Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-g8jcs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-27T16:16:53.021Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Who is holding the lead rope? The relief of the Broken Obelisk

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 August 2014

Extract

The step-topped, free-standing square monument called in modern literature the Broken Obelisk was found by Hormuzd Rassam at Nineveh, near the Ishtar temple on the mound of Kuyunjik. It is the earliest monument of this kind, and it differs in its pictorial rendering from the later, so-called Assyrian obelisks. Whereas the succeeding examples display reliefs on their four sides, creating consecutive narratives, the Broken Obelisk exhibits a single, motionless relief on its front, the subject of the present paper (Börker-Klähn 1982, Nos. 132, 138–45, 152; Bär 1996, 57-68, 88–99, 101–5, 148–65).

My aim here is to shed light on the motif of the king holding prisoners of war by means of lead ropes and to examine the bearing of this motif on the status of the royal image in pictorial renderings. According to different interpretations of the scene, the king holds a ring and rod (Börker-Klähn 1982, 178, No. 131 with earlier bibliography), or a ceremonial mace (Russell 2003, 4) as well as lead rope(s) with which he binds prisoners of war standing in front of him (e.g. Pritchard 1969, 300, No. 440; Strommenger 1964, 437, PI. 188, bottom; Börker-Klähn 1982, 178; Collon 1995, 117; Russell 2003, 4). My initial interest in the iconography of the Broken Obelisk was aroused by the fact that on it the so-called ring and rod symbols of kingship granted by the gods, are held by the king, whereas usually they are held by a deity in compositions conveying the very act of the divine giving (Hallo 2005, 150–1, 161; Suter 2000, 6–7; Ornan 2005, 12).

