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The Sufi Lords of Bahrabad: Sa‘d al-Din and Sadr al-Din Hamuwayi

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2022

Jamal J. Elias
Jamal J. Elias*
Affiliation:
Department of Religion, Amherst College
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Extract

The Seljuk and Khwarazmid periods witnessed a growing relationship between Sufism and the state in the central Islamic lands. This link grew even stronger during the Ilkhanid Mongol period when there was an immense rise in the influence of Sufi masters in court circles, so much so that, in many ways, some Sufi figures became the primary religious authorities in Ilkhanid Iran. At the same time, there also appears to have been a blurring of the philosophical line separating Sufism from Shi'ism.

The family of wealthy Sufi masters from Bahrabad in Khurasan has attracted the attention of modern scholars on account of their involvement with the highest levels of the Ilkhanid state machinery and their association with the Kubrawi order and its influential figures, such as Najm al-Din Kubra, Sayf al-Din Bakharzi, and ‘Ala’ al-Dawla Simnani.

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Articles
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Iranian Studies , Volume 27 , Issue 1-4: Religion and Society in Islamic Iran during the Pre-Modern Era , 1994 , pp. 53 - 75
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Copyright © Association For Iranian Studies, Inc 1994

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References

1. al-Zahabi, Shams al-Din, Taẕkirat al-ḥuffāẓ (Hyderabad: Da'irat al-ma'arif, 1915), 4:288Google Scholar; al-Rahman Jami, Nur al-Din ‘Abd, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, ed. Tawhidipur, Mahdi (Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi Sa'di, 1958), 428 ff.Google Scholar; Razi, Amin Ahmad, Haft iqlīm, ed. Fadil, Javad (Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi ‘Ali Akbar ‘Ilmi, n.d.), 2:302–3Google Scholar; Abu Sa'd ‘Abd al-Karim al-Sam'ani, Kitāb al-ansāb, ed. ‘Abd Allah ‘Umar al-Barudi (Beirut: Dar aljanan, 1988), 2:268.

2. Allah, Rashid al-Din Fadl, Jāmi’ al-tawārīkh, ed. Karimi, Bahman (Tehran: Intisharat-i Iqbal, 1988), 2:903Google Scholar; al-Qazvini, Hamd Allah Mustawfi, Tārīkh-i guzīda, ed. Nava'i, ‘Abd al-Husayn (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1983), 670Google Scholar; al-Isnavi, ‘Abd al-Rahim, Ṭabaqāt al-Shāfi'iyya, ed. al-Hut, Kamal Yusuf (Beirut: Dar al-kutub al-'ilmiyya, 1987), 1:217Google Scholar, note 412; Shushtari, Nur Allah, Majālis al-mu'minīn (Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi Islamiyya, 1986), 2:75Google Scholar; Razi, Amin Ahmad, Haft iqlīm, 303Google Scholar; Khalifa, Hajji, Kashf al-ẓunūn (Istanbul: Milli Eğitim Basimevi, 1971), supplement 2:182Google Scholar; al-Baghdadi, Isma'il Pasha, Hadiyyat al-'ārifīn (Istanbul: Milli Eğitim Basimevi, 1951), 2:124Google Scholar; Shah, Ma'sum ‘Ali (Shirazi, M. Ma'sum), Ṭarā'iq al-ḥaqā'iq, ed. Mahjub, M. Ja'far (Tehran: Kitabkhana-yi Barani, n.d.), 1:519Google Scholar; M. Baqir al-Musawi al-Khwansari al-Isbahani, Rawḍāt al-jannāt (Tehran: Maktaba-yi Isma'iliyan, 1970), 1:176Google Scholar.

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4. Köprülü, M. Fuad, İslam Ansiklopedisi 10:26a-27aGoogle Scholar.

5. Hamid Algar, trans., The Path of God's Bondsmen from Origin to Return: A Sufi Compendium by Najm al-Dīn Rāzī, Persian Heritage Series no. 35, ed. Ehsan Yarshater (Delmar, New York: Caravan Books, 1982), 3; al-Isfara'ini, Nur al-Din, he révélateur des mystères, trans. Landolt, Hermann (Lagrasse: Verdier, 1986), 31Google Scholar and elsewhere.

