Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2brh9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T19:31:05.900Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Nimrud Ivories and the Art of the Phoenicians

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 April 2016

R. D. Barnett
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The mixed collection of ivory objets d'art called the Nimrud Ivories, for want of a better name, was part of the earliest fruit of those excavations which first set the Mesopotamian branch of archaeology on its course of brilliant achievement. Their ultimate publication by the British Museum is now projected. Towards this end the present essay is designed as a tentative study and provisional report.

The obscurity which has surrounded them has been due to the exceptional difficulties attending their sorting and repair, since, in fact, they consisted of an enormous and jumbled mass of calcined and brittle fragments. After many months' work the mass of several thousand fragments, many quite formless, has now been sorted out; about a thousand joins have been found, but the results turn out meagre and disappointing, although there is still much to be done. Hardly a single completed object results. But how comes it, after all, that there are so many pieces? The lapse of time has completely obscured their history. It seems to have passed unnoticed by all that much more was exhibited in the Museum than Layard was ever known to have found at Nimrud. It was noticed recently that the Nimrud Ivories are not a homogeneous collection in point of style, most being an uncertain element, but some being normal Assyrian work; we may now add further, not all were from the same building and not all are even from Nimrud. It is the case, as Goldsmith says, that there is something so attractive about riches that the greater heap collects from the smaller, and by this strange law of gravity several pieces from other sites have been attracted into the orbit of the greater mass from Nimrud. Lastly, not all those from Nimrud are from the same spot, but mainly are from two separate deposits. With those few pieces, however, not from Nimrud, or those which are simply of native Assyrian style, we shall not deal here except for occasional use as incidental evidence.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 2 , Issue 2 , October 1935 , pp. 179 - 210
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 1935

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

page 179 note 1 They have been partly published hitherto mainly in Layard's, Monuments of Nineveh, I, pls. 88-9Google Scholar; Perrot, and Chipiez, , Histoire de l'art dans l'antiquité, 11, figs. 231-2, 247-9, 391Google Scholar; Sir Cecil Smith in Hogarth, B.M. Excavations at Ephesus, pls. 28-9; Schäfer and Andrae, Die Kunst des alten Orients, pls. 568-9, and Poulsen, Der Orient und die Frühgriechische Kunst, figs. 23-39, 70. Further illustrations are in the Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities in the British Museum, pls. XLI and XLII (1922). I have to acknowledge with thanks the permission of the Trustees of the Museum to publish the ivories here. I am further much indebted to Mr. Sidney Smith, Keeper of the Egyptian and Assyrian Department, for his encouragement and interest.

page 179 note 2 By Poulsen, , Der Orient und die Friihgriechische Kunst, 37 Google Scholar.

page 179 note 3 One of these, part of a calendar, is published by Prof. Langdon in his Schweich Lectures, 1933.

page 179 note 4 The collection, as a whole, has usually been accepted as not native to Assyria. See below, p. 184.

page 179 note 5 Accounts of those excavations are in Hilprecht, Explorations in Bible Lands in the igth Century; Die Ausgrabungen in Assyrien und Babylonien; Budge, Rise and Progress of Assyriology, but mainly Layard's, own Nineveh and its Remains (1849)Google Scholar and Nineveh and Babylon, 1853. A more detailed account will shortly be published by Mr. C. J. Gadd in his forthcoming study of the sculptures. I am his debtor for much valuable information, particularly in the following section.

page 180 note 1 Nineveh and its Remains, I. 29 Google Scholar. The pieces are apparently those illustrated in Monuments of Nineveh, I, pls. 88.7, 89.19.

page 180 note 2 Luckenbill, , Ancient Records (Assyria and Babylonia), §§ 137–8Google Scholar.

page 180 note 3 Nineveh and its Remains, I, plan 3, p. 62 Google Scholar; Vol. II, p. 8.

page 181 note 1 Vide the account in Rassam's Assur and the Land of Nimrod, chapter I.

