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Partnerships in the Old Assyrian Trade

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 August 2014

Mogens Trolle Larsen
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Extract

Beginning with the publication of Garelli's book “Les assyriens en Cappadoce” in 1963, a new wave of research into the Old Assyrian political, economic, and social structures has brought about a quite detailed understanding of many central aspects of the Old Assyrian society. It is my impression that something approaching a consensus has been reached in a number of important fields, and it is readily obvious where most of the pressing new problems are to be found. Many basic commercial procedures have been adequately analysed, the technical vocabulary of the merchants is beginning to be understood, the political system of the Assyrian state and the basis for the existence of the colonies on foreign soil has been described. However, all these studies have also made it very clear that the Old Assyrian colonial system constituted a highly sophisticated commercial milieu, and many features in the socio-economic structures bear witness to the complexity with which we have to deal in our work on the texts. Obviously, there cannot be a general agreement in all areas, and such differences of opinion must be reflected in our translations and interpretations of technical terms which can be seen to refer to central concepts. A case in point is the word tamkārum, “merchant”, which is dealt with in Garelli's contribution in this volume. Garelli tends to see this term as a title which refers to an official, and my own view is that it denotes a contractually regulated capacity and thus that it is not a title. One interpretation leads to the concept of a centralized bureaucracy in Assur, the other does not necessitate such a reconstruction. At the moment we can do little more than note the difference of opinion and attempt to present a coherent theory, but I believe that it is important at the same time to realize that these different views reflect two more or less clearly defined models of the Old Assyrian society. I have the feeling that some scholars think that such conceptual models should somehow be avoided, and that they constitute a danger to a real understanding of the ancients and their world, but such a view rests on a misunderstanding; it is not true that the “real” scholar is only interested in the texts and builds his theories exclusively on them, for any analysis entails some conceptual model. In fact, the success of our efforts often depends on how well we understand the models which we are using.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 39 , Issue 1 , Spring 1977 , pp. 119 - 145
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 1977

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References

1 I refer to Veenhof's paper in this volume for some comments on this problem.

2 Money-lending was very restricted in the Old Assyrian system and was resorted to only in extreme situations where ready cash was essential. The large number of promissory notes which exist represent credit operations, mainly of a commercial nature, and they are distinguished from ordinary loans in the Assyrian terminology, being qīptu-contiacts as opposed to real loans which were referred to with the phrase kaspam ana ṣibtim laqā'um.

3 Journal of Economic History 4 (1944), 178CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. also Goitein, , A Mediterranean Society I (Berkeley, 1966), 180–183Google Scholar.

4 I have for some years been engaged in the preparatory work for an edition of all Old Assyrian letters, rearranged, as far as will be possible, in their original “archives”. Professor Veenhof has agreed to take care of the publication of a major part of the material, the Pušu-ken archive.

5 The Old Assyrian City-State and its Colonies (OACC) (Copenhagen, 1976), 97–100Google Scholar.

6 See also Garelli's contribution to the present volume.

7 Hecker's, suggestion in KUG, 108Google Scholar, that Pušu-ken and Šu-Hubur should be married to women who were sisters, is based on a misunderstanding of the term emum; in the text discussed by him it must mean “son-in-law”, but it seems to denote any “in-law” relative; see also Harris, R., Iraq 38 (1976), 131, n. 10CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 Cf. OACC, 100–101.

9 Islamic Studies 3 (1964), 316Google Scholar; cf. also A Mediterranean Society I, 164–169Google Scholar, where he also notes that the entire Mediterranean trade as revealed by the Geniza, “was largely based, not upon cash benefits or legal guarantees, but on the human qualities of mutual trust and friendship.” In the Old Assyrian trade we surely find a similar pattern, and the epithet awīl gimillim, “a man who gives help,” is often claimed by the writers of letters.

10 For this text I refer to Landsberger, , ArOr 18/1–2 (1950), 331Google Scholar; and Lewy, J., ArOr 18/3 (1950), 424, 427 and 433Google Scholar.

11 Cf. OACC, 100–101, for a discussion of the text ATHE 24.

12 The basic meaning of the word is “sack”, and it is used with this meaning in the Old Assyrian texts, just as it is found as a capacity measure. It must have denoted the bag of the travelling trader, into which his investors poured their investments. There may in fact have been a kind of ceremony where the partners placed their money in the bag or purse which lay in the midst between them.

