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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 2022
Based on visual representations of the Iranian presidential election crisis of 2009, this article explores the idea of a relationship between the production of images related to crisis, trauma and the legitimacy of such online visual materials. While photos and cell phone video recordings taken in urban spaces bear witness to public acts and encounters, this article explores the role that visual images play in shaping political crisis. The article concludes that the production, purchase and also circulation of such visual materials should be at the center of any further research in this domain.
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7 In our text we can consider those Iranian citizens who did not accept the result of the presidential election of 2009 and went onto the streets for public demonstrations as “stakeholders” and also consider the Iranian regime as an “organization.”
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16 Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (Seda va Sima), is the state monopoly broadcaster (radio and television) directly overseen by the office of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khameneyi, who appoints the director. IRIB is currently headed by Ezatollah Zarghami, a former Revolutionary Guard officer.
17 Holladay, “Are They Practicing What We Are Preaching?,” 162.
18 Stealing thunder refers to a dissuasion tactic in which an individual reveals potentially incriminating evidence first, for the purpose of reducing its negative impact on an evaluative audience.
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21 The Islamic Republic News Agency, or IRNA, is the official news agency of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is government-funded and controlled under the Iranian Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance. The agency also publishes the newspaper Iran. As of 2005, the Managing Director of IRNA is Mr. Mohammad Khademol Melleh.
22 Esfandiari, The Myths and Realities of New Media.
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26 My personal communication with NF.
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29 Bray, Hiawatha, Finding a Way Around Iranian Censorship, http://www.boston.com/business/technology/articles/2009/06/19/activists_utilizing_twitter_web_proxies_to_sidestep_iranian_censorship/ (accessed 12 June 2010)Google Scholar.
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31 Many like to believe and defend this idea that such social networking, especially Twitter, had a key role in the political movements and crises of 2009 in Iran. Many even like to use the term “Twitter Revolution.” I think we need more research in this regard to see whether during 2009 such social networking was used massively by Iranians for simple communication between themselves in Iran and also to transfer images of the events to the West, or whether the West likes to manipulate and change the simple idea of utilization of social networking by Iranians as a weapon against the actual regime. For such interpretation, please see:
Morozov, Evgeny, Iran Elections: A Twitter Revolution?, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/discussion/2009/06/17/DI2009061702232.html (accessed 13 June 2010)Google Scholar.
32 Glaser, Mark, Your Guide to Citizen Journalism, http://www.pbs.org/mediashift/2006/09/your-guide-to-citizen-journalism270.html (accessed 13 June 2010)Google Scholar.
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34 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lFx-8QHi5d8 (accessed 11 June 2010).
35 The debate began for the first time with an article by Robert Safarian after the public announcement of this declaration. In his article, Safarian condemned all independent documentary filmmakers who signed this declaration and interrogated them for their sanction of the “Cinema Real” film festival. He also accused them of wanting to exaggerate the simple work of documentary filmmaking and compare it with the heroic act and work of journalists who put their life in danger preparing their reports during such social and political crises. Safarian believes that it is not necessary to rely only on film for recording such moments of crisis. He believes that for such historiography there are many other ways besides documentary films. For more information in this regard, please see:
Robert Safarian, Who Are Filming Streets Crisis These Days? Documentary Filmmakers or Journalists?, http://www.peykemostanad.com/1388/RS-Khabarnegare_Tasvirbardar_Ya_Mostanadsaz.htm (accessed 13 June 2010); Mohamad Saiid Mohasesi, History's Eye, http://www.peykemostanad.com/1388/SM-Chashme%20Tarikh.htm (accessed 12 June 2010); Pirouz Kalantari, Answer to Robert Safarian, http://www.vamostanad.com/index.php?id=142 (accessed 11 June 2010).
36 Visual representations of Neda's death was the subject of another research paper which I presented at a workshop on: “Crisis And Imag(e)ination: Visual Studies In and About Crisis.” EASA2010: Crisis and Imagination, Maynooth, Ireland, 24–27 August 2010, http://www.nomadit.co.uk/easa/easa2010/panels.php5?PanelID=628.
37 Many like Reza Deghati, an Iranian photographer based in France, found this situation another good market for themselves and their work. Also, many foreign documentary filmmakers soon after Neda's death tried to cover this hot topic. For example, David Fanning with his film “A Death in Tehran,” and later Anthony Thomas with his film “For Neda.”
38 Term used for the first time by Independent documentary filmmakers during the presidential election crisis.
39 Letter by Rakhshan Bani-Etemad on Behalf of Iranian Mothers for Their Revenge, http://cinedoc.blogspot.com/2009/07/blog-post_25.html (accessed 11 June 2010). Under the City's Skin (Zir-e Poust-e Shahr) is a film by Rakhshan Bani-Etemad (2003, 92 mins).
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