page 181 note 1 Except for Perrot-Chipiez, II. 731, n. 1.

page 182 note 1 Samaria: Crowfoot, , P.E.F. Quarterly, 1932 and 1933Google Scholar; Quarterly Dept. Ant. Pal. III. 4, 179 Google Scholar. Arslan Tash: Thureau-Dangin and others, Arslan Task. Tall Halaf: Oppenheim, Tell Halaf, pl. 59, see below, p. 196. Khorsabad: Frankfort, Orient. Inst. Communications, No. 17. Senjirli, Carchemish: unpublished. Those from Greece are: (i) from Idaean Cave, now at Candia, shortly to be published by E. Kunze in Athenische Mitteilungen; (ii) Rhodes, Blinkenberg, Fouilles de Lindos, pl. 16, 421, and unpublished examples from Ialysos now at the Museum of Rhodes, excavated by Prof. Maiuri. Cyprus: Petrie, Objects of Daily Use, pl. xi. 12.

page 182 note 2 That the temple, usually misnamed, in which the statue of Ashurnasirpal was found ( Layard, , Nineveh and Babylon, 359 Google Scholar) was the Temple of Ishtar belit mati, is proved by the dedicatory inscription on its gateway-lion, Luckenbill, , Ancient Records, § 521 Google Scholar; Ashurnaṣirpal mentions his having built this temple, Luckenbill, loc. cit., § 524. The Temple of Kidmuri is the title of the building excavated by H. Rassam at Nimrud in 1877.

page 182 note 3 See Nineveh and Babylon, I. 62 Google Scholar.

page 183 note 1 For the significance of the motif see Part II of this paper, p. 209.

page 183 note 2 v. p. 207.

page 183 note 3 v. p. 206.

page 184 note 1 Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, New Series, m, esp. 163 and 171, 1848. This was the view followed by Layard.

page 184 note 2 Cf. below, p. 190.

page 184 note 3 Baba batra in. 6, Tosefta II. 14; from Puchstein, , Ionische Säule, 54 Google Scholar.

page 184 note 4 In Part II of this paper.

page 185 note 1 Frankfort, in Or. Inst. Communications, loc. cit., inclines to explain his examples from Khorsabad similar to ours as the decoration of caskets. This is partly similar to the use of the same motif on the bronze four-sided stands from Enkomi, Murray and Walters, Excavations at Enkomi. But such panels doubtless were applied to many objects in different ways.

page 185 note 2 K. 382. Guide to the Bab. & Assyrian Antiquities (1922), 186 Google Scholar.

page 185 note 3 The fact that another panel of a ‘Woman at the Window’ has been found by the American Excavations at Khorsabad does not affect the argument, as it may not have been new when acquired by Sargon.

page 186 note 1 For ivory ornaments of horses in the East, cf. Homer, , Il. 4. 141 Google Scholar.

page 186 note 2 Petrie, Bethpelet I, pl. 45.

page 186 note 3 On this rippled material see Mackay, , J.E.A. 1924, 41 Google Scholar.

page 187 note 1 This would be in keeping with the important role a mirror plays as the goddess's symbol, e.g. at Senjirli: Ausgrabungen, pl. XLI. Carchemish: Pt. II, plate B. 19. Marash: Moortgat, Bildende Kunst, pl. LIX. An ivory mirror-handle, formed as a ‘Caryatid’, holding her breasts, of Mycenaean work has now been published from a Grave at Enkomi, Sjöqvist, Swedish Cyprus Expedition, pl. CLII, and has no little bearing on our present problem, being related to the Syrian prototypes of Egyptian art. See below, p. 193. For Egyptian examples, v. Benedite, Miroirs (Cairo Mus. Cat.). ‘Later Greek examples, DE Ridder, Bronzes du Louvre, pl. 77.

page 187 note 2 Curtius, Telamones, Arch. Zeitg. 1881.

