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The early response of the Irish catholic clergy to the co-operative movement1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 July 2017

Liam Kennedy
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Extract

The primary aim of this paper is to assess the role of the Roman Catholic clergy in agricultural co-operative development, drawing on evidence from the last decade of the 19th and the early decades of the 20th century. It is hardly possible, however, to treat such activity in isolation from the manifold preoccupations of rural society, as in practice no clear demarcation existed between economic and non-economic activity. An attempt is made to place such clerical activity in the cultural context of rural society, while simultaneously paying attention to the specific ideological, pastoral and economic pre-occupations of the clergy, and while treating the latter as a distinctive social category with affiliations both within and beyond the rural community.

Type
Research Article
Information
Irish Historical Studies , Volume 21 , Issue 81 , March 1978 , pp. 55 - 74
Copyright
Copyright © Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd 1978

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Footnotes

1

The writer acknowledges his considerable intellectual debt to E. W. Cooney, Reader in Economic History, University of York. Professor Cyril Ehrlich, Queen's University, Belfast, kindly commented on an earlier draft of this paper. Neither, of course, are responsible for any defects in the final product.

References

2 Emmet Larkin, ‘ Economic growth, capital investment, and the Roman Catholic church in 19th century Ireland ’ in A.H.R., lxxii (1967), pp 864–5.

3 Leo XIII: Rerum Novarum. See the English translation in Sydney Ehler and J. B. Morrall (eds.), Church and state through the centuries (New York, 1967). In Europe the alliance of altar and throne precluded the church from adopting anything but an extremely cautious, if not actually reactionary, role in relation to social reform. While Social Catholicism had manifested itself in various forms and on a limited scale over the 19th century, it was only in the closing decade or so of that century that it received considerable encouragement from the papacy.

4 A. R. Vidler, A century of social Catholicism 1820–1920 (London 1964) p. 127.

5 A detailed assessment of relationships between the catholic church, the state and the institutions of Irish nationalism is contained in D. W. Miller, Church, state and nation in Ireland 1898–1921 (Dublin, 1973).

6 No systematic analysis of the social origins of the Irish clergy has been undertaken but the general consensus of opinion favours this interpretation. See Connell, Irish peasant society, pp 123–6 and 148–9.

7 In a characteristic outburst, the Irish Catholic leader-writer (31 Aug. 1895) declares that the civil administration, ‘so long as it rejects our national demands, can only be regarded as the enemy of Ireland and of her people ’

8 L. Paul-Dubois, Contemporary Ireland (Dublin and London, 1908), p. 501. Even Paul-Dubois who was distinctly sympathetic to catholic aspirations could remark, (p. 481) that ‘ in no country does the secular arm show more respect for religion, and its ministers ’.

9 The Irish clergy's view of the moral decadence of industrial society, especially that of England (‘ pagan England ’) is brought out in a number of books, pamphlets and statements. See, for instance, Rev. J. Guinan, The Soggarth Aroon (Dublin, 1905), p. 201, and Rev. M. O'Riordan, Catholicity and Progress (London, 1906), chapt. iv. It may be the case as one writer puts it—Arnold Schrier, Ireland and the American emigration 1850–1900 (Boston, 1958)—that the clergy were less forceful than Irish nationalists in protesting against emigration, but their unease at the process, and the so-called moral dangers implicit in it are not in doubt.

10 Freeman's Journal, 1 Oct. 1900.

11 W. L. Micks, History of the Congested Districts Board (Dublin, 1925), p. 103. For generally favourable comments on land redistribution by prominent clergymen see Record of the Maynooth Union 1898–99 (Dublin, 1899) pp 31–4; Record 1899–1900, p. 40; Record 1900–01, pp 66–7; Record 1901–2, p. 50; Record 1902–33 p. 69.

12 Rev. T. F. Macken, ‘ After the Land Purchase Acts ’ in Record of the Maynooth Union 1902–3 (Dublin, 1903), p. 75.

13 It is not my intention to give the impression that the protestant clergy played no part in the formation of co-operatives. Indeed they played an important role in some areas, particularly in the more northerly half of Ireland, and sometimes alongside their catholic brethren. However their overall significance in relation to co-operative development as a whole is not great.

