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The Art of Smoking in Iran and Other Uses of Tobacco

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2022

Willem Floor
Willem Floor*
Affiliation:
University of Leiden, World Bank
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Extract

Tobacco was ‘discovered’ by Christopher Columbus when he reached the Caribbean islands. The Carib Indians used tobacco, both for its medicinal and pleasurable properties and for ceremonial purposes. The result was tobacco's conquest of the world, which began with its introduction to Europe (France in 1556; Portugal, 1558; Spain, 1559, and England, 1565). The Portuguese soon also introduced it in India, probably around 1580. Tobacco is said to have been introduced to the Ottoman Empire (Istanbul) about 1601, but this probably happened much earlier. Its introduction into Iran, via India and/or Turkey, most likely occurred in the late 1590s. One source states that tobacco came to Iran in or around 1605. However, tobacco was certainly known before that time in both the Ottoman and Safavid Empires, since Anthony Sherley used tobacco when he arrived at the Orontes River (al-ᶜAsi) in Syria (part of the Ottoman Empire) on his first journey to Iran in 1598 and, as a tobacco addict, he certainly would have taken it with him to the latter country.

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Articles
Information
Iranian Studies , Volume 35 , Issue 1-3 , Winter Summer 2002 , pp. 47 - 85
Copyright
Copyright © Association For Iranian Studies, Inc 2002

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References

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30. Rice, Clara, Persian Women and Their Ways (Tehran, 1976), 233.Google Scholar The revenues of the village of Shahabad-Sufla had been allocated by its owner for the consumption of tobacco and coffee by those who came to pay their respects at his ancestors’ tombs. In the village of Vashnaveh a similar arrangement existed for the tomb of Nasir al-Din Shah's mother. al-Mulk, Afzal, Tārīkh va Jughrāfiyā-yi Qum, ed. Husayn Mudarris Tabataba˒i (Qum, 1396/1976), 199, 233.Google Scholar

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35. Chardin, Travels, 146.

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37. Ballantine, Henry, Midnight Marches through Persia (Boston and New York, 1879), 137Google Scholar; Polak, Persien, 2: 258; see picture in Louis Dubeux, La Perse (Paris, 1841), plate 79.

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40. O'Donovan, Edmond, The Merv Oasis 2 vols. (London, 1882), 1: 489Google Scholar; Mitford, A Land March, 2: 45; Dr. Feuvrier, Trois Ans à la Cour de la Perse (Paris, n.d.), 341 (for an itinerant qalyānfurūsh). For a contemporary picture of an itinerant water pipe provider, see Friedrich Rosen, Persien (Berlin, 1926), 88; for a 19th century drawing see Āyandeh 19 (1372/1993): 584.

41. Rice, Persian Women, 189, 215.

42. Feuvrier, Trois Ans, 322, 339.

43. Höltzer, Ernst, Persien vor 113 Jahren, ed. Muhammad ᶜAsimi (Tehran, 2525/1977), 63Google Scholar; Mitford, A Land March, 2: 42 (“The smoking in Persia is incessant, and caused constant delay in traveling.”)

44. Dunlop, H., Bronnen tot de geschiedenis der Oostindische Compagnie in Perzië (The Hague, 1930), 18, 35Google Scholar, 176, 197, 234-35, 247, 265, 277, 282, 362, 470, 472-75, 529, 537, 542, 574, 610, 615, 617, 633, 652.

45. Falsafi, Zindagānī, 2: 227.

46. Olearius, Vermehrte, 597, 699.

47. Chardin, Voyages, 3: 301; Thevenot, Voyage, 2: 150; Fryer, East India, 2: 228; Kaempfer, Am Hofe, 95 (Ma˒n, a village near Isfahan, was known as the tobacco village); Bastiaensen, Souvenirs, 104-105; Gaube, H. and Wirth, E., Der Bazar von Isfahan (Wiesbaden, 1978), 276.Google Scholar

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49. Millspaugh, A. C., The American Task in Persia (New York, 1925 [reprint New York, 1973]), 262Google Scholar; Rabino, H. L. and Lafont, F., “Culture du tabac en Guilan (Perse),” Revue du Monde Musulman 23 (1913): 194.Google Scholar For a detailed discussion of tobacco cultivation in Qajar Iran see Floor, Willem, Agriculture in Qajar Iran (Washington, DC, 2003).Google Scholar

50. Government of Great Britain, Correspondence respecting the Persian Tobacco Concession (Persia no. 1 1892), (London, 1892), 59–60.Google Scholar The “tabacco” mentioned in the table refers to cigarette tobacco and “toutoun” refers to pipe tobacco.

51. Kasravi, “Tārīkhcheh,” 208.

52. Kasravi, “Tārīkhcheh,” 212.

53. Olearius, Vermehrte, 598.

54. Polak, Persien, 2: 258; Semsar, “L'apparition,” 92 (fig. 14); Idem, “Naẓarī,” 25; Jaᶜfar Shahri, Tārīkh-i Ijtimāᶜī-yi Tihrān dar Qarn-i Sīzdahhum 6 vols. (Tehran, 1368/1990), 2: 300, 305–306Google Scholar (a description of pipes used by lūṭīs and their manner of preparing the pipe [chāq kardan]).