13 For the laputtā'um, I refer to OACC, 156–157.

14 Cf. EL 2, 86–109Google Scholar.

15 Text no. 3 in Dergi 4 (1940), 20–21Google Scholar.

16 I give here a transliteration of the entire document, incorporating the corrections to Landsberger's original transliteration which have been communicated by Oppenheim, in the Güterbock Festschrift, 232, n. 9Google Scholar; however, some odd readings remain: tu for expected tù in lines 18 and 29. [Two lines missing] (3) 1½ MA.NA I-ri-šum (4) 2 MA.NA I-dí-A-šùr (5) 2 MA.NA A-du-du-um (6) 2 MA.NA Šu-La-ba-an (7) 2 MA.NA I-ku-pí-Ištar (8) 2 MA.NA Ì-lí-dan (9) 1½ MA.NA A-šùr-ma-lik (10) 1½ MA.NA A-šùr-i-dí (11) 2½ MA.NA A-ku-za-num (12) 1½ MA.NA tám-kà-ru-um (13) 1 MA.NA A-bu-ša-lim (14) 1 MA.NA Hi-na-a (15) 4 MA.NA A-mur-Ištar (16) ŠU.NIGIN 30 MA.NA GUŠKIN (17) na-ru-uq A-mur-Ištar (18) iš-tu li-mu-um (19) Sú-sà-a 12 ša-na-tim (20) i-ma-kà-ar i-na (21) né-me-lim šál-ša-tim (22) e-kà-al a-na šál-ša-tim (23) i-za-az ša a-dì (24) lá u 4-me-šu ma-lá-e-em (25) KUG.BABBAR i-lá-qú-ú 4 MA.NA.TA (26) KUG.BABBAR ki-ma 1 MA.NA GUŠKIN (27) i-lá-qé né-ma-lam (28) mì-ma ú-lá i-lá-qé (29) IGI Ili 5-tu-ra-am NU.BANDA (30) IGI Šál-ma-A-šùr (31) IGI […]-TAB.BA (32) IGI La-qé-pí-im IGI I-ku-pí-a (33) IGI Puzur-Ištar IGI A-šùr-be-el-a-wa-tim.

17 Cf. Balkan, K., Observations, 94Google Scholar. He reads the name Sukia )Sú-ki-a), but I suggest that we should read Sú-sá-a, as for instance in BIN 6:218, 21Google Scholar. The text is kt a/k 904, and it records inter alia a loan given by a certain Amurrum-bani to the son of Dada.

18 For the relative chronology of the texts from Kaneš, I refer to OACC, 80–84 and 375–382Google Scholar.

19 Cf. above, p. 123, for the text ATHE 24; compare with EL 246, in which the sons of Pušu-ken question Suen-re'ī, one of the sons of Amur-Ištar. The patronymic does not appear in these texts, but I refer to TC 3:244Google Scholar and the unnumbered text communicated by Landsberger, op. cit., 26; the first of these states that Pušu-ken has invested 2 minas of gold in the naruqqu-capitah managed by the brothers Amur-Ištar and Puzur-Aššur, sons of Išar-kit-Aššur, doing so on behalf of Amur-Ištar, son of Amur-ili. In the second contract is recorded that Amur-Ištar, son of Amur-ili, has given 8 minas of silver to Puzur-Aššur, son of Išar-kit-Aššur, and that the latter will book Amur-Ištar for 2 minas of gold in his naruqqum in Assur.

20 Cf. KAJ 32.

21 In one Old Assyrian text, CCT 4:6eGoogle Scholar, treated in OACC, 305, n. 47, the word denotes a schoolmaster.

22 Cf. Landsberger, op. cit., 22; and Leemans, W. F., The Old-Babylonian Merchant (1950), 22–35Google Scholar.

23 Cf. CCT 1:49bGoogle Scholar (EL 338).

24 The editor Kienast restored the beginning in such a way that it became a letter, but that is hardly acceptable. In fact, the last word of the text is surely to be restored [ší-b]u-tum (rather than [a-p]u-tum), indicating that it records witnessed statements; a parallel for this is found in BIN 4:106Google Scholar (EL 344).