page 187 note 3 Moortgat, , Die bildende Kunst des alten Orients und die Bergvölker, p. 39 Google Scholar.

page 187 note 4 Cf. the colossi at Abu Simbel.

page 187 note 5 Contenait, , Manuel d'archéologie orientale, 11, fig. 512Google Scholar.

page 188 note 1 The bowls supported by three or more stiff xoanon-like figures ( Gardner, , J.H.S. XVI. 276 Google Scholar; Studniczka, , Antike Plastik, = Amelung Festschrift, 251 Google Scholar; new example, Camiros, , Illustr. London News, 05 20th, 1933 Google Scholar) are obviously related to the iconic figures which fall under the first type of Caryatid enumerated, but are also clearly connected with this group as well. See below, p. 194.

page 188 note 2 Winter, , Kunstgeschichte in Bildern, I. 20, 2Google Scholar; Chassinat, Bull. Inst. Franç. or. du Caire, 1901; Blinkenberg, , Fouilles de Lindos, pl. 16. 421 Google Scholar.

page 188 note 3 For the shrine of the goddess flanked by rampant lions, we may suspect Phrygian influence; cf. the sculpture from Ayazin, Perrot-Chipiez, v, fig. 64. The Phoenician alabastra in the shape of women from the tomb at Gordion show the two countries in contact at least a little later.

page 188 note 4 An early clay example is reported from Tell Beit Mirsim about eleventh century, Albright, , Archaeology and the Bible, 110 Google Scholar.

page 190 note 1 Murray, Excavations in Cyprus, pl. II. These pyxides also bear the strongest resemblance to steatite fragments of Iron Age from Carchemish, Woolley, Carchemish, Part II, pl. 28.

page 190 note 2 Published Lidzbarski, , Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epigraphik, 231 Google Scholar, Cooke, , North Semitic Epigraphy, § 150 Google Scholar, q.v. for reasons why it may be thought Phoenician. He is misinformed about its discovery.

page 190 note 3 Reisner, , Harvard Expedition to Samaria, I. 238, §64Google Scholar.

page 190 note 4 Forrer, , M.V.A.G., 1915, 34 Google Scholar.

page 191 note 1 But, after all, the hand is the most natural of vessels, as Gideon's Three Hundred were taught (Judges vii). To the Hebrew, , ‘the hollowed hand’, was the name which a flat vessel used in the Temple suggested.

page 192 note 1 A new example is the vase shaped in the figure of a woman from Tell Duweir. P.E.F.Q., 1934.

page 192 note 2 About half a dozen.

page 193 note 1 Vide on the feather-crown, Albright, , Archaeology and the Bible, 96 Google Scholar.

page 193 note 2 Ashur: ANDRAE, Die archaischen Ischtartempeln von Ashur; Beisan Museum Journal, 1926, 295.

page 193 note 3 Since the above was written, an ivory mirror handle has been found at Enkomi, of Mycenaean work, but in imitation of Syrian, Sjöqvist, Swedish Cyprus Expedition, pl. CLII. It is formed of a woman holding her breasts. My chief objection to interpreting our figures as ivory mirror handles is the unsuitability of the joints above their heads to bear the weight of a bronze plate, and the absence of all bronze, either among the ivory scraps, or in records of finding, not even any bronze stains being discoverable.

page 194 note 1 Studniczka, , Antike Plastik (Atnelung Festschrift), 252 Google Scholar, figs. 7 and 8. With lions, Illustr. London News, May 20th, 1933.

page 194 note 2 Cf. a fragment of a small Assyrian bowl with a couchant lion on its rim in the Louvre, K. 4. 9. 100. In connexion with the above theory are to be remembered the vessels with rims and lids elaborately decorated with animals, flowers, figures, &c, imported from Syria into Egypt during the New Kingdom, and imitated there; for which see Schäfer, Die altägyptischen Prunkgefässe, in Sethe's Untersuch, z. Gesch. u. Altertumsk. Ägyptens, 1905.