6. Isnavi, Ṭabaqāt al-Shāfi'iyya 1:217, note 412Google Scholar.

7. Trimingham, John Spencer, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), 261Google Scholar, note 3. Juwayn is located half way from Sabzivar heading north towards Isfarayin. Bahrabad is mentioned in passing in a number of works including the Mujmal-i Faṣīḥī of Fasih Ahmad b. Jalal al-Din Muhammad Khwafi, ed. Mahmud Farrukh, 4 vols. (Mashhad: Kitabfurushi-yi bastan, 1960), and the Taẕkirat al-shu'arā’ of Dawlatshah (E. G. Browne, trans., The Tadhkiratu'Sh-Shu'arā of Dawlatsháh bin ‘Alá'u'd-Dawla Bakhtīshāh al-Ghází of Samarqand, Persian Historical Texts, vol. 1 [London: Luzac and Co., 1901]). According to Hamd Allah Mustawfi, it was situated fifteen parsakhs, from Jajarm and twenty-three parsakhs from Nishapur (Nuzhat alqulub, ed. Guy Le Strange [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1915; rpt. Tehran: Dunya-yi kitab, n.d.], 174). This Juwayn is not to be confused with another place by the same name (sometimes called Lash-i Juwayn) located between Zaranj and Farah in present-day Afghanistan.

8. Zahabi, Taẕkirat al-ḥuffāẓ 1:288Google Scholar.

9. Al-Sam'ani, Kitab al-ansāb 2:268Google Scholar; al-Jazari, Ibn al-Athir, al-Lubáb fī tahẕīb alansāb (Beirut: Dar sadir, 1980), 1:392Google Scholar. Both al-Sam'ani and Ibn al-Athir consider it an ancestral name rather than one of origin. Cf. al-Yafi'i, who claims that Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad b. Hamuwayh al-Juwayni was known as al-Isfahani during his own lifetime (Mir'āt al-janān wa ‘ibrat al-yaqḍān [Beirut: Mu'assasat al-a'lami li'lmatbu'at, 1970], 3:258).

10. The manuscript is in a private collection, and has been discussed in detail by Nafisi, Sa'id in “Khāndān-i Sa'd al-Dīn-i Hamawī,” Kunjkāvīhā-yi ‘ilmī va adabī (Intisharat-i danishgah-i Tihran) 83 (1950): 6–39Google Scholar.

11. Ibid., 8. Cf. Nafisi's claim that there were actually two figures named Hamuwayh, the first being Hamuwayh b. ‘Uthman, and the second Hamuwayh b. Muhammad b. Hamuwayh.

12. Meier, Fritz, Abū Sa'īd-i Abū'l-Ḫayr, Acta Iranica 3rd series, no. 11 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976), 322–3Google Scholar, note 22.

13. Ibid.; Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 9. The possibility that Hamuwayh or Hamuya is a place name cannot be ruled out completely. This would allow for the development of a nisba from Hamuya'i on the pattern Shabankara'i or Mayhana'i. The latter is a possible place name from which Hamuya could emerge as an alteration. Note also the existence of a place called Ḥmwyy near Nishapur (Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 9Google Scholar).

14. MS 2800, Şehit Ali Paşa, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, folios 29b-30a. A copy of the same treatise found in MS 2058 Ayasofya, Süileymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, folio 216 is mentioned by Meier (Fawā'ih, Introduction, 42).

15. MS 2023, Bağdatli Vehbi Efendi, Siileymaniye Kutuphanesi, Istanbul, folio 82a. The letter is in a collection dated 951/1544.

16. MS 2785, Fatih, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, dated Jumada II 701/February 1302 (although the manuscript may have been recopied in Zu'1-Hijja 799/August 1397).

17. MS A1418, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Kütüphanesi, Istanbul. See the section on Sa'd al-Din's works for a more detailed description.

18. Probably only the signature, not the text of the certificate, is in Sadr al-Din's hand. The date beside the signature is very difficult to decipher, but is most likely 716/1316. This would place the certificate as having been signed when Sadr al-Din was seventy-two years old, which would explain the very shaky hand. Folio lb also states that Sadr al-Din authenticated the copy. There is a note in Turkish beside the signature stating that it is in Sadr al-Din's handwriting. Cf. MS Şehit Ali 1342, Siileymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, folios 145a-152b, which is allegedly also an autograph of Sa'd al-Din, in which his name is written unclearly and without diacritical marks as Sa'd al-Ḥmwyy (folio 152b).