25 Cf. e.g. CCT 5:43Google Scholar, and see further below for this family.

26 This text records a number of debts outstanding to Pušu-ken, and these appear to represent commercial investments; thus, he has entered a partnership with Enna-Suen, son of Puzur-Ištar, in which the latter is to “conduct trade” (line 15: i-ma-kàr, the word found in Amur-Ištar's contract) with 31 minas of silver, two-thirds of which were invested by Pušu-ken. The passage involving Aššuriš-tikal simply states that two minas of gold are “with” the tractator; the same formula is used in another passage where 2 minas of gold are “with” Aššuriš-tikal's brother Aššur-malik, and note that the witnesses here are Ili-alum, son of Sukallija, and his brother Amur-Aššur, i.e. the man who appeared in ATHE 48. He is often in contact with Pušu-ken as can be seen from the texts BIN 4:8, 33Google Scholar; 140, 2; TC 3:26, 14, and 38, 9Google Scholar, where he appears as a transporter.

27 L 29–559; cf. OCT 4:10aGoogle Scholar and KTH 2. Pušu-ken's associate in Assur, Šalim-Aššur, writes in the letter TC 3:32Google Scholar (cf. also below, p. 141) that if he should die, Pušu-ken would carry off his naruqqum, so he also managed such a capital.

28 CCT 4:2a, 15–19Google Scholar; cf. OACC, 290–291. Other texts dealing with this question are L 29–563 and 29–568.

29 Garelli, , AC, 233–235Google Scholar; translations of parts of this letter are found below, pp. 140 and 143.

30 TC 2:7Google Scholar: (32) ta-áš-pu-ra-am (33) um-ma a-ta-ma mí-ma i-pí um-me-a-ni-a (34) ta-ša-me-ú-ni uz-ni pé-té ta-zi-im-tum (35) mì-ma lá-šu li-ba-kà ša-ni-a-TÁM mí-ma lá ú-ba-lam.

31 See already above for this person; Pušu-ken's relations with the members of the Sukallija family were of a complex nature, and it is not entirely clear how this family should be reconstructed. In EL 310 Pušu-ken is said to have invested in the naruqqu-capitals of Ennum-Aššur and Aššur-malik, both said to be sons of Enna-Suen; the same investments are referred to in TC 2:48Google Scholar, but here these men are said to be sons of Sukallija. The solution seems to be that these persons were the grandsons of Sukallija, and in KTK 79 (EL 66) Aššur-malik is in fact described as the son of Enna-Suen and the grandson of Sukallija. It is therefore likely that the two brothers Aššuriš-tikal and Amur-Aššur, who are both known as “sons of Sukallija” (cf. the discussion above of ATHE 48), were abo brothers of Ennum-Aššur and Aššur-malik, but this is of course uncertain.

32 Cf. for instance the letter TC 3:54Google Scholar from Imdiilum to his representatives in Assur; he informs them that a certain Pilah-Ištar is on his way with a shipment and ends: (21) ù 2 MA.NA GUšKIN (22) i-nu-mì DUB-pá-am (23) ša na-ru-qí-i-šu (24) i-la-pu-tù-ni iš-tí (25) um-me-a-ni-šu i-zi-za-ma (26) šu-mì li-il 5-pu-tù, “Then, concerning the two minas of gold—when they write his naruqqu-contract, you must stand by his investors and have them write my name.”

33 This could be the background of such a text as EL 96, where Dan-Aššur is said to owe 6½ minas 2 shekels of silver to Pušu-ken; he must go to Assur and write Pušu-ken down for an investment of 2 minas of gold among his investors, and when he returns Pušu-ken will give him the remaining 1⅓ mina 8 shekels of silver; the investment is thus 8 minas of silver, the customary amount.