page 194 note 3 Curtius, Assyrischer Tripod in Erlangen.

page 195 note 1 Two stone heads which Layard found in the Temple of Enurta at Nimrud, Nineveh and Babylon, 362, fig., are akin to the ivories, but the fact does not help us much, as they were obviously also imported like the ivories.

page 195 note 2 Above, p. 191.

page 195 note 3 Also note that Assyrian art of the second millennium, with which that of Tall Halaf is doubtless connected, is preponderantly a linear style, probably developed in painting. Cf. e.g. early seals, Weber, Altor. Siegelbilder (A.O.).

page 196 note 1 The Ivories— Oppenheim, , Tell Halaf (English ed.), 191, 218, 222, pls. LIX, figs. 2, 3, 5Google Scholar. This was the grave presided over by the smaller statue of the seated goddess, pl. XLIV b.

page 196 note 2 Moortgat's interesting study of motifs (Die bildende Kunst, &c), though it over-simplifies matters, shows certain subjects to be typical of the area included in Mitanni 1800-1400. It does not help us much in our localization, though some occur in our ‘Syrian Style’, as it seems that by the ninth century many such—e.g. the cable pattern, the lion hunt, the sphinxes guarding a tree, and the frontal-facing figure—were no longer restricted to whilom Mitanni, but were common stock-in-trade of the Phoenicians as well.

page 196 note 3 But see next page, n. 2.

page 197 note 1 I owe this observation to Mr. Sidney Smith. An example are the Kenites, the tribe of the smiths in ancient Palestine, who must have wandered widely.

page 197 note 2 It is possible that we have here, as at Tall Ḫalaf, the actual art of the Aramaeans. Ashurnaṣirpal does indeed record receipt of ivory beds from Ammeba‘ali, of Bit Zamani, an Aramaean ruler of Nairi.

page 197 note 3 Dussaud, , Syria, V. 46 Google Scholar.

page 197 note 4 The note-book is in the library of the Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities. It contains nothing else new.

page 197 note 5 Luckenbill, , Ancient Records, Assyria and Babylonia, §§ 480–2Google Scholar.

page 198 note 1 Liv. Annals, XVIII, pl. 20. 44; O.L.Z., 1934, 362.

page 199 note 1 Montet, , Byblos et l'Égypte, 287 Google Scholar.

page 199 note 2 Ward, , Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, ch. XLIV, esp. p. 805 Google Scholar.

page 199 note 3 But there was even possible another type of hybrid, exemplified by the large jasper scarab in the B.M. (48508), bearing a scene entirely in the Assyrian manner, and a dedication in Aramaic to Haudu the scribe ( C.I.S. II. 84 Google Scholar).

page 199 note 4 See von Bissing, Der Anteil des ägyptischen Volkes am Kunstleben der Völker. In view of the recently found Ras Shamra bowls, whether concentric zones to ornament a bowl is really an Egyptian invention is open to doubt (idem, Jahrbuch Deutsch. Arch. Inst., 1924).

page 200 note 1 See Contenau, Les Tablettes de Kerkouk et les Origines de la Civilisation assyrienne, and for Greece, Kunze, , Kretische Bronzereliefs, 97 Google Scholar. The ivory from Samaria, P.E.F.Q., 1932, 132, pl. IIGoogle Scholar, furnishes exactly the missing prototype of the lotus and bud chain on Rhodian oenochoae.

page 200 note 2 Cf. I Kings v. 6. Certain Nimrud Ivories retain a gold-leaf covering. For Phoenician work at overlaying wood-carving with gold, cf. ibid. vi. 32.

page 200 note 3 R.H.R., 1931. A very illuminating and valuable study. The description, however, of Ashtart and Horus, Ancient Egypt, June 1934, 36, is an exception.