19. The first date is from Khwafi, Mujmal-i faṣīḥī 2:268–9Google Scholar, the second from Sa'd al-Din's family mashyakha (Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 15). Cf. Köprülü, İslam Ansiklopedisi, who gives Sa'd al-Din's date of birth as 587/1191 or 595/1198–99.

20. Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 428; Hidayat, Rida Quli Khan, Taẕkira-yi riyāḍ al-'ārifīn, ed. Muhazzab, Sayyid Ahmad (Tehran: Kitabkhana-yi mahdiyya, 1937), 134Google Scholar.

21. ‘Ali Shah, Ma'sum, Ṭarā'iq al-ḥaqā'iq 2:341Google Scholar.

22. Ibid.; Khwansari, Rawḍāt al-jannāt 1:297Google Scholar; Yafi'i, Mir'āt 4:41–2Google Scholar.’

23. MS 2800, Şehit Ali, folio 30b.

24. Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 428Google Scholar; Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 15Google Scholar.

25. al-Zahabi, Shams al-Din, Siyar a'lām al-nubalā', 35 vols. (Beirut: Mu'assasat alrisala, 1985), 22:79–80Google Scholar (entry no. 57). Sadr al-Din Abu'l-Hasan Muhammad left Damascus for Cairo where he became the main teacher (walī al-mashyakha) at the Khanqah Sa'id al-Su'ada’ founded by Salah al-Din Ayyubi in 569/1173–74 (Ibn ‘Arabi, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyya, ed. ‘Uthman Yahya [Cairo: al-Hay'a al-misriyya al-‘amma li'1-kitab, 1975–87], 3:186). The title he assumed in Cairo is referred to as mashyakhat al-shuyūkh in Ahmad al-Maqqari al-Tilimsani, Nafḥ al-ṭīb min ghuṣn al-Andalus al-raṭīb,, ed. M. M. ‘Abd al-Hamid (Beirut: Dar al-kitab al-'Arabi, 1967), 4:99. Sometime after 600/1203–04 this office passed to his brother, Taj al-Din Abu Muhammad b. Hamuwayh al-Sarakhsi (d. 5 Safar 642/13 July 1244) (Tilimsani, Nafḥ al-ṭīb 4:99Google Scholar).

According to Ibn Abi Usaybi'a al-Khazraji ('Uyūn al-anbā’ fī ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbā', ed. Nizar Rida [Beirut: Dar maktabat al-hiyat, 1965], 740), his uncle had received a khirqa from Sadr al-Din Muhammad b. Hamuwayh in Damascus on 20 Ramadan 615/10 December 1218. Sadr al-Din had received this khirqa from his father who had it from his grandfather Mu'in al-Din Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad b. Hamuwayh (d. 530/1135). Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad also had a second khirqa from Abu ‘Ali al-Faramazi al-Tusi. The khirqa of Khidr was passed down from Sadr al-Din b. Hamuwayh to Ibn ‘Arabi through Taqi al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman b. ‘Ali b. Maymun b. Abb al-Tawzari, who received it in Egypt from Sadr al-Din (‘Arabi, Ibn, Futūḥāt 3:185–6Google Scholar).

26. Zahabi, Siyar 22:80Google Scholar. His mashyakha lists Sadr al-Din Abu'l-Hasan as one of his shaykhs, along with Kubra and Shihab al-Din Abu Hafs ‘Umar al-Suhrawardi (d. 632/1234) (Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 22). Cf. untitled treatise, MS 3931 Serez, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, where Sa'd al-Din mentions Ibn ‘Arabi, Kubra and Suhrawardi as the most important Sufi figures of his age (33b–43b).

27. He allegedly spent a total of twenty-five years in Syria, Khwarazm and Iraq, suggesting that he had a longer association with his uncle, and had probably joined him in Mosul or else had accompanied him when he moved there from Damascus (Haqiqat, 'Abd al-Rafi’, Tārīkh-i ‘irfān va ‘ārifān-i Īrānī [Tehran: Intisharat-i Kumish, 1991], 493Google Scholar).

28. MS 2800 Şehit Ali, 29b.

29. Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 429Google Scholar; Razi, Amin Ahmad, Haft iqlīm 2:303Google Scholar; Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 15–16Google Scholar.

30. Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 17Google Scholar.

31. Sijistani, Iqbalshah b. Sabiq-i, Chihil majlis, ed. Hirawi, Najib Mayil-i (Tehran: Intisharat-i adib, 1987), 256–7Google Scholar; Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 437Google Scholar.

32. Tabrizi, Husayn Ibn al-Karbala'i, Rawḍāt al-janān wa janāt al-janān, ed. al-Qurra'i, Ja'far Sultan, Farsi, Majmu'a-yi matun-i, no. 20, ed. Yar-shater, E. (Tehran: Bungah-i tarjuma va nashr-i kitab, 1965), 2:418Google Scholar. For more information on Najm al-Din Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Mawdud Tahiri Tabrizi and the futuwwa tradition, see Taeschner, F., Zünfte und Brüderschaften im Islam (Zurich: Artemis, 1979)Google Scholar; Morteza Sarraf, Traites de compagnons-chevaliers: Recueil de sept “Fotowwat-Nâmeh”, with an Introduction by Henry Corbin, Bibliothèque iranienne, no. 20 (Teheran: L’nstitut franco-iranien de recherche, 1973); Neşet Çağatay, “Fütüvve-ahi müessesesinin menşei meselesi,” Īlâhîyât Fakültesi Dergisi 1, no. 1 (1952): 59–68; nos. 2–3 (1952): 61–84. An edition of Zarkub Tabrizi's Futuwwat-nāma is found in Sarraf, Traites, 167–218Google Scholar.

33. al-Karbala'i, Ibn, Rawḍāt al-janān 1:107Google Scholar.

34. MS A1418 Topkapi, folios 288a-295a, 295a; Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 430Google Scholar. Jami's date is copied in Haqiqat, Tārīkh-i ‘irfān, 494; Meier, Fritz, “Die Schriften des ‘Aziz-i Nasafi,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 52 (1953): 138Google Scholar; Gramlich, Schiitischen Derwischorden, 11Google Scholar, note 8. Cf. al-Qazvini, Mustawfi, Tārīkh-i guzīda, 671Google Scholar, where the date is 10 Zu'1-Hijja 658/16 November 1260.

35. Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 429Google Scholar; Lahuri, Ghulam Sarwar, Khazīnat al-aṣfiyā', trans, (into Urdu) Faruqi, Pirzada I. A. (Lahore: Maktaba-yi nabawiyya, 1983), 240–41Google Scholar, which is taken directly from Jami.

36. Ibid.; Hidayat, Riyāḍ al-'ārifīn, 134Google Scholar. There are also stories of him foretelling the future (al-Karbala'i, Ibn, Rawḍāt al-janān 2:449–500Google Scholar).

37. A short bibliography of his works appears in the margin of MS 726 Yeni Camii, Siileymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, folio la.

38. There is a commentary on the rubā'iyāt of Sa'd al-Din Hamuwayi by Shah Da'i Ila'llah (d. 867/1462–63 or 869/1464–65) (Shah, Ma'sum ‘AH, Ṭarā'iq al-ḥaqā'iq 3:51Google Scholar). In the introduction to his Mathnawī-yi khusraw va gul ([Lucknow: 1879], 45), Farid al-Din ‘Attar (d. 627/1230) has written in praise of a certain Sufi named Sa'd al-Din. This has been seen as a reference to Sa'd al-Din Hamuwayi, which would imply that he had already earned great fame in Khurasan (Nafīsi, “Khāndān,” 18).

39. References marked with an asterisk are taken from the proof sheets and card catalogs at the Süleymaniye Library, Istanbul.

40. Mentioned in Pasha, Isma'il, Hadiyyat al-'ārifīn 2:124Google Scholar; Brockelmann, Carl, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, 2 vols. 2nd ed. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1943–49)Google Scholar, supplement 3 vols. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1937–1942), supplement 1:803.

41. Mentioned in Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 23Google Scholar.

42. Mentioned in MS 726, Yeni Camii, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, la.

43. The card catalog erroneously states that this manuscript is missing from the collection.

44. Mentioned in Pasha, Ism'il, Hadiyyat al-'ārifin 2:124Google Scholar.

45. Mentioned in MS 726, Yeni Camii, la.

46. Mevlânâ Müzesi Yazmalar Kataloğu, vol. 1, ed. A. Gölpinarli (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1967), 216–19.