34 Cf. for instance CCT 5:21aGoogle Scholar; suggestion made by Veenhof.

35 (3) ni-iš-pu-ra-kum um-ma ni-nu-ma (4) al-kam-ma DUB-pì-kà 3 (5) lu nu-ṭá-bi 4-ma DUB-pá-am (6) 1 ša na-ru-qé-kà lu ni-il 5-pu-ut. It may be mentioned here that some texts, for instance the correspondence concerning Pušu-ken's 2 mina investment in the naruqqum of Puzur-Aššur, BIN 4:21Google Scholar and TC 2:9Google Scholar, show that in certain instances, when there was some doubt concerning the ownership to a share, one could use the anonymous expression tamkārum. Pušu-ken had first asked his representatives in Assur to note down his daughter as the owner of the share, but later he wrote that he wanted it in his own name; Puzur-Aššur wrote back in the letter BIN 4:21Google Scholar that if it could not be done in the name of the daughter, then he would not allow it to be transferred to Pušu-ken's share (indicating perhaps that Pušu-ken already had a share in Puzur-Aššur's naruqqum); thus the investment was made anonymously, “in the name of tamkārum”. Such a post also occurs in Amur-Ištar's contract, of course, and the same problem seems to be reflected in the letter CCT 2:47bGoogle Scholar.

36 Anatolian Studies Presented to Hans Gustav Güterbock on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday (1974), 229–237Google Scholar.

37 The text is poorly published and difficult to understand, but the main content is that a man has been given 4 minas of silver which is to be repaid as 8 minas in four years; and “what he has received, he received on account of his naruqqum.” The following, obscure, stipulations are concerned with the profit, and we hear at the end that the naruqqum will “enter” the house of the creditor. The last phrase is not very clear either, and I refer to CCT 2:44b, 3–8Google Scholar, and BIN 6:199, 8′–11′Google Scholar, for close parallels.

38 BIN 4:32Google Scholar: (4) 3 ša-na-at u 4-me iš-tí (5) DINGIR e-ri-iš um-ma a-na-ku-ma (6) la-li[k] bu-lá-tí[-a] (7) lu-za-ki-a-ma e-ṣa-am (8) ù ma-dam ma-ah-ri-šu-nu (9) lá-áš-ku-un Šu-Hu-bur (10) 5 ša-na-at u 4-me iq-bi-a-am (11) ù a-tù-nu ma-ag-ra-tù-nu (12) a-na-ku ù-lá am-gu 5-ur-šu (13) um-ma a-na-ku-ma 5 ša-na-at (14) ù-lá ú-qá-a a-dí ma-lá (15) u 4-me ša ˹iš˺-tí DINGIR e-ri-šu (16) lá-lik-ma bu-lá-tí-a (17) lu-za-ki-a-am. Cf. Garelli, , AC, 233–235Google Scholar.

39 Cf. AC, 249–250; OACP, 41; and Eichler, B. L., Indenture at Nuzi, (1973), 95–101Google Scholar, for the be'ulātu-contracts; for a discussion of the verb I refer to Veenhof, , Aspects, 407–412Google Scholar.

40 Cf. discussion in OACC, 178–179.

41 (5) [i-]na 4 MA.NA QUŠKIN ša Pu-šu-ki-in (6) [a-na E]n-um-A-šur DUMU E-na-Sú-in (7) [ša-áp-k]u ½ MA.NA 8 GÍN GUŠKIN (8) [qá-sú] ša Sú-e-a DUMU Pu-šu-ki-in (9) [A-šur]-mu-ta-bi 4-il 5a-hu-šu (10) [iš]-am a-na ⅔ MA.NA 8 GÍN GUŠKIN (II) Sú-e-a a-na En-um-A-šur (13) [DUMU] E-na-Sú-in ú-lá i-tú-ar. The transliteration of the entire text can be considerably improved now, thanks to the publication of the copy in CCT 5.

42 (22) i-a-tí i-za-za-[a]m (23) KUG.KI ú né-ma-al-šu (24) a-na ˹ma-ma-an˺ (25) lá tù-˹ša-ar˺ (26) [u]m-ma E[n-n]am-A-šur (27) lá ú-ša-ar (28) ú a-ta [a]-na A-lim kia-ṣé-er (29) [š]a ki-ma ku-a-tí šu-pu-ur-ma (30) ú-za-šu-nu pé-té. The text is the unpublished Edinburgh 1923/397, which I was able to collate in 1975; I have since received an excellent hand-copy of the text from Dr. Stephanie Dalley.