page 201 note 1 Philo Byblius apud Euseb. in Frag. Hist. Graeci, v; for a translation and comments. Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques.

page 201 note 2 Bauer identified as applying to one El the various descriptives LTPN-EL-DPD, El-Shor, Shor-El-DPD, which certainly suits the text. So too, if Aleyin is a synonym, not a son of, Baal, it makes sense of the texts and is infinitely simpler. Dussaud, R.H.R., 1932, agreed with this in part.

page 201 note 3 Philo ascribes seven children and Mot, the eighth, to the marriage of El and Rhea; he then gives the seven Kabeiroi and Asclepios to the union of one Sydyk and one of the Titanides. Now Asclepios-Eshmun has been equated by Dussaud with Mot; Sydyk (‘the righteous’) is no unnatural epithet for El, especially if a sun-god, often similarly described in the ancient East; so that it seems Philo has copied the same legend twice, a venial fault in view of the variability of the names. Dussaud makes out the seven Kabeiroi to be the seven ‘Cloud-Riders’ who escort Aleyin ( R.H.R., 1932, 266 Google Scholar).

page 201 note 4 This heptad may, however, be a quite different exploit. Asherat is credited with seventy children in all.

page 201 note 5 The comparison of Greek art in the Orientalizing period (seventh century B.c.) is interesting. There the fabulous creatures imported from the East, though applied at first with some variability to fit different myths and superstitions, were at no time just meaningless, exotic fantasies. On the early meanings of the types in Greece, vide Kunze, , Kretische Bronzereliefs, 178 Google Scholar; Ath. Mith., 1932, 24 Google Scholar; Niki, E., Rev. Arch., 1933, 145 Google Scholar; Buschor, , Am. Journ. Arch., 1934 Google Scholar; Roes, A., J.H.S., 1934 Google Scholar.

page 201 note 6 Identifications hitherto made are those of the combatants on the bowl, Perrot-Chipiez, III. 771, as Melkarth and Eshmun, Pietzschmann, Geschichte der Phönizier, Baudissin, Adonis u. Ešmun, 298; of the types of ‘Harpocrates on the Lotus’ as Adonis, and of ‘Isis’ as Ashtart, and of the god slaying a lion (Perrot-Chipiez, III. 789) as El, Baudissin, loc. cit., 107. The last is not quite convincing.

page 202 note 1 They are perhaps the four pillars of heaven, Egyptian sḫnt, cf. Job xxvi. II for a Semitic parallel.

page 203 note 1 O.L.Z., 1927. He deplored the gap between the Nimrud examples, and fifth- and fourth-century allusions in Greek literature. In fact a still later echo may be the lamps with the head of a Ptolemaic queen, Petrie, Riqqeh, pl. LXI. The same frontal woman meets us in Sassanian art, A.f.O. VII. 21, fig. 11Google Scholar. Cf. Jahrb. Anzeiger, 1910, 239, fig. 42Google Scholar, which art re-used other old Mesopotamian themes.

page 204 note 1 Herodotus, I. 199.

page 204 note 2 The Frontlet may well have had some specific religious appropriateness, just as is the case with ear-rings in Assyria, which Moortgat, A.f.O. IV, has shown to be modelled on the symbols of the different gods. (Add to his proofs: the same type of ear-ring as that worn by our Ishtar on the horse-trapping, suggesting the form of a three-rayed star, is disposed in the field of a famous cylinder, B.M. 89769, Furtwängler, Antike Gemmen, pl. 1, fig. 10, in a significantly conspicuous position only appropriate to a divine symbol.) It may be possible to compare with this frontlet those, as it were, reconsecrated by the Hebrews for their own worship, Exod. xiii. 16, Deut. vi. 8, xi. 18-since figures of the goddess from Tell Ta'anek in Palestine wear a kindred object (Gressmann, Altorientalische Bilder z. Alten Testament, pl. CXVIII). The frontlet of our παρακύπτουσα cult appears on fragments of terra-cotta statues from Cyprus, where we know of the cult, e.g. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, Bibel und Homer, pl. 53. But it was also clearly connected with the lay types (Marshall, Catalogue of Greek and Roman Jewellery in the B.M., pl. xi), many such plates being strung together. A survival of the single plate type is probably to be seen in the common ornament worn on the brows of Palmyrene ladies of fashion.

