Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-mkpzs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-28T03:40:18.933Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Kasravi's Views on Writers and Journalists: A study in the Sociology of Modernization

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2022

Asghar Fathi
Asghar Fathi*
Affiliation:
University of Calgary, Alberta, Canada
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The colonization of the Muslim lands and the increasing political and commercial influence of the Christian West during the last 200 years shocked Muslim leaders. In response to the agonizing problems that increasing incursion by the West brought to the Muslim lands, there arose three groups of intellectuals. The traditionalists believed that the situation was transitory and that traditional Islam would eventually triumph. The ultramodernists sought salvation through uncritical and wholesale imitation of the West.

Among the prominent advocates of this last approach one can count Afghani, Abduh, Gokalp, Iqbal, and probably Kasravi, the Iranian social reformist. Kasravi seems to stand out among them in two important respects. First, unlike his predecessors, he formulated his ideas in a systematic way, tracing “problems” to their roots and advocating explicit “remedies.” Second, Kasravi never shifted strategy to suit the occasion as did his predecessors who, by so doing, confused their followers.

Type
Articles
Information
Iranian Studies , Volume 19 , Issue 2 , Spring 1986 , pp. 167 - 182
Copyright
Copyright © Association For Iranian Studies, Inc 1986

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1. Ruhollah Khomeini is probably a good contemporary example of the traditionalist intellectuals. See his Hukumat-e-Islami [Islamic Government], in which he constantly refers to Islam not only as the best but also as a permanent and eternal way of life. An English translation of this book can be found in the following work: Islam and Revolution; Writings and Declarations of Imam Khomeini, translated and annotated by Hamid Algar (Berkeley, 1981), pp. 27-166. Hasan Taqizadeh in his younger days was an ultramodernist when he wrote, in 1920, "Outwardly and inwardly, in body and in spirit, Persia must become Europeanized" (quoted by Edward G. Browne in A Literary History of Persia, Vol. IV [Cambridge, 1959], p. 486). Later Taqizadeh turned 180 degrees and became a staunch conservative (see notes 15 and 16 below).

2. The overt professions and aspirations of Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani and Shaikh Muhammad Abduh, for instance, were often different from their actual beliefs and motives. See Elie Kedourie, Afghani and Abduh (London, 1966), p. 2, among others.

3. The discussion in this section is partly based on a model proposed by Herbert Passin, "Writer and Journalist in the Transitional Society," in Lucien W. Pye (ed.), Communication and Political Development (Princeton, 1963), pp. 82-123. However, I disagree with some of Passin's ideas. For instance, his discussion seems to be based on the view that modernization consists of or begins with importation of technology, institutions, and/or concepts from abroad. What appears to be understated in his model is the fact that contact with foreign institutions and ideas often induces comparisons between one's traditional way of life and others, which in turn may give rise to innovative behavior. This situation especially appears to be true in the case of Kasravi.

4. Edward Shils, "Toward a Modern Intellectual Community in the New States," in Edward Shils, The Intellectuals and the Powers and Other Essays (Chicago, 1972), p. 335.

5. Edward Shils, ibid., p. 5.

6. For instance, French words like "democratie" and "parlement" were current among some of the intellectuals of Iran early in this century, and still are today. Many Turkish "translations" of the names of European institutions (such as adliyeh, meaning justice department) also found their way to Iran from the neighboring Ottoman Empire, which had been more intensively exposed to European culture. As for the intellectuals who preferred to develop their own expressions for the imported modern concepts, an outstanding example is Kasravi, who used Persian expressions such as "sar-reshteh-dari-ye-tudeh" and "khod-kamegi" for democracy and dictatorship, respectively.

7. On the controversy about the ethnic origin of the population of Azerbaijan, see Ahmad Kasravi, Azeri ya Zaban-e Bastan-e Azarbayegan [Azeri, or the Ancient Lanuage of Azerbaijan], (Tehran, 1304/1925-26 (or later editions).