43 See note 37 above; and cf. for instance such a text as ICK 1:20Google Scholar.

44 In addition to the extensive treatment in EL I refer to Landsberger in Dergi 4 (1940), 23–24Google Scholar; and OACC, 176–177.

45 This fact would only appear from the envelope of the tablet, for the obligated party does not appear in the list of witnesses written on the inner tablet itself.

46 (53) a-šu-mì a-wa-tim ša A-šùr-UTU-ši DUMU Kà-a-tim [5½ MA.NA KUG.BABBAR] (54) a-dí-šu-ma i-lá-ak-ma i-na A-lim ki 2 MA.NA GUŠKIN iš-tí [um-me-a-ni-šu] (55) i-lá-pá-ta-ni-ma ù A-šùr-UTU-ši i-tù-ra-ma 2½ MA.NA KUG[.BABBAR] (56) [ú]-ra-da-šu-um ša 2 MA.NA GUŠKIN DUB-pu-šu ih-ri-im-ma (57) a-ma-kam i-ba-ši.

47 See Lanz, H., Die neubabylonischen harrânu-Geschäftsuntemehmen, (1976), 75Google Scholar.

48 Cf. the following passage from the letter BIN 4:50Google Scholar: (21) pì-ri-kà-ni ša-a-tna-ma (22) ku-nu-ki-ku-nu a-na A-mur-Ištar ù (23) Šu-A-nim dí-na-ma lu-ub-lu-nim-ma (24) a-na-kam pí-ri-kà-nu (25) a-na KUG.BABBAR li-tù-ra-ma (26) KUG.BABBAR-pì a-na-ku lá-al-qé (27) né-ma-lam A-mur-Ištar ù (28) Šu-a-num li-il 5-qé-ú, “Buy pirikannu- textiles and give them to Amur-Ištar and Šu-Anum under your seal so they can bring them to me; here the pirikannu-textiles may then be converted to silver again, and while I shall take the silver, Amur-Ištar and Šu-Anum may take the profit.”

49 In the laws we have four instances of this term, either written syllabically or as III.TA.ÀM-a-te. Driver, and Miles, , The Assyrian Laws, (1935), 59–61Google Scholar, regard the term as denoting one-third of a fixed compensation; and Cardascia, , Les lois assyriennes (1969), 148–149Google Scholar, agrees with this with regard to two of the paragraphs, whereas he thinks of the meaning “triple” in the other two cases (cf. 277–278).

50 Cf. Dergi 4 (1940), 24–25Google Scholar.

51 The practice of making accounts and paying dividends to both investors and tractator while the contract was still in effect is known from the Neo-Babylonian long-term partnerships, cf. Lanz, op. cit., 97-102. See Veenhof, , Aspects, 430Google Scholar, for the meaning “(annual) instalment.”

52 See for instance the text published by Oppenheim, op. cit., where a certain Enna-Suen is given 1 mina of silver with which he is to “conduct trade on two journeys.”

53 For the complex procedures involving the payment of taxes and the pre-emption of up to 10 per cent of the textiles I refer to OACP, 156–161.

54 (14) 2.TA šu-uq-lá-tim (15) ku-nu-ki ša A-lim ki (16) 23 MA.NA.TA AN.NA (17) 29 TÚG.TA ku-ta-ni (18) ù 2.TA ANŠE.HI.A (19) qá-tám ni-il 5-qé (20) 2¼ TÚG ù 1 ANŠE (2l) i-li-bi 4Im-dí-DINGIR (22) ⅚ MA.NA LÁ 1½ GÍN (23) KUG.BABBAR ša-al-ša-tim (24) ni-lá-qé (25) 1⅔ MA.NA i-na me-ší-it (26) e-lá-tim! Ša-lim-A-šùr Im-dí-DINGIR (27) ù Pu-šu-ki-in i-lá-qé-ú.

55 (1) 5⅓ MA.NA 6 GÍN (a) a-na e-lá-tim (3) 2⅔ MA.NA 3½ GÍN (4) ša-al-ša-tum (some lines erased) (5) 63 TÚG wa-at-ru-tum.