47. Brockelmann, Geschichte supplement 1:803.

48. Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 429Google Scholar; Shushtari, Majālis 2:76Google Scholar; Razi, Amin Ahmad, Haft iqlīm 2:303Google Scholar.

49. Hidayat, Riyāḍ al-'ārifin, 134Google Scholar; Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 23Google Scholar.

50. Haqiqat, Tārīkh-i ‘irfān, 493Google Scholar.

51. Ibid.; also mentioned in Pasha, Isma'il, Hadiyyat al-'ārifin 2:124Google Scholar.

52. Cf. Topkapi Sarayi Müzesi Kütüphanesi Arapça Yazmalar Kataloğu, vol. 3, ed. Fehmi Edhem Karatay (Istanbul: Topkapi Sarayi Müzesi, 1966), 145, which erroneously states that the manuscript was copied by Muhammad b. al-Hajj b. Muhammad in Jumada II, 716/August-September 1316.

53. Mentioned in Brockelmann, Geschichte supplement 1:803Google Scholar.

54. Ibid.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid.

57. Ibid.

58. Ibid.

59. Mentioned in MS 726, Yeni Camii, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, la; Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 429Google Scholar; Shushtari, Majālis 2:76Google Scholar; Razi, Amin Ahmad, Haft iqlīm 2:303Google Scholar; Hidayat, Riyāḍ al-'ārifīn, 134Google Scholar (as Sajanjal al-arwāḥ); Haqiqat, Tārīkh-i ‘irfān, 493Google Scholar; Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 23Google Scholar.

60. Mentioned in Pasha, Isma'il, Hadiyyat al-'ārifīn 2:124Google Scholar; Brockelmann, Geschichte supplement 1:803Google Scholar.

61. Ibid.

62. Ibid.

63. Mevlânâ Müzesi Yazmalar Kataloğu, vol. 3, ed. A. Gölpinarli (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1972), 276–81.

64. Copies in MS 3653/18, Izmirli Ismail Hakki and MS 85/18, Id Mehmed Efendi, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul. Mentioned in Brockelmann, Geschichte supplement 1:803; Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 23.

65. Katalog Arapskih, Turskih i Perzijskih Rukopisa, Gazi Husrev-Begova Biblioteka u Sarajevo, vol. 1, ed. Kasim Dobraca (Sarajevo, 1963), 69.

66. MS 726, Yeni Camii.

67. The catalog erroneously states that the manuscript is missing from the collection.

68. Meier, Fawā'iḥ, 246Google Scholar.

69. Pasha, Isma'il, Hadiyyat al-'ārifīn 2:124Google Scholar.

70. Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 23Google Scholar; Haqiqat, Tārīkh-i ‘irfān, 493Google Scholar.

71. Pasha, Isma'il, Hadiyyat al-'ārifīn 2:124Google Scholar.

72. Ibid.; Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 23Google Scholar; Haqiqat, Tārīkh-i ‘irfān, 493Google Scholar.

73. Khwafi, Mujmal-i Faṣīḥī 2:315Google Scholar.

74. Cf. the genealogy of Sadr al-Din Abu'l-Hasan in Trimingham (Sufi Orders, 262), according to which he is the great grand-uncle of Sadr al-Din Ibrahim.

75. al-'Asqalani, Ibn Hajar, al-Durar al-kamīna, ed. al-Haqq, M. Sayyid Jadd, 5 vols. (Cairo: Dar al-kutub al-haditha, 1966), 1:69Google Scholar; Shirazi, ‘Isa b. Junayd, Taẕkira-yi hazār mazār, ed. Wisal, Nurani (Shiraz: Kitabkhana-yi Ahmadi, 1985), 361Google Scholar, note 111.

76. Allah, Rashid al-Din Fadl, Jāmi’ al-tawārīkh 2:903Google Scholar.

77. al-'Asqalani, al-Durar al-kamīna 1:69Google Scholar; Shirazi, ‘Isa b. Junayd, Taẕkira-yi hazār mazār, 361Google Scholar, note 111. Ibn al-Karbala'i claims that he belonged to Kubra's school (Rawḍāt al-janān 2:327). For further information on Ibrahim, Sadr al-Din, see Khwafi, Mujmal-i Faṣīḥī, vols. 2 and 3; Muhsin al-Amin, A'yān al-shī'a (Beirut: Matba'at alinsaf, 3rd ed., 1961), 5:379–82Google Scholar; Dihkhuda, Lughatnāma, s.v. “Sadr al-Din.”

