No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
Donegal and the joint-I.R.A. northern offensive, May–November 1922
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Extract
The study of the Irish Civil War has undergone enormous changes in recent years, especially in terms of a new appreciation of the role played by minorities and localities in shaping the conflict. However, despite these new perspectives, the war continues to be defined almost solely with reference to its effects on the Free State. This is to ignore one of the most important military and political initiatives of the period: the combined I.R.A. campaign against partition which took place in the first six months of 1922 and persisted into the early stages of the Civil War.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd 2006
References
1 For an interesting discussion of the limitations of current definitions of the revolutionary period see Hart, Peter, ‘Definition: defining the Irish Revolution’ in Augusteijn, Joost (ed.), The Irish Revolution, 1913–1923 (Dublin, 1996)Google Scholar. For these new perspectives see, for example, Hart, Peter, The I.R.A. and its enemies: violence and community in Cork, 1916–1923 (Oxford, 1998)Google Scholar; Farry, Michael, The aftermath of revolution: Sligo 1921–23 (Dublin, 2000)Google Scholar; Augusteijn, Joost, From public defiance to guerrilla warfare (Dublin, 1996)Google Scholar; Coleman, Marie, County Longford and the Irish Revolution, 1910–1923 (Dublin, 2002)Google Scholar. See also David Fitzpatrick’s seminal study of Clare, County, Politics and Irish life, 1913–1921: provincial experience of war and revolution (Dublin, 1977)Google Scholar; and, more recently, idem, Harry Boland’s Irish Revolution, 1887–1922 (Cork, 2003).
2 Indeed, it is arguable that the events of the revolutionary period in the north-east of Ireland have themselves been similarly underplayed despite the fact that by any measure they constituted a serious, if not defining, aspect of the conflict. Even a cursory examination of the period demonstrates that the subject of Ulster’s role in the Irish Revolution is far more than an historical curiosity. In the two years from June 1920 to June 1922 what became the province of Northern Ireland was engulfed in brutal and vicious sectarian violence, most of it confined to Belfast. It is estimated that around 550 people lost their lives in this short period as a result of politically inspired violence, with Belfast suffering a proportionally higher loss of life than even the most violent counties in Munster. Figures from Freeman’s Journal, Belfast News-Letter, Irish Times; Kenna, G.B. [FrHassan, John], Facts and figures of the Belfast pogrom (Dublin, 1922), pp 101–12Google Scholar; see also Hart, I.R.A. & its enemies, p. 50.
3 William Britton, quoted in Brewer, John, The Royal Irish Constabulary (Belfast, 1990), p. 34Google Scholar.
4 Seán Lehane to Military Pensions Board, 7 Mar. 1935 (N.L.I., O’Donoghue papers, MS 31340). For a rather idealised but still informative description of I.R.A. activity in Donegal in 1917–21 see Joe Sweeney, ‘Donegal and the War of Independence’ in Capuchin Annual (1970) pp 425–45.
5 For a detailed account of the events in Derry city see Michael Sheerin statement (N.A.I., Bureau of Military History (henceforth B.M.H.), WS 803).
6 ‘Articles of Agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain and Ireland’ (National Museum of Ireland).
7 For the British perspective on the border issue see Matthews, Kevin, ‘The Irish boundary crisis and the re-shaping of British politics, 1910–1925’ (Ph.D. thesis, London School of Economics, 2000)Google Scholar; Fanning, Ronan, ‘Anglo-Irish relations: partition and the British dimension in historical perspective’ in Irish Studies in International Affairs, ii, no. 1 (1982) pp 132–49Google Scholar.
