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Rudeness and Revilement: Russian–Iranian Relations in the Mid-Seventeenth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2022

Rudi Matthee*
Affiliation:
University of Delaware, USA

Abstract

This article examines the nature of Iranian–Russian diplomatic relations in the half century after the death of Shah ᶜAbbas I in 1629, probing the conflicts and mutual interests that prompted the two states to exchange envoys in this period of diminishing high-level contact. In particular, it seeks to reconstruct the Russian mission that visited the court of Shah ᶜAbbas II in 1664. By all accounts, this mission was treated in a most humiliating way in Isfahan, seemingly in accordance with what outsiders describe the contempt the Iranians felt for Russians. A careful examination of the available sources shows that the poor treatment of its members was due as much to concrete geopolitical concerns and anxieties as to the sense of civilizational superiority the Iranians may have felt vis-à-vis Russians.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The International Society for Iranian Studies 2013

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References

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36 The issue of fortress building and suspicions about Russian intentions would continue to be a sensitive point for the Iranians for centuries to come. It emerged as a major issue with the Artemii Volynskii mission that Peter the Great sent to Isfahan in 1717; it bedeviled Russo-Iranian relations under Nader Shah; and it would extend all the way into the early nineteenth century, when Russian expansionism resulted in the definitive conquest of the northern Caucasus.

37 Wolfgang Sartor, “Die Wolga als internationaler Handelsweg für persische Rohseide im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert” (PhD diss., Free University Berlin, 1993), 82, fn. 40.

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41 What may be labeled an attempt to acquire an “insurance policy” is seen in the trade mission organized by the wealthy Jolfan entrepreneur Sarhat Shahrimanian in 1659, when he sent his son Zakharia to Moscow. Zakharia, who also served as a royal merchant for Shah Soleyman as well as for the latter's long-serving grand vizier, Sheykh ᶜAli Khan, took the so-called diamond throne with him as a gift. He presented this valuable object, made of silver and studded with diamonds and other precious stones, and valued at 80,000 gold ducats, to Tsar Alexis Mikhailovich in hopes of gaining trade privileges, notably an exclusive Armenian right to travel through his domain, but also to strengthen political ties between the New Jolfan merchants and the Russian crown with the obvious intent of buying some potential protection against the Safavid regime. See Baibourtian, Vahan, International Trade and the Armenian Merchants in the Seventeenth Century (Delhi, 2004), 152–53Google Scholar; Bellingeri, Giampiero, “Sugli Sceriman rimasti a Giulfa: devozione agli ultimi Safavidi?,” in Gli Armeni e Venezia. Dagli Scereman a Mechitar: il momento culminante di una consuetudine millenaria, ed. Zekiyan, G.L. and Ferrari, A. (Venice, 2004), 109Google Scholar; and Aslanian, Sebouh David, From the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean; The Global Trade Network of Armenian Merchants from New Julfa (Berkeley, CA, 2011), 150–51.Google Scholar

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46 Valeh Qazvini Esfahani, Iran dar zaman-e Shah Safi, 530.

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58 Quoted in Attmann, Artur, The Russian and Polish Markets in World Trade (Gotenburg, 1973), 190–91.Google Scholar

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82 Chardin, Voyages, 10: 114.

83 See Matthee, The Politics of Trade, 192–97.

84 Bayburdyan, Vahan, Naqsh-e Aramaneh-ye irani dar tejarat-e beyn al-melali ta payan-e sadeh-ye 17 miladi, trans. Baghdasariyan, Adik (Tehran, 1375/1996), 142.Google Scholar

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86 Baibourtian, International Trade, 143–44.

87 Della Valle, Viaggi, 1: 613.

88 Matthee, “Facing a Rude and Barbarous Neighbor.”

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