78. Charles Melville, “Pādshāh-i Islām: The Conversion of Sultan Maḥmūd Ghāzān Khān,” in idem, ed., Pembroke Papers, vol. 1: Persian and Islamic Studies in Honour of P. W. Avery (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Center of Middle Eastern Studies, 1990), 161.

79. Ibid., 162–3; Lar-i Rayy in Ibn al-Karbala'i, Rawḍāt al-janān 1:528; Lar-i Damavand in Muhsin al-Amin, A'yān al-shī'a 5:380; Larman in al-Jazari's version of Sadr al-Din's account. Melville posits that it is Larin, situated approximately 20 km northeast of Damavand, Mount (“Pādshāh-i Islām,” 167–8)Google Scholar. Cf. Dawlatshah, who wrongly states that Sadr al-Din was brought from Bahrabad to Azarbaijan for the ceremony (Taẕkirat al-shu ‘arā', 214).

80. Melville, “Pādshāh-i Islām,” 163Google Scholar; al-Amin, Muhsin, A'yān al-shī'a 5:380Google Scholar. The laudatory tone of the Persian historians is belied by the fact that Ghazan had learned very little about Islam prior to his conversion. The description of the events as attributed to Sadr al-Din would suggest that Ghazan was not even fully familiar with the shahāda.

81. According to most sources, approximately 80,000 Mongols became Muslims following Ghazan's example (for descriptions of the event see Allah, Rashid al-Din Fadl, Tārīkh-i mubārak-i Ghāzāni, ed. Jahn, K. [London: 1940], 76–80Google Scholar; idem, Jāmi’ al-tawārīkh, 2:900 ff.; al-Karbala'i, Ibn, Rawḍāt al-janān 1:528Google Scholar; Ma'sum Shah, ‘AH, Tarā'iq al-ḥaqā'iq 2:660Google Scholar); cf. ‘Isa b. Junayd Shirazi, who puts the figure at around 100,000 (Taẕkira-yi hazār mazār, 361, note 111).

82. Allah, Rashid al-Din Fadl, Jāmi’ al-tawārīkh 2:903Google Scholar; Melville, “Pādshāh-i Islām,” 163, 168Google Scholar.

83. He met with Baydu Khan during his stay in Baghdad (Melville, “Pādshāh-i Islām,” 163–4Google Scholar). Baydu and Ghazan had confronted each other's forces on the battlefield at Qurban Shira, near Safid Rud, in early Rajab/late May of that year.

84. The death date is recorded by Khwafi, Mujmal-i Faṣīḥī 3:34Google Scholar.

85. Khwansari, Rawḍāt al-jannāt 1:176Google Scholar. Sadr al-Din's son, Sa'd al-Din Yusuf, was also a teacher, among whose disciples was the author of the Nigāristān, Mu'in Juwayni (Meier, Fawā'iḥ, 42Google Scholar).

86. Isnavi, Ṭabaqāt al-Shāfi'iyya 1:217Google Scholar, no. 412.

87. Al-'Asqalani, al-Durar al-kamīna 1:68Google Scholar, no. 181. There is no hint of disapproval in Zahabi's Taẕkirat al-ḥuffāẕ, where he claims to have studied with Sadr al-Din (4:288).

88. al-Karbala'i, Ibn, Rawḍāt al-janān 1:515Google Scholar.

89. Khwansari, Rawḍāt al-jannāt 1:176Google Scholar, gives the date of its completion as 710/1310; cf. Hajji Khalifa, Kashf al-ẓunūn, supplement, 2:182, according to which it was not completed until 716/1316.

90. One, alleged to have been his cousin, is Nizam al-Din Muhammad b. Qutb al-Din ‘Ali b. Mu'in al-Din Muhammad al-Hamuwayi; the other is named al-Qadi Nasir al-Din Muhammad b. Muhammad b. ‘Ali al-Hamuwayi. The two female transmitters are Zaynab bt. al-Qadi ‘Imad al-Din Abi Salih b. ‘Abd al-Razzaq b. ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jili al-Baghdadi, and Zaynab bt. Abi'l-Qasim ‘Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hasan b. Sahl b. ‘Abdus al-Naysaburi al-Sha'ri (Khwansari, Rawḍāt al-jannāt 1:177Google Scholar).