page 204 note 3 See Wreszinski, Löwenjagd im Alten Aegypten.

page 204 note 4 Dussaud, , R.H.R., 1932, 284 Google Scholar, who identifies Baal with Hadad but Aleyin with Reshef, following the view based on an as yet unpublished text, that Aleyin is Baal's son, which makes the present texts twice as difficult, whereas as Baal himself, he makes easier sense.

page 205 noet 1 Syria, XII. 205 Google Scholar; vide Dussaud, R.H.R., 1931.

page 205 note 2 Perrot and Chipiez, III. 97, 771, 789; Poulsen, Orient und Frühgriechische Kunst, fig. 14; ibid., fig. 20, fig. 17; and Cesnola, , Salaminia, 51 ff.Google Scholar, Walters, , Cat. of Bronzes, 186 Google Scholar.

page 205 note 3 Vide Moortgat, , Die bildende Kunst, 59 Google Scholar. Add to the series a seal impression of Persian period from Ur, B.M.

page 206 noet 1 This I take to be an aetiological explanation of the fact that he was worshipped in some part of his cult as a god in child form.

page 206 noet 2 They meet us again on the Phoenician figures stamped on the rims of large clay jars from Nimrud, B.M. 92248-52; there, as a matter of fact, they grasp a snake in each hand, but all the same they may still be corn-gods, and the jars designed to hold grain. With this tallies the representation from near Byblos of a two-winged figure in the attitude of sowing corn, drawn in a car by two snakes, the god being recognized as Triptolemus = Adonis. Renan, Mission en Phenicie, pl. 22; Baudissin, Adonis u. Esmun, p. 163; on identification of Adonis and Horus the child (Harpocrates) vide Baudissin, loc. cit., 107. Cf. also the figure in the gateway, Persepolis.

page 206 note 3 Zagazig plaque, Griffith, P.S.B.A. XVI. 89 Google Scholar; Mesopotamian Analogies: Langdon, , J.R.A.S., 1934 Google Scholar, seal from Tall Asmar, Illustr. London News, July 22nd, 1933; Anatolian: Garstang, Hittite Empire, 206, fig. 17. For the myth, Apollod., Biblioth. I. 63 Google Scholar. Fr. Hist. Gr. I. 109 Google Scholar. See discussion by Abel, Orontes and Litani, in J.P.A.O.S. XIII; and allusions in Ras Shamra texts. For the hawk-headed figure see above, p. 205.

page 206 note 4 Perrot-Chipiez, III. 769; Poulsen, Der Orient, loc. cit., fig. 15, and Perrot-Chipiez, loc. cit., 790.

page 207 note 1 Koldewey, Das wieder erstehende Babylon, fig. 101.

page 207 note 2 The seal— Scheil, , Recueil des Travaux, XX. 62 Google Scholar; cf. Luckenbill, , Ancient Records (Assyria and Babylonia), II. 1129 Google Scholar; Langdon, , Epic of Creation, 34 (akitu)Google Scholar. For Ninhursag vide Gadd in Excavations at Ur, I. 143.

page 207 note 3 Composition plaque from Knossos, Evans, , P. of M., I, fig. 367Google Scholar; cf. Arslan Task, fig. 45; for Greek examples vide Watzinger in Antike Plastik W. Amelung gewidmet.

page 207 note 4 Perrot-Chipiez, III. 759; Clermont-Ganneau, L'Imagerie phénicienne.