14 Accounts of the historical development of Irish co-operation devote little space to this point which is surprising and somewhat perplexing given the importance of the priest in rural society. One looks in vain for anything more than brief comments in such works as Horace Plunkett, Ireland in the new century (London, 1904); L. Smith-Gordon and L. Staples, Rural reconstruction in Ireland (London, 1917); The Horace Plunkett Foundation, Agricultural Co-operation in Ireland (London, 1931). James Johnston, author of Agricultural Co-operation in Northern Ireland (London, 1965) does not refer to this point, although pressure of space may have been the chief constraint here.

15 Irish Catholic, 13 Nov. 1897, in a report on the third annual meeting of the I.A.O.S. McKevitt in his essay ‘ Epilogue: Modern Ireland ’ in Gorish, Irish Catholicism (Dublin, 1970), is probably correct in claiming that a detailed interpretation by Irish churchmen of Rerum Novarum never proceeded very far. Yet it is unlikely that it failed utterly to produce some modification of the clerical world view. It could on occasion serve as a vague source of legitimation for innovations and alterations to existing practices, as illustrated in the Irish Catholic report for instance.

16 I.A.O.S. Annual Report 1895, p. 4.

17 Plunkett Diaries, I May 1891, (Plunkett Foundation for Cooperative Studies, Oxford).

18 Plunkett Diaries, 5 April 1910.

19 M. Digby, Horace Plunkett (Oxford, 1949), p. 55.

20 I.A.O.S. Annual Report 1896, appendix E.

21 I.A.O.S. Annual Reports, 1895, 1905, 1915.

22 One general instance, which has the merit of being quantitative, may suffice to illustrate this point. C. C. O'Brien estimates that the county conventions for the selection of parliamentary candidates in 1885 ‘ consisted on average of 150 laymen and 50 priests ’—C. C. O'Brien, Parnell and his party 1880–90 (reprinted ed., Oxford, 1974) p. 130 While the comparison is somewhat unfair, this ratio of priests to laymen contrasts unfavourably with those we have calculated in relation to the co-operative movement.

23 Digby, Horace Plunkett

24 C. C. Riddall, Agricultural Co-operation in Ireland (Dublin, 1950).

25 P. Gallagher, Paddy the Cope: my story (revised ed., Tralee, n. d.).

26 See appendix.

27 Clearly the clash of economic interests and the consequent tensions varied very considerably from area to area. In remote areas where there was little if any concentration of traders the problem was likely to be less acute or non-existent. Also, of course,, traders were sometimes part-time farmers. Further, in cases where co-operative endeavour was unlikely to result in competition with traders, such development could be of mutual benefit. For these reasons, and also possibly as a form of insurance, traders in some areas took shares in local dairy co-operatives.

28 Descriptions of this meeting appeared in the Irish Daily Independent 27 Jan. 1896, the Eagle and County Cork Advertiser 1 Feb. 1896 and a long account in the Cork Examiner 18 March 1896. One report was aptly titled ‘ Agricultural co-operation on trial in Tipperary ’

29 As note 2.

30 As note 25.

31 This comes from the general manager of a large multi-purpose co-operative society with a trading area extending over several counties. There is a problem here in that this evidence relates to a somewhat later period. However, if one accepts that there is little reason to believe that rural society or its social composition was changing dramatically and that a group's position vis-à-vis another social group tends to be fairly enduring then such evidence is admissible. Certainly in the case of traders a consistent pattern (although of diminished intensity) is discernible from the early period until recent times.

Note the acidic comment of Patrick D. Kenny—the priest ‘ petted the child of the wealthy publican and ignored or intimidated the child of the poor peasant ’—‘ Pat ’, Economics for Irishmen, (4th edition, Dublin, 1907), p. 148. Kenny further alleges that the clergy often opposed co-operation because it generated local lay catholic leaders who were seen as a threat to clerical leadership in secular affairs.

