trans, by Brooks, E.W., vol. I, p. 70ffGoogle Scholar.” pp. 231, footnote no. 6,”… The undated edict, 1.5.17 (II, 56), especially, not only ordered all Samaritan destroyed, but also disqualified these sectarians from testimony in courts even in their own affairs, and removed from them all rights of testamentary disposition”.

61 See S. Puliatti, Ricerche, II, supra n. 4, at 237ff.

62 See Brown, P., The World of Late Antiquity, from Marcus Aurelius to Muhammad (London, 1971) 172ff.Google Scholar