8. Ahmad Kasravi was born in 1890. In addition to his scholarly works in history and linguistics, he published hundreds of articles in his periodicals Peyman [Pledge] (between 1312/1933 and 1321/1942) and daily and subsequently weekly and biweekly Parcham [Flag] (between 1321/1942 and 1323/1944), and dozens of books expressing his rationalist and iconoclastic views on religion, economy, government, family, literature, and education. He was assassinated in 1946. For a brief biographical sketch in English, see Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edition (1976); or M. A. Jazayery, "Ahmad Kasravi and the Controversy over Persian Poetry," International Journal of Middle East Studies, 4 (1973), pp. 190-203. A brief biography of Kasravi appears in the first section of that article. The second part of Jazayery's paper, which is somewhat related to our present discussion, appears in Volume 13 (1981) of the same journal.

9. For some examples see notes 15 and 16 below.

10. See Hosein Yazdaniyan (ed.), Neveshteha-ye Kasravi Dar Zamina-ye Zaban-e Farsi [Kasravi's Writings on Persian Language], (Tehran, 1357/1978-79), p. 539.

11. See Ahmad Kasravi, Par Piramun-e Adabiyat [On Literature], Third Printing (Tehran, n.d.), pp. 27, 46, 84, and 91. This is a book-length treatment of Persian literature. Most of the issues discussed in this book have already been dealt with, in one way or another, by Kasravi in other places. This is in fact true of almost all of Kasravi's writings because, in his view, the issues were interdependent. The citations in this article, therefore, are not exhaustive.

12. Biweekly Parcham, No. 3 (Urdibehesht, 1322/1943), pp. 113-122.

13. Kasravi's concern for the Persian language is evident from his extensive writings on the subject. For more on this, see M. A. Jazayery's introduction to Yazdaniyan, op. cit., pp. 11-47. For those who do not read Persian, the following will be useful: Mohammad Ali Jazayery: Farhangistan: La Academia Irania de La Lengua, trans. Oscar Vribe-Villegas (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1979); and his "Modernization of Persian Vocabulary and Language Reform in Iran" in Istvan Fodor and Claude Hagege, eds., Language Reform: History and Future, Vol. II (Hamburg, Buske Verlag, 1983), pp. 241-67.

14. Kasravi discussed his views on changing the script on several occasions. His articles are reprinted in Yazdaniyan (note 10 above), 451-59. For parallel situations from other societies, see Passin, op. cit., p. 109.

15. Muhammad Qazvini, Hasan Taqizadeh, and Abbas Eqbal were the prominent members of the opposition to language reform. For a sample of their line of reasoning, see Eqbal's "Farsi-ye Sakhtegi" [Artificial Persian] in M. Dabirsiyaqi (ed.), Majmua-ye Maqalat-e Abbas Eqbal-e Ashtiyani [A Collection of A. Eqbal's Articles], (Tehran, 1350/1971-72), pp. 388-403.

16. Almost the same groups that opposed Kasravi's language reform also opposed his reform of the script (see note 15 above). For a sample of their views on this subject see Mojtaba Minovi's lecture at Tehran University, Azar 1344/1965, as it appears in Rahavard, No. 2 (Los Angeles: 1361/1982), pp. 43-52 and 73.

17. Peyman 1, No. 15, pp. 51-59. The same article appears in Yazdaniyan, op. cit., pp. 67-70. For parallel situations in other societies, see Passin, op. cit., p. 92.

18. See note 6 above for examples.

19. Peyman, 1, No. 14, pp. 51-58. The same article appears in Yazdaniyan, op. cit., pp. 56-63.

20. Peyman, 3, Nos. 11 and 12, pp. 685-688. See also note 7 above.

21. Weekly Parcham (Urdibehesht 2, 1323/1944), p. 6. See also Passin, op. cit., pp. 95-97 on the general question.

22. Peyman, 1, No. 1, pp. 15-16; and Ahmad Kasravi, Ayin [The Way (of Life)], 2 vols., Tehran, 1311-12/193233. For specific references a recent (1356/1977-78) printing of the latter source is used in this article.