32 Plunkett Papers—papers of Sir Horace Curzon Plunkett, (Plunkett Foundation for Co-operative Studies, Oxford).

33 Plunkett to Clancy, 2 June 1908.

34 Clancy to Plunkett, 9 June 1908. In a somewhat similar, though more antagonistic, vein note the testimony of the Rev. M. Kane to the Royal Commission on congestion in Ireland: sixth report of the commissioners [Cd. 3747] H.C. 1908, xxxix, Q,. 34860.

35 Plunkett Diaries, 9 Sept. 1897. It is also true that some clergy shared the popular notion that political reforms were preconditions for economic development. See, for example, the Comments of Canon O'Mahony and Bishop Healy in the Record of the Maynooth Union 1897–8, pp 35–7.

36 Literary Cuttings: Early History of the I.A.O.S., (Plunkett Foundation for Co-operative Studies).

37 Such divisions could also occur sometimes between priests associated with different co-operative societies. See Plunkett Diaries, 4 June 1898.

38 For example, Rev. J. Gleeson, P.P., Kyle Co-operative Credit Society, and Fr Crowe, Ballywilliam Co-operative Dairy Society. Rev. Fathers McKeogh and Magrath were involved in efforts to establish co-operative creameries about this time. For a description of conflict between a priest co-operator and his bishop see R. A. Anderson, With Horace Plunkett in Ireland (London, 1935), pp 92–3. The bishop is alleged to have opposed co-operation because of his kinship ties with traders.

39 Interview with Margaret Digby, 1973; written communication, Feb. 1975.

40 If one divides the co-operative movement into its three major elements, credit, creamery, and agricultural store societies, it is probable that the first posed the fewest problems for the clergy, the second could in certain situations be controversial, while the last appears to have attracted little, if any, support.

41 These are now in the possession of the writer.

42 One informant, possibly adding a dash of colour to his narrative, claims that the parish priest ‘ made the committee-men go down on their knees and promise not to open a store in the creamery, ’ It is worth noting that this clerical response to co-operation is consistent with the strictures of Bishop O'Donnell a decade earlier. ‘ It seemed to him that co-operation was in itself a sound and healthy plant … . But, in the first place, it seemed to him that they had to take care to bestow upon that plant careful cultivation, so that it would not protrude its branches into the windows, or its roots under the foundations of the shops of the country … as a friend of the movement he would warn its promoters to beware of promoting throughout Ireland any general system of co-operative stores. He need not enlarge upon the reasons which would at once alienate from the movement the sympathy of the clergy if a programme of that kind were adopted …’ Record of the Maynooth Union 1897–8, p. 33.

43 The various works on Roman Catholicism cited in this paper substantiate this point, as do leading articles from the Irish Catholic, and the observations of writers only incidentally concerned with religious topics.

44 One recalls that only ten years before the founding of the first co-operative creamery Michael Davitt was setting up the Land League in Co. Mayo, in spite of strong clerical warnings of communist and socialist influences. Yet priests were later quite active in forwarding and channelling Land League agitations. Thus the fact that by 1903 or so there was considerable clerical involvement in local co-operative societies is not in itself quite so significant as might first appear. Nor is it necessary to assume a conscious strategy; a mere clerical presence on committees of management would imply certain constraints.

45 Eagle and County Cork Advertiser, 10 March 1894.

46 Eagle and County Cork Advertiser3 1 Sept 1895.

47 Nenagh News, 22 Dec. 1894.

48 Limerick Reporter and Tipperary Vindicator, 1890–91. See also Fr Ryder's address to the Archconfraternity (Limerick) urging conciliation in the bacon industry dispute, referred to in the issue of 7 Feb. 1890.

49 While the point is not developed here it is fairly obvious why these generalisations cannot be stretched to embrace the landlord element in rural society.

50 The Horace Plunkett Foundation, Agricultural co-operation in Ireland: a survey (London, 1931), p. 385.

51 George Russell, The building up of a rural civilization (Dublin, 1910), p. 3. It is interesting to note that the Irish language movement, itself contemporaneous with the co-operative movement, evolved a radically different approach to the issues of language and nationality. It is hardly coincidental that the language revival campaign succeeded in gaining substantial clerical backing, especially among the younger clergy.

52 In general it seems that, of the broadly political and economic roles open to him, the Irish soggarth found the former the more congenial of the two.