page 207 note 5 For the ‘Henkelattaschen’ vide Kunze, Kretische Bronzereliefs, Appendix II; tridachnas, Blinkenberg, Lindiaka, II, Kgl. Videnskabernes Selskab. Hist.-fil Meddelelser. XI; Smith, , J.H.S., 1926 Google Scholar.

page 207 note 6 I imply by this term Phoenicia and the kindred non-Jewish population of Palestine.

page 208 note 1 Jud. viii. 21. For the Asherah, vide Encycl. Bibl. s.v.; for Demarous-Timaron, ibid., s.v. Phoenicians; for the real existence in Palestine of such a worship of the god in a palm-tree cf. the name of a village where it was practised and which was called after him Baal-Tamar, ‘Lord of the Palm’, Judges XX. 33. On the modern folk-lore associated with the palm-tree and its probable connexion with ancient veneration vide Canaan, , Plant Lore in Palestinian Superstition (J.P.O.S. VII. 154)Google Scholar.

page 208 note 2 Vide Baudissin, Adonis u. Ešmun.

page 208 note 3 Dhorme, , Syria, XIV. 234 (Typhon = Ṣaphon)Google Scholar.

page 208 note 4 Cf. e.g. Delaporte, Cylindres orientaux du Louvre, pl. 89, 7. The two different ideas, that of grasping streamers from the winged disk and that of plucking fruit from the sacred tree, can be seen significantly blended on the Sakje-geuze relief, Weber, , Heth. Kunst, 17 Google Scholar, where the figures pluck fruit which sprouts from the winged symbol's tail!

page 209 noet 1 Ward, Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, fig. 810.

page 209 note 2 Ward, loc. cit., fig. 707; Hall, Assyrian Sculpture in the British Museum, pl. 43.

page 209 note 3 A similar object has been found by Mr. Guy at Megiddo, unfortunately undated, on each side of which a man worships a seated man. Mr. Guy has kindly permitted me to mention this object.

page 204 note 4 B.M. 1920/12/20/1. I am grateful to Mr. Forsdyke, Keeper of the Greek and Roman Antiquities, for permission to publish this interesting piece. For Phoenicians wearing turn-up shoes, cf. King, Bronze Gates of Shalmaneser, pl. XIV. For the devotee bringing a gift of fishes, cf. the Cretan fragment, Kunze, Kretische Bronzereliefs, pl. 70 a and d. For Assyrian cup-bearing scenes, Hall, Assyrian Sculpture in the British Museum, pl. 31.

page 210 note 1 Shamra, Ras, Stela of Thunder-God, Syria, 1933, pl. XVIGoogle Scholar; on the Ahiram sarcophagus, Montet, Byblos et l'Égypte, pl. 129; Beisan Stela, Rowe, , Topography and History of Beth-Shan, I, pl. 48Google Scholar; Defenneh (Tahpanhes), Moller, , Egyptological Researches, 1 Google Scholar, pl. 40; Wadi-Ashur, , near Tyre, Arslan Task, p. 118, fig. 42Google Scholar; Zakir, Pognon, Inscriptions sémitiques de la Syrie, pl. IX; Albright, B.A.S.O.R. 31, 50: cf. with an Assyrian stela of worshipping king, e.g. Hall, Assyrian Sculpture in the British Museum, pl. 11; Bostan es-Sheikh, Chéhab in Berytus, I (fourth-third century B.c. example). Early Mesopotamian examples: on seals, Delaporte, , Cylindres du Louvre, A. 362 Google Scholar; Carnegie, , Catalogue of the Southesk Collection, II, QB. 36 Google Scholar; Delaporte, , Cylindres de la Bibl. Nat. 229 and 233 Google Scholar; in terracotta, van Buren, , Clay Figurines, 538 Google Scholar. Examples in the Isis-cult, vide Gressmann, Die orientalischen Religionen im Hellenistisch-Römischen Zeitalter.

page 210 note 2 2 Kings xi. 14; xxiii. 3; 2 Chron. xxiii. 13.