23. Peyman, 1, No. 2, pp. 1-4; Ayin, and in other places.

24. See his books Dar Piramun-e Ravan [About Soul], Tehran, 1353/1974-75; and Ayin, Vol. 1, pp. 36, 45, 24, 31-32 and Vol. 2, pp. 20-23, among others.

25. See Ayin and Peyman, 5, No. 5, pp. 186-205.

26. Among books devoted to Kasravi's own constructive views are Varjavand Bunyad [Holy Foundation], Tehran, 1348/1969-70); Dar Piramun-e Ravan: Farhang Chist? [What Is Education?], Tehran, 1322/1943-44; Kar o Pisheh o Pul [Labor, Jobs and Money], Tehran, 1336/1957-58; and Nik o Bad [Good and Bad (Conduct)], Tehran, 1326/1947-48

27. Peyman, 2, No. 1, pp. 3-19; and Ayin, Vol. 1, p. 46 and Vol. 2, p. 25. Although Kasravi appears to provide some criteria (at least by implication) for adopting certain aspects of the Western way of life, he does not seem to give precise standards which can be applied to specific cases. Furthermore, Kasravi was not familiar with modern social sciences and nowhere discusses the problems associated with making certain choices. Given these facts, his views regarding the freedom with which one can choose whatever one finds useful from the West and reject the rest appear very simplistic to us today.

28. Peyman, 1, No. 14, pp. 9-16; Peyman, 2, No. 3, pp. 155-75; and Ayin, Vol. 2, pp. 33, 38 and 44.

29. Ayin, Vol. 1, pp. 28-29, 44-47 and Vol. 2, pp. 27-29. See also note 39 below.

30. Peyman, 1, No. 12, pp. 20-24; and Ayin, Vol. 1, pp. 29, 33, 48 and 59 and Vol. 2, pp. 26 and 52.

31. Unfortunately, the extensive writings of Kasravi on social issues have not yet been translated into other languages except for a few books and articles in Arabic. This situation has led some to speculate about his views. For instance, it has been reported that Kasravi, following Akhundzadeh and Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, had radical anti-Islamic and anti-Arab ideas (Nikki Keddie, Roots of Revolution, New Haven, 1981, pp. 191-92).

A random reference to Kasravi's writings clearly refutes this statement. He recognized the accomplishments of early Islam and respected Muhammad. (See, for example, his articles in Peyman, 2, No. 1, pp. 3-19; No. 6, pp. 347-61 and 385-89; Peyman, 3, No. 9, pp. 529-36; No. 10, pp. 608-16; and biweekly Parcham, 1322/1943, No. 1, pp. 5-6.) However, he did not believe that Islam could be "revived," as a number of reformers have suggested and as some even today claim, in all its details--including the various rules and regulations and its political system. What could, and should, be revived were the broadest principles on which it, and other "true religions," are founded. See Dar Piramun-e Islam [Concerning Islam], Tehran, 1342/1963-64.

Interestingly enough, unlike Akhundzadeh and Kermani, Kasravi describes the pre-Islamic Zoroastrian religion as having become corrupt even before the arrival of Islam. According to Kasravi the majority of Iranians accepted Islam not at the point of the Arab sword but willingly, because they found it to be a superior faith. (See Peyman, 2, No. 6, pp. 347-61 and Nos. 11 and 12, pp. 673-94). See also Feridun Adamiyat's books: Andishehaye Mirza Aqa Khan-e Kermani [The Ideas of Mirza Aqa Khan-e Kermani], Tehran, 1346/1967-68, and Andishehaye Mirza Fath-Ali-ye Akhundzadeh [The Ideas of Mirza Fath-Ali-e Akhundzadeh], Tehran, 1349/1970-71. For Kasravi's views on foreign, including Arabic, words in the Persian language, which have created the impression of his anti-Arab sentiments, see Yazdaniyan, OP. cit., pp. 51-80.