8 See Hopkinson, M.A., ‘The Craig—Collins pacts of 1922: two attempted reforms of the Northern Ireland government’ in I.H.S., xxvii, no. 106 (Nov. 1990), pp 145–58Google Scholar. The dichotomy between the policy of Collins and his Provisional Government colleagues is dealt with in Ernest Blythe’s ‘Memo on north-east Ulster, 1922–26’ (U.C.D.A., Blythe papers, P24/554). Evidence of the planning of offensive I.R.A. activity in January is given in ‘I.F.S. report on 1921 Northern developments relating to claims for pensions’ (cited in Hopkinson, M.A., Green against green: the Irish Civil War (Dublin, 1988), p. 288Google Scholar; this item was available in the FitzGerald family papers before they were reorganised, but is no longer in U.C.D.A.). See also the recollections of Mayo I.R.A. man Tom Ketterick (U.C.D.A., O’Malley papers, P17b95); file on kidnappings in Tyrone and Fermanagh (P.R.O.N.I., Ministry of Home Affairs files, HA/5/175).
9 John McCoy statement (N.A.I., B.M.H., WS 492).
10 Patrick McCartan to Seán Maloney, 31 Mar. 1922, quoted in Staunton, Enda, The nationalists of Northern Ireland, 1918–1973 (Dublin, 2001), p. 53Google Scholar.
11 John Grant statement (N.A.I., B.M.H., WS 658).
12 Roger McCorley statement (ibid., WS 389).
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
15 For detailed accounts of these attacks and other I.R.A. operations along the border see file on Belcoo barracks attack (P.R.O.N.I., HA/5/196); R.I.C. bi-monthly report, 31 Mar. 1922 (ibid., HA/5/152); file on Pomeroy barracks attack (ibid., HA/5/179); Belfast News-Letter, 24 Nov. 1925; file on Maghera barracks attack (P.R.O.N.I., HA/5/179); file on kidnappings in Tyrone and Fermanagh (ibid., HA/5/175).
16 For details of anti-treaty I.R.A. policy see O’Malley, Ernie, The singing flame (Dublin, 1978), p. 67Google Scholar.
17 For an account of these attacks see Hart, I.R.A. & its enemies, pp 273–92.
18 O’Donoghue, Florence, No other law (Dublin, 1954), p. 249Google Scholar; Hopkinson, Green against green, pp 96–7.
19 Hopkinson, Michael, The Irish War of Independence (Dublin, 2002), p. 18Google Scholar.
20 O’Donoghue, No other law, p. 249.
21 Andrews, C.S., Dublin made me (Dublin, 1979), p. 238Google Scholar.
22 Seán O’Driscoll to Florence O’Donoghue, 11 Apr. 1962 (N.L.I., MS 31301 [9]). His other senior officers were all from Cork and included the brigade commanders Mossy Donegan, Seán Fitzgerald and Séamus Cotter. The junior ranks were filled by Denis Galvin from Bandon, Jim Lane from Clonakilty, Denis O’Leary and Billy O’Sullivan from Bantry, Tom Mullins from Kinsale, and John O’Donovan of Dunmanway.
23 Donegan to O’Donoghue, 27 Aug. 1950 (N.L.I., MS 31423 [6]).
24 Roger McCorley statement (N.A.I., B.M.H., WS 389). For details of the tense atmosphere surrounding these arms exchanges see Martin Walton, quoted in Griffith, Kenneth and O’Grady, Timothy E. (eds), Curious journey: an oral history of Ireland’s unfinished revolution (Cork, 1998), p. 275Google Scholar; John Joe Philben, quoted in Eoin, Uinseann Mac (ed.), Survivors: the story of Ireland’s struggle … (Dublin, 1980), p. 467Google Scholar.
25 Patrick Casey statement (N.A.I., B.M.H., WS 1148).
26 Séamus Woods to Richard Mulcahy, 27 July 1922 (U.C.D.A., Mulcahy papers, P7/B/77).
27 For the course of the offensive in Northern Ireland see Lynch, Robert, ‘The northern I.R.A. and the early years of partition, 1920–22’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Stirling, 2004)Google Scholar. For events in Belfast see McDermott, Jim, Northern divisions: the Old I.R.A. and the Belfast pogroms, 1920–22 (Belfast, 2001)Google Scholar.
28 Donegan to O’Donoghue, 27 Aug. 1950 (N.L.I., MS 31423 [6]).
29 Twomey to O’Donoghue, 5 July 1952 (ibid.).
30 Donegan to Lehane, 15 Aug. 1950 (ibid., MS 31423).
31 1st Northern Division report, 19 Sept. 1922 (U.C.D.A., O’Malley papers, P17a63).