91. Ibn Aybak al-Safadi, Kitāb al-wāfī bi'l-wafayāt: Das Biographische Lexikon des Ṣalāḥaddīn Ḫalīl ibn Aibak al-Ṣafadi, vol. 7, ed. Ihsan ‘Abbas, Bibliotheca Islamica (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1969), 356. The printed version reads: “akhaẕa ‘anhu shaykhunā Ṣadr al-Dīn (Ibrāhīm) ibn Ḥamuwayh wa Nūr al-Dīn wa ṭā'ifa, wa rawā ‘anhu Sirāj al-Dīn al-Qazwīnī al-muḥaddith wa Imām al-Dīn ‘Alī ibn al-Mubārak al-Bakrī ṣāḥibunā.” Siraj al-Din al-Qazvini and Imam al-Din ‘Ali are the names of individuals known to have been Simnani's students. In light of this fact, the succession of akhaẕa ‘an, followed by the names of his teachers, by rawā ‘anhu, followed by the names of his students, would seem logical. The scribal error is perpetuated by al-‘Asqalani (al-Durar al-kamīna 1:266), who contracts Safadi's entry on Simnani, dropping the name of Nur al-Din and the rawā ‘anhu: “'anhu Ṣadr al-Dīn ibn Ḥamuwayh wa Sirāj al-Dīn al-Qazwīnī wa Imām al-Dīn ‘Alī ibn Mubārak al-Bakrī.”

92. For more information on Simnani, see Elias, J. J., The Throne Carrier of God (Albany: State University of New York Press, forthcoming in 1995)Google Scholar.

93. Zahabi's criticism of the haphazard manner in which Sadr al-Din collected ḥadīth could be a veiled criticism of Shi'i ḥadīth scholarship, or else is based in ignorance as to Sadr al-Din's true methodology and purpose.

94. Meier, “Die Schriften des Nasafi,” 138; Nafisi, “Khāndān,” 20. Cf. Trimingham, who states: “One of the earliest surviving chains which shows the double gnostic procession from ‘Ali (both hereditary and initiatory) is the of Sadr al-Din Hamuya, belonging to a family of Persian origin, whose most famous Sufi member was the Shi'i, Sa'd al-Din ibn Hamuya” (Sufi Orders, 99).

95. Molé, Marijan, “Un traité de ‘Ala’ al-Dawla Simnani sur ‘Ali b. Abi Talib,” Bulletin d'études orientales 16 (1958–60): 61–99Google Scholar. An offprint of this edition has been published (without reference to Molé) as Manāẓir al-maḥāḍir li'l-munāḍir al-ḥāẓir (Port Said: Maktabat al-thiqafa al-diniyya, n.d.).

96. For more on the relationship of Shi'ism and Sufism in Iran, see Molé, M., “Les Kubrawiya entre sunnisme et shiisme aux huitieme et neuvième siècles de l'Hégire,” Revue des études islamiques 29 (1961): 61–142Google Scholar; Schimmel, Annemarie, “The Ornament of Saints: The Religious Situation in Pre-Safavid Times,” Iranian Studies 1 (1974): 88–111CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Molé argues that there is a clear progression among the Kubrawis from the pro-'Ali sympathies of Kubra, to the transposition of Shi'ite beliefs on a Sunni base in Simnani, to the combination of Sunni sharī'a with Shi'ite mysticism in Hamadani, to the eventual open Shi'ism of Nurbakhsh (d. 869/1464) (“Les Kubrawiya,” 137).

97. MS 2058, Ayasofya, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, folio 206a, mentioned by Molé in “Les Kubrawiya,” 75.

98. Nasafi's treatment of this passage is found in his Risāla-yi taḥqīq-i nubuwwat va wilāyat and in Maqṣad-i aqṣā (Meier, “Die Schriften des Nasafi,” 137Google Scholar ff.; Shushtari, Majālis, 76–7Google Scholar).