56 Cf. Veenhof, , Aspects, 94Google Scholar, with reference to Orlin, , ACC, 60, n. 88Google Scholar.

57 Taxation plus pre-emption should amount to c. 15 per cent.

58 For prices I refer to OACP, 167, and Aspects 82–85.

59 Cf. such texts as ATHE 33, 24′; CCT 4:31b, 6Google Scholar; or Herring, (JCS 15 (1961), 127), 22Google Scholar. In the letter CCT 2:47b, 7Google Scholar, the verb šapākum must denote the act of investing in a naruqqum; otherwise, the verb adāmum is used with this meaning.

60 Cf. for instance KTH 18, 17, and L 29–556, 9–12.

61 (26) mu-m-a-tí-kà (27) i-ša Ša-lim-ma ma-lá (28) i-kà-ša-da-kà-ni.

62 (4) a-na KUG.BABBAR mu-nu-a-tí-ká (5) ša i-na É a-bi 4-kà (6) ni-zu-zu.

63 (10) KUG.BABBAR lu i-ša (11) Du-du lu i-ša (12) A-šùr-ma-lik (13) mu-nu-a-tí-a (14) ù mu-nu-a-tí-kà (15) a-na Du-du (16) a-na na-ru-qí-im (17) a-da-an.

64 EL 2, 103Google Scholar, n.a (pages 104–108). Add now CCT 6:47cGoogle Scholar, a letter from Šu-Hubur to Pušu-ken which deals with the same matter.

65 For the “attorneys” in the Old Assyrian legal system I refer to OACC, 184–190.

66 (3) um-ma a-ta-ma ša I-ku-nim (4) šé-li a-wi-lúm a-na šál-ša-tí-šu (5) lá kà-ší-id GUŠKIN lu a-ta (6) lu É a-bi-kà ma-lá ad-ma-tù-nu-ni (7) BI.ŠA.AM.MA DUB-pá-˹kà˺ lá-aṣ-ba-at-ma (8) ma-lá a-le-e-ú lá-al-qé. For line 7 Veenhof has suggested the reading 〈ú〉-pí-ša-am-ma, and a possible translation “calculate”.

67 (22) a-na-kam i-na mì-ma (23) I-ku-num i-šu-ú-ni (24) šál-ša-tí-šu (35) lu ni-mu-sú-ma (26) lu ni-il 5-qé.

68 (3) ta-áš-pu-ra-am um-ma (4) a-ta-ma 2 M[A.N]A.TA KUG.BABBAR (5) a-na 1 MA.NA-[im] GUŠKIN (6) um-me-a-nu I-k[u-ni]m (7) (erasure) a-na (8) GUŠKIN-šu-nu ú-šé-li-ú (9) šu-ma ta-na-ṭá-al-ma (10) i-na 2 MA.NA.TA (11) wa-at-ra-am 3 MA.NA (12) i-da-na-kum nam-gi 5-ir (13) šu-ma i-na 2 MA.NA.TA (14) wa-at-ra-am lá ih-ta-lá-kum (15) šu-up-ra-ma a-na-kam (16) ša-al-ša-tí-šu (17) le-mu-sú-ma (18) KUG.BABBAR-pí i-na A-lim ki (lá-)ar-ku-ús.

69 (28) A-šùr li-ṭù-ul (29) a-dí šé-lu-a-tám ša i-na (30) A-lim kii-ša A-mur-Ištar (31) ša a-ku-lu a-dí eš-tí-šu (32) ú-še-lu-ú a-wi-lu-tám (33) lá a-lu-ku. In CAD A/1, 315, a different translation is given: “I cannot act as a free man until I have obtained proof from him that I have not made any profit in PN's share”; the phrase in question is thus connected with the meaning “to produce a document” which was suggested in vol. E, 131. In AHw, 1211, šelū'utum is translated tentatively: “Hinauftransport (nach Anatolien)?”; it is correct that shipments which are said to “go up” are invariably sent from the plains up on to the Anatolian plateau, but in our texts the šelū'utum is paid in Assur. It cannot be entirely excluded that the word denoted funds withdrawn prematurely from a naruqqum.

70 See Aspects, 381–382.

71 Cf. above, note 46 and TC 1:73Google Scholar (EL 96) as well as the unnumbered text communicated by Landsberger, in Dergi 4 (1940), 36Google Scholar; see note 19.