32 Lehane to Military Pensions Board, 7 Mar. 1935 (N.L.I., O’Donoghue papers, MS 31340).
33 Neil Gillespie, quoted in Mac Eoin (ed.), Survivors, p. 163.
34 1st Northern Division report, 19 Sept. 1922 (U.C.D.A., O’Malley papers, P17a63).
35 Seán MacBride, quoted in Mac Eoin (ed.), Survivors, p. 257.
36 Details of the Belleek-Pettigo fighting can be found in Cunningham, John, ‘The struggle for the Belleek-Pettigo salient, 1922’ in Donegal Annual, xxxiv (1982), pp 68–81Google Scholar; Nicholas Smyth statement (N.A.I., B.M.H., WS 721); see also the joint account of the affair by John Travers, James Scollan, Nicholas Smyth, Denis Monaghan and Felix McCabe(ibid., WS 711).
37 Twomey to O’Donoghue, 10 Sept. 1953 (N.L.I., MS 31421).
38 Quoted in Hopkinson, Green against green, p. 86. For an insight into the dramatic effects of the crisis on the relationship between London and Dublin see The Times, 1 June 1922.
39 Donegan to Lehane, 15 Sept. 1950 (N.L.I., MS 31423 [6]).
40 Seán Corr statement (N.A.I., B.M.H., WS 458).
41 1st Northern Division report, 19 Sept. 1922 (U.C.D.A., O’Malley papers, P17a63).
42 Ibid.
43 Nicholas Smyth statement (N.A.I., B.M.H., WS 721).
44 1st Northern Division report, 19 Sept. 1922 (U.C.D.A., O’Malley papers, P17a63).
45 Lehane to Military Pensions Board, 7 Mar. 1935 (N.L.I., MS 31340).
46 D/Org to C/S, 22 Dec. 1922 (U.C.D.A., Twomey papers, P69/13 [80]); Liam Lynch memo, 31 Dec.1922 (ibid., P69/13 [76]).
47 Twomey to O’Donoghue, 17 July 1922 (U.C.D.A., MS 31421).
48 Minutes of Provisional Government meeting, 3 June 1922 (N.A.I., DT S1801A).
49 Woods to Mulcahy, 29 Sept. 1922 (ibid.).
50 Roger McCorley interview with Ernie O’Malley, 1950s (U.C.D.A., O’Malley papers, P17b98).
51 Report from 1st and 2nd Northern Division field H.Q., 15 Oct. 1922 (ibid., P17a65).
52 1st Northern Division report, 19 Sept. 1922 (ibid., P17a63).
53 Ibid.
54 Report from 1st and 2nd Northern Division field H.Q., 15 Oct. 1922 (ibid., P17a65).
55 Ibid.
56 Ibid.
57 Lehane to Daly, 10 Nov. 1922 (U.C.D.A., Mulcahy papers, P7/B/86).
58 For an account of Daly’s capture see Séamus McCann to O’Donoghue, n.d. (N.L.I., MS 31315).
59 Joe Sweeney, quoted in Griffith & O’Grady (eds), Curious journey, p. 306.
60 Peadar O’Donnell later claimed that Dan MacGee, a Free State soldier, made an unsuccessful attempt to rescue Daly (O’Donnell, , The gates flew open (Cork, 1965), p. 160Google Scholar).
61 In addition to Charlie Daly, the three others were Dan Enright and Tim Sullivan, both Kerrymen like Daly himself, and Seán Larkin, O/C of the South Derry Brigade from Magherafelt. Daly’s sister later aired her suspicions of this bias against outsiders: ‘General Joe Sweeney, himself a Donegal man, saw to it that they were not from that county.’ (May Dálaigh, quoted in Mac Eoin (ed.), Survivors, p. 369).
62 I should like to acknowledge the support of both the Departments of History at the University of Stirling and University of Warwick and the valuable advice and help of Michael Hopkinson, Roy Foster and Jim Smyth.