Scholars seriously interested in intellectual history should seek to understand a system of thought in its entirety in order to comprehend its internal logic and consistency, and this requires at least a first-hand knowledge of the writings of the person and/or epoch of interest. Otherwise one fails to understand the historical integrity of a particular system of thought.

Abrahamian's useful article also tends to give a narrow picture of Kasravi's ideas and ideals by focusing only on his views regarding Iran. See E. Abrahamian, "Kasravi: The Integrative Nationalist of Iran," Middle Eastern Studies, October 1973, pp. 271-95. Incidentally, this article contains factual and translation errors. For instance, Kasravi was a professor in the College of Islamic Studies (M'aqul o Manqul) and not in the Law College. Again, sometimes there is a wide discrepancy between the original Persian and its English translation. (For example, see the materials related to note 23 in that article.)

32. See Yazdaniyan, op. cit., p. 467.

33. See Farhang Chist, 18, for instance.

34. Peyman, 2, No. 6, pp. 345-46.

35. Peyman, 3, No. 5, pp. 313-20; and Farhang Chist, 29-30.

36. Farhang Chist, pp. 18-19 and 26. Kasravi himself practiced the variety of journalism that he preached. To begin with, those of his editorials that dealt with narrow political matters (i.e., the problems of the day) were consistent with his ideology. In addition, he wrote editorials, and columns, on subjects not normally considered "political." Thus, there were: "The Rise in the Price of Cereal Is Due to the Dishonesty of the Capitalists," No. 76; "It Is Not Wise to Depend on Conjecture," No. 172; and "About Rational Thinking," No. 217 ff, 1321/1942 daily Parcham, He also devoted many to literature, religion, the meaning of wealth, etc.

37. The author has seen this example, or a similar one, in Kasravi's writings. But when preparing this article he could not locate the source. However, Professor Jazayery in a personal communication with the author supports the authenticity of this example.

38. See Dar Piramun-e Rumum [About Novels], Tehran, 1339/1950-51; and Farhang Chist, p. 26.

39. Peyman, 1, No. 2, pp. 5-13. In the same article Kasravi criticizes Jurji Zaydan, the Egyptian writer, for mixing up historical events with fiction as some European novelists do, and in the process creating imaginary heroes and heroines. According to Kasravi, in one case a reader asks Jurji Zaydan about the fate of an "historical personality" in one of his novels, whereupon the author explains to the confused reader that the person in question is not real.

40. Peyman, 1, No. 10, pp. 12-15; No. 17, pp. 7-31; Farhang Chist, p. 10, and other places.

41. Peyman, 3, No. 5, pp. 313-20; and Dar Piramun-i Adabiyat, pp. 123-26.

42. Peyman, 1, No. 16, pp. 7-12.

43. Peyman, 2, No. 1, pp. 3-19.

44. Peyman, 1, No. 8, p. 32.

45. Peyman, 1, No. 9, pp. 31-32.

46. Farhang Chist, pp. 19-20.

47. Ibid.

48. Peyman, 1, No. 10, pp. 16-20.

49. This indirect quotation comes from an exchange between Kasravi and Faramarzi on the occasion of the latter's starting the publication of a daily newspaper (Kayhan). Kasravi, while wishing his old friend success, discusses his own views on responsible journalism. See A. Faramarzi, "Pasukhi Chand Bi Aqa-ye Kasravi" [In response to Mr. Kasravi], in A. Faramarzi, Zaban-e Matbuat [The Language of the Press], Tehran, 1349/1970-71, pp. 135-46. This source also contains Kasravi's view on' journalism in Iran (pp. 128-34) as published in daily Parcham, 1321/1942, No. 114. In this interesting exchange Faramarzi disagrees with some of Kasravi's "idealistic views."

50. Peyman, 1, No. 6, pp. 17-21.

51. See Passin, op. cit., p. 117.

52. See C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite, New York, 1970, pp. 310-16; and Herbert Marcuse, One Dimensional Man, Boston, 1968.

53. See Ahmad Kasravi, Dadgah [Court (of Justice)], Tehran, 1323/1944-45.

A correction has been issued for this article:

Errata