72 CCT 4:10a:Google Scholar (26) i-na KUG.BABBAR a-nim (37) 4 MA.NA KUG.BABBAR KI Šu-A-nim (28) al-qé-ma DUB-pá-am (29) ha-ar-ma-am ša ku-nu-ki-a (30) šu-ut il 5-qé ša a-na (31) 1 MA.NA GUŠKIN (32) ša i-na na-ru-uq A-šùr-e-mu-qí (33) lá-áp-tù (34) ša-bu-a-ni-ma (35) lá ni-tù-ru-šu-ni.

73 (31) dA-šùr ù ì-lí (32) um-me-a-ni-a li-ṭù-la (33) um-me-a-kà ša KUG.BABBAR i-dí-na-ku-ni (34) ki-ma i-a-tí a-na-ru-qí-kà (35) ù 1 GÍN KUG.BABBAR-kà la mar-ṭú-ú (36) [ù l]u-mu-un (37) [li-bi-i]m i-a-tí ta-ša-pá-ra-am.

74 Cf. above, note 31.

75 Cf. for both OACP, 69. For Kulumaja see also Veenhof, , Aspects, 114–117Google Scholar; Dan-Aššur was the son of Pušu-ken's boss in Assur, Šalim-ahum, as noted by Lewy, J., HUCA 32 (1961), 63, n. 188Google Scholar.

76 See the texts CCT 5:3b, 4:31bGoogle Scholar, and KTH 7 for the investments, and TC 3:370, 18Google Scholar, for Puzur-Aššur's relations with Pušu-ken's family.

77 (18) qá-tí-ma (19) a-hi-kà ù a-ta ší-a-ma-tim (20) ší-ta-kà-na-ma li-bi 4 (21) um-me-a-ni-kà ṭá-ib.

78 Cf. Veenhof, , Aspects, 386–388Google Scholar.

79 BIN 4:3a:Google Scholar (28) šu-ma (29) li-bi 4-ku-nu ma-lá ni-is-ha-tum (30) É um-me-a-ni-a i-na-sá-ha-ni (31) mì-il 5-kà-ma ša 3 ša-na-at (32) ma-áš-ká-tí i-lu-ku-ma (33) KUG.BABBAR lá i-ṣa-bu-tù (34) ta-ah-sí-is-tim (35) hi-ir-ma-ma (36) a-wo-at-ku[-nu] da-mì-iq-tám iš-tí (37) ṣú-ha-ri-a lá-pí-ta-nim-ma KUG.BABBAR I GÍN (38) bu-lá-tí-a a-na ha-ar-pé lu-pá-he-er-ma (39) [lu-šé-bi-lá-ku-nu-tí].

In the word maškattum, “deposit”, we have another technical term which has not yet been adequately explained; in our text it must refer to the money sent from Anatolia to the bosses in Assur who are supposed to buy goods with it, i.e. what is elsewhere referred to as ši'amātum. The translation of these Unes suggested by Garelli, in AC, 234Google Scholar (“Mon séjour (sera) de trois ans.”) is unlikely to be correct.

80 See OACP, 142–143 with references to earlier discussions.

81 See for some examples Aspects, 398–399.

82 (8) kà-lá (9) ha-ra-nim a-lu-a-am-šu-ma (10) um-ma a-na-ku-ma KUG.BABBAR a-na (11) É a-bi-ni šé-ri-ib-ma (12) ni-is-ha-tim lu ni-dí-in.

83 Cf. the important conclusions in Veenhof, , Aspects, 397–400Google Scholar.

84 See Eilers, W., Gesellschaftsformen im altbabylonischen Recht, (1931)Google Scholar.

85 Cf. Oppenheim, A. L., JAOS 74 (1954), 6–17Google Scholar; and Leemans, W. G., Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period (1960), chapter 2Google Scholar.

86 Lanz, op. cit., 97.

87 For some examples of investors confiscating houses, liquid capital, etc. from unlucky or perhaps fraudulent traders, I refer to such texts as BIN 6:195, 4:95Google Scholar, CCT 2:28, 3:17Google Scholar, or TC 3:62Google Scholar. A curious example is TC 3:76Google Scholar (cf. OACC, 320 ), in which we are told that a dying man handed over 30 minas of silver to a relative, telling him to give this money to his children without informing the investors.