99. ‘Ala’ al-Dawla al-Simnani, al-Wārid al-shārid al-ṭārid bi-shubhat al-mārid, MS A1588 (catalog no. 5226), Topkapi Sarayi Müzesi Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, 31b-32a. Simnani allegedly defended Sa'd al-Din's theories regarding the relationship of wilāya to nubuwwa and, in what appears to be an oblique criticism of Nasafi, claimed that Sa'd al-Din had been misinterpreted in certain quarters (Sijistani, Chihil majlis, 172Google Scholar).

100. Nwyia, Paul, editor, “Muqaddima tafsīr al-Qur'ān li ‘Alā’ al-Dawla al-Simnānī,” al-Abḥāth 26 (1973–77): 150Google Scholar. “Muhammad said to ‘Ali: ‘O ‘Ali! Allah said to me: “Oh Muhammad! I have sent ‘Ali with the prophets at the esoteric level and with you at the exoteric.'” And the meaning of this is explained in his saying to ‘Ali: ‘You are to me in the status of Aaron to Moses, except there is no prophet after me.'” (Bukhari, Tirmizi, Ibn Maja, Ibn Hanbal).

101. Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 425Google Scholar.

102. Danishpazhuh, M. T., “Khirqa-yi hazār mīkhī,” in Landolt, H. and Mohaghegh, M., eds., Collected Papers on Islamic Philosophy and Mysticism. (Tehran: La branche de Téhéran de l'institut des études islamiques de I'Université McGill, 1971), 170Google Scholar; Landolt H., ed., Correspondence spirituelle échangée entre Nuroddin Esfarayeni et son disciple ‘Alaoddawleh Semnani, Le departement d'iranologie de I'institut franco-iranien de recherche, no. 21, ed. H. Corbin (Tehran: L'institut franco-iranien de recherche, 1972), 89, note 42.

103. Untitled, MS 3931, Serez, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, 33b-43b.

104. Sijistani, Chihil majlis, 259Google Scholar; Waley, Muhammad Isa, “Najm al-Din Kubra and the Central Asian School of Sufism (The Kubrawiyyah),” in Hossein Nasr, Seyyed, ed., Islamic Spirituality: Manifestations, World of Spirituality, vol. 20 (New York: Cross Roads, 1991), 97Google Scholar.

105. MS 726, Yeni Camii, la. Ibn ‘Arabi's treatise deals with the seal of awliyā’ whom it clearly identifies with Jesus. There is little doubt, therefore, that the Kashf ‘anqā’ al-mughrib is one and the same as the Risāla fī ẓuhūr khatm al-awliyā'. For information on Ibn ‘Arabi's Kitāb ‘anqā’ mughrib and commentaries on it, see Yahia, O., Histoire et classification de I'oeuvre d'Ibn ‘Arabi (Damascus: Institut français de Damas, 1964), 1:157Google Scholar.

106. al-Karbala'i, Ibn, Rawḍāt al-jandn 1:195Google Scholar. Meier's assertion that Sa'd al-Din's ḥurūfī interests were inherited from Kubra's mysticism rests on the fact that one line in an untitled treatise by Sa'd al-Din is taken directly from Kubra's Fawā'iḥ al-jamāl wa fawātiḥ al-jalāl (Meier, Fawā'iḥ, 246). A fragment of what is probably Sa'd al-Din's personal copy, written in his own hand, of an Ibn ‘Arabi treatise on letter symbolism and numerology ('Urn al-ḥurūf) survives to this day (MS 1342, Şehit Ali Paşa, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Istanbul, 145a-52b).

107. Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 429Google Scholar; Razi, Amin Ahmad, Haft iqlīm 2:303Google Scholar.

108. For more information on the relationship between Sufi authorities and the state in the Seljuk and Ilkhanid periods, see Lambton, Anne K. S., Continuity and Change in Medieval Persia: Aspects of Administrative, Economic and Social History, 11th-14th Century, Columbia Lectures on Iranian Studies, no. 2, ed. Yarshater, Ehsan (Albany: Bibliotheca Persica, 1988), 321 ffGoogle Scholar.

109. Zahabi notes (with some approval) that their uncle, Taj al-Din Abu Muhammad b. Abi'l-Fath ‘Umar (d. 5 Safar 642/13 July 1244) did not associate with them because they were amīrs (Siyar 23:96–102, entries 72–76).

110. Danishpazhuh, “Khirqa,” 170Google Scholar.

111. Sijistani, Chihil majlis, 256–7Google Scholar; Jami, Nafaḥāt al-'uns, 437–8Google Scholar.