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 2007

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Amiet, P. 1960, Notes sur le répertoire iconographique de Mari à l'époque du Palais, Syria 37, 215–32.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Aoyagi, M., and Sasaki, I. 2000, New History of World Art 16, Tokyo.Google Scholar
Bänder, D. 1995, Die Siegesstele des Naramsîn und ihre Stellung in Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte (Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte 103), Idstein.Google Scholar
Bär, J. 1996, Der assyrische Tribut und seine Darstellung, Eine Untersuchung zur imperialen Ideologie im neuassyrischen Reich (AOAT 243), Neukirchen-Vluyn.Google Scholar
Barnett, R. D., Turner, G. and Bleibtreu, E. 1998, Sculptures from the Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh, LondonGoogle Scholar
Barrelet, M.-T. 1974, La «figure du roi» dans l'iconographie et dans les textes depuis Ur-Nanše jusqu'à la fin de la Ire dynastie de Babylone, in Garelli, P. (ed.), Le palais et la royauté. Proceedings of the XIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Paris, 29 06-2 juillet 1971, Paris, 27138.Google Scholar
Bonatz, D. 2001, Mnemohistory in Syro-Hittite Iconography, in Abusch, T.et al. (eds.), Historiography in the Cuneiform World. Proceedings of the XLVe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale I, Harvard University, Bethesda, 6577.Google Scholar
Börker-Klähn, J. 1982, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen und vergleichbare Felsreliefs, Mainz.Google Scholar
Bunnens, G. 2005, From Carchemish to Nimrud, between Visual Writing and Textual Illustration, Subartu 16, 21–4.Google Scholar
Canby, J. Vorys 2001, The “Ur-Nammu” Stela, Philadelphia.Google Scholar
Collon, D. 1982, Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum, Cylinder Seals II, Akkadian, Post Akkadian, Ur III Periods, London.Google Scholar
Collon, D. 1995, Ancient Near Eastern Art, LondonGoogle Scholar
Curtis, J. 2007, The Broken Obelisk, Iraq 69, 53–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Curtis, J. E., and Collon, D. 1996, Ladies of Easy Virtue, in Gasche, H. and Hrouda, B. (eds.), Collectanea orientalia: Histoire, arts de l'espace et industrie de la terre, Etudes offertes en hommage à Agnès Spycket (Civilisations du Proche-Orient, archéologie et environnement 3), Paris, 8995.Google Scholar
Dion, P.-E. 1997, Les Araméens à l'âge du fer: Histoire politique et structures sociales, Paris.Google Scholar
El-Safadi, H. 19741975, Die Entstehung der syrischen Glyptik und ihre Entwicklung, VF 6, 313–52 (Part I), UFI, 433-68 (Part II).Google Scholar
Feldman, M. H. 2002, Luxurious Forms: Redefining a Mediterranean “International Style”, 1400-1200 B.C.E., Art Bulletin 84(1), 629.Google Scholar
Feldman, M. 2004, From Nineveh to Thebes and back: Art and Politics between Assyria and Egypt in the Seventh Century BCE, Iraq 66 (= D. Collon and A. George, eds., Nineveh. Papers of the XLIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale London, 7–11 July 2003, vol. 1), 141–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Frankfort, H., Lloyd, S., and Jacobsen, Th. 1940, The Gimilsin Temple and the Palace of the Rulers at Tell Asmar (OIP 43), Chicago.Google Scholar
Frayne, D. 1997, Ur III Period (2112–2004), The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Early Period (RIME 3/2), Toronto, Buffalo and London.Google Scholar
George, A. R. 1986, Sennacherib and the Tablet of Destinies, Iraq 48, 133–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Grayson, A. K. 1987, Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second Millennia BC (To 1115 BC), The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods (RIMA 1), Toronto, Buffalo and London.Google Scholar
Grayson, A.K. 1991, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium I ( 1114–859), The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods (RIMA 2), Toronto, Buffalo and London.Google Scholar
Hallo, W. W. 2005, Sumerian History in Pictures: A New Look at the “Stele of the Flying Angels”, in Sefati, Y.et al. (eds.), An Experienced Scribe Who Neglects Nothing, Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Jacob Klein, Bethesda, 142–62.Google Scholar
Hansen, D. P. 2002, Through the Love of Ishtar, in Werr, L. al-Gailaniet al. (eds.), Of Pots and Plans, Papers on the Archaeology and History of Mesopotamia and Syria Presented to David Oates in Honour of his 75th Birthday, London, 91112.Google Scholar
Ismaïl, , Khalil, B. 2003, Dädusas Siegesstele IM 95200 aus Ešnunna. Die Inschrift, BaM 34, 129–56Google Scholar
Keel, O., Uehlinger, Ch. 1994, Der Assyrerkönig Salmanassar III. und Jehu von Israel auf dem schwarzen Obelisken aus Nimrud, Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie, 116, 391420.Google Scholar
Krecher, J. 19761980, Insignien, RlA 5, 109–14.Google Scholar
Levine, L. D. 1972, Two Neo-Assyrian stelae from Iran, Occasional Paper 23 (The Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto), 186.Google Scholar
Liebowitz, H. A. 1980, Military and feast scenes on Late Bronze Palestinian ivories, Israel Exploration Journal 30, 162–9.Google Scholar
Magen, U. 1986, Assyrische Königsdarstellungen, Aspekte der Herrschaft, eine Typologie, Mainz.Google Scholar
Marcus, M.I 1987., Geography as an Organizing Principle in the Imperial Art of Shalmaneser, Iraq 49, 7790.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Miglus, P. 2003, Die Siegesstele des Königs Dädusa von Esnunna und ihre Stellung in der Kunst mesopotamiens und der Nachbargebiete, in Dittmann, R., Eder, Ch. and Jacobs, B. (eds.), Altertumswissenschaften im Dialog, Festschrift für Wolfram Nagel zur Vollendung seines 80. Lebensjahres, Munster, 397419.Google Scholar