55. Shahri, Tārīkh, 2, 300-303 (or other more expensive woods such as anbus, kaykum, and kahur that I have not been able to identify). In 1922, there were still five sarchepoqsāzī shops in Tehran, in which there were five masters (ustāds) and seven workers (kārgar). The number of shops selling tobacco (tūtūnforush) was 104, which were operated by 97 masters, 118 workers and 25 boys (padu). Masᶜud Kayhan, Jughrāfiyā-yi mufaṣṣal-i Iran 3 vols. (Tehran, 1311/1932), 3: 328Google Scholar; deBode, C. A., Travels in Luristan, 2: 90Google Scholar; Southgate, H. A., A Tour through Armenia and Mesopotamia, 2vols. (New York, 1840), 2, 12Google Scholar; Amanat, Abbas, ed., Cities and Trade: Consul Abbott on the Economy and Society of Iran, 1847-1866 (London, 1983), 115Google Scholar; Lovett, B., “Surveys on the Road from Shiraz to Bam,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (JRGS) 42 (1872): 203Google Scholar (In the hills of Khvajeh Mali there were extensive forests of wild cherry-trees, “the wood of which forms a staple article of commerce.”); Schlimmer, Joh. L., Terminologie Medico-Pharmaceutique: Francaise-Persane (Tehran, 1874 [reprint Tehran, 1970]), 120Google Scholar; Schindler, A. H., “Reisen im südlichen Persien 1879,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin 16 (1881): 363Google Scholar (Kirman).

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57. Mumtahan al-Dawla, Khāṭirāt, ed. Husaynquli Khan-Shaqaqi (Tehran, 1353/1974), 152, for example, reported that Mirza Saᶜid Khan Ansari, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, smoked a chepoq at times.

58. Floyer, E. A., The Unexplored Baluchistan, (London, 1882 [reprint Quetta, 1979]), 427Google Scholar; Shahri, Tārīkh, 2: 309.

59. Millspaugh, The American Task, 262; Rabino and Lafont, “Culture du tabac,” 194.

60. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 1, 157.

61. Wills, C. J., In the Land of the Lion and Sun, 2nd Ed. (Lonon, 1893), 32Google Scholar (underlining in the original).

62. de Lorey, Eustache and Sladen, Douglas. The Moon of the Fourteenth Night (London, 1910), 160.Google Scholar

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64. Cecil Edwards, A., A Persian Caravan (London, 1930), 130.Google Scholar

65. Aitchison, J. E. T., “Notes on the products of Western Afghanistan and of Northeastern Persia,” Transactions of the Botanical Society (Edinburgh) 18 (1890): 39Google Scholar; Hobson-Jobson, 195 (s.v. chillum); Lughatnāmeh-yi Dihkhudā, s.v. qalyān.

66. Elgood, Safavid Medical Practice, 41; Dāyira-i al-Maᶜārif-i Buzurg-i Islāmī, 6: 106-108, s.v. “Abu'l-Fath Gilani.”

67. Bastiaensen, Souvenirs, 104-105.

68. Malcolm, Napier, Five Years in a Persian Town (London, 1905), 25.Google Scholar Tahvildar, Jughrāfiyā, 116 mentions that the haberdashers (kharrāzīfurūshān) in Isfahan sold the pipe head and middle part of the water pipe as separate items.

69. Küss, W., Handelsratgeber für Persien (Berlin, 1911), 156.Google Scholar It was already considered old-fashioned in 1880, (see Wills, In the Land, 30) and by 1890 seldom used. Höltzer, Persien, 63. However, around 1800 the water pipe with flexible tube was much in use, see, for example, Olivier, G. A., Voyage dans l'Empire Othoman, l'Egypte et la Perse. 6 vols. (Paris 1802-07), 5: 273Google Scholar and Drouville, Gaspard, Voyage en Perse pendant les années 1812 et 1813. 2 vols. (Paris, 1819 [reprint Tehran, 1976), 1: 81.Google Scholar For the eighteenth century, see e.g. Hanway, Jonas, An historical account of the British trade over the Caspian Sea. 4 vols. in 3 (London, 1753), 1: 171.Google Scholar

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71. de Hell, Xavier Hommaire, Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, 4 vols. (Paris,1854–60), 2: 15.Google Scholar

72. Höltzer, Persien, 63.

73. Pottinger, H., Travels in Baluchistan and Sind (London, 1816), 210.Google Scholar

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76. Lafont, F. D., and Rabino, H. L., “Culture de la gourde a ghalian en Guilan et en Mazanderan (Perse), Revue du Monde Musulman 28 (1914): 233.Google Scholar

77. Schlimmer, Terminologie, 402; Wilson, Persian Life, 253; Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 19.

78. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 1: 389; Wilson, Persian Life, 253; Semsar, “Naẓarī, 22.

79. Wilson, Persian Life, 253; Williams, Across, 107.

80. The term shīsheh also refers to the water pipe as a whole, in particular in