Moortgat, A. 1964, Die Wandgemälde im Palaste zu Mari und ihre historische Einordnung, BaM 3, 6874.Google Scholar
Moortgat-Correns, U. 19521953, Westsemitisches in der Bildkunst Mesopotamiens, AfO 15, 287–94.Google Scholar
Ornan, T. 2005, The Triumph of the Symbol, Pictorial Representation of Deities in Mesopotamia and the Biblical Image Ban (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 213), Fribourg and Göttingen.Google Scholar
Ornan, T. 2005a, Expelling demons at Nineveh — On the Visibility of Benevolent Demons in the Palaces of Nineveh, Iraq 66 (= D. Collon and A. George, eds., Nineveh. Papers of the XLIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, London, 7–11 July 2003, Vol. 1), 8392.Google Scholar
Otto, A. 2002, Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Klassisch-Syrischen Glyptik, Berlin and New York.Google Scholar
Parrot, A. 1961, Sumer, The Dawn of Art, New York.Google Scholar
Paterson, A. 1907, Assyrian Sculptures Arranged and Annotated, Haarlem.Google Scholar
Pittman, H. 1996, The White Obelisk and the Problem of Historical Narrative in the Art of Assyria, Art Bulletin 78, 334–55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pritchard, J. B. 1969, The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament, Princeton.Google Scholar
Reade, J. 2005, The Ishtar Temple at Nineveh, Iraq 67 (= D. Collon and A. George, eds., Nineveh. Papers of the XLIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, London, 7–11 July 2003, Vol. 2), 347–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Robins, G. 1997, The Art of Ancient Egypt, Cambridge MA.Google Scholar
Russell, J. M. 2003, Obelisk, RlA 10, 46.Google Scholar
Sader, H. 2000, The Aramaean Kingdoms of Syria, Origin and Formation Processes, in Bunnens, G. (ed.), Essays on Syria in the Iron Age (Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supp. 7), Louvain, Paris and Sterling, 6176.Google Scholar
Schlossman, B.L. 19811982, Portraiture in Mesopotamia in the Late Third and Early Second Millennium B.C., The Early Second Millennium (Part 2), AfO 28, 143–70.Google Scholar
Seidl, U. 1989, Die babylonischen Kudurru-Reliefs (OBO 87), Fribourg and Göttingen.Google Scholar
Seidl, U. 2003, Das Relief, in A. Shaffer and N. Wasserman, Iddi(n)-Sîn, King of Simurrum: A New Rock-Relief Inscription and a Reverential Seal, ZA 93, 3952.Google Scholar
Shafer, T. A. 1988, The Carving of an Empire: Neo-Assyrian Monuments on the Periphery (Ph.D. Thesis presented to The Department of Fine Arts, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.), Ann Arbor (UMI).Google Scholar
Slanski, K. E. 2003, The Babylonian Entitlement narûs (kudurrus), A Study in their Form and Function, Boston.Google Scholar
Smith, S. 1928, Early History of Assyria to 1000 B.C., London.Google Scholar
Smith, W. S. 1965, Interconnections in the Ancient Near East, A Study of the Relationships between the Arts of Egypt, the Aegean, and Western Asia, New Haven and London.Google Scholar
Spycket, A. 2000, La baguette et l'anneau, un symbole d'Iran et de Mésopotamie, in Dittmann, R., Hrouda, B.et al. (eds.), Variatio Delectat, Iran und der Westen. Gedenkschrift für Peter Calmeyer, Munster, 651–66.Google Scholar
Strommenger, E. 1964, The Art of Mesopotamia, London.Google Scholar
Strommenger, E. 1970, Die neuassyrische Rundskulptur, Berlin.Google Scholar
Suter, C. E. 2000, Gudea's Temple Buildings, The Representations of an Early Mesopotamian Ruler in Text and Image, Groningen.Google Scholar
Tadmor, H. 1994, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III King of Assyria, Critical Edition, with Introductions, Translations and Commentary, Jerusalem.Google Scholar
The Epigraphic Survey 1930, Earlier Historical Records of Ramses III, Medinet Hahu I (OIP 8), Chicago.Google Scholar
The Epigraphic Survey 1970, The Eastern High Gate with Translations of Texts, Medinet Hahu VIII (OIP 94), Chicago.Google Scholar
van Koppen, F. 2006, Old Babylonian Period Inscriptions, in Chavalas, M. W. (ed.), The Ancient Near East, Historical Sources in Translation, Maiden and Oxford, 88106.Google Scholar
Wäfler, M. 1975, Nicht-Assyrer neuassyrischer Darstellungen (AOAT 26), Neukirchen-Vluyn.Google Scholar
Weidner, E. F. 19301931, Die Annalen des Königs Aššurbêlkala von Assyrien, AfO 6, 7594.Google Scholar
Westenholz, J. G. 2000, The King, the Emperor, and the Empire: Continuity and Discontinuity of Royal Representation in Text and Image, in Aro, S. and Whiting, R. M. (eds.), The Heirs of Assyria, Proceedings of the Opening Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project held in Tuärminne, Finland, October 8-11, 1998 (melammu symposia I), Helsinki, 99125.Google Scholar
Westenholz, J. G. 2004, The Good Shepherd, in Panaino, A. and Piras, A. (eds.), Schools of Oriental Studies and the Development of Modern Historiography, Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project Held in Ravenna, Italy, October 13-17, 2001 (melammu symposia IV), Milan, 281310.Google Scholar
Westenholz, J. G. 2005, The Old Akkadian Presence in Nineveh: Fact or Fiction, Iraq 66 (= D. Collon and A. George, eds., Nineveh. Papers of the XLIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale London, 7–11 July 2003, Vol. 1), 718.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wiggermann, F. A. M. 1989, Tispak, his seal, and the dragon mushussu, in Haex, O. M. C., Curvers, H. H. and Akkermans, P. M. M. G. (eds.), To the Euphrates and Beyond, Archaeological studies in honour of Maurits N. van Loon, Rotterdam and Brookfield, 117–33.Google Scholar
Zadok, R. 1991, Elements of Aramean Prehistory, in Cogan, M. and Eph'al, I. (eds.), “Ah, Assyria …” Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, Jerusalem, 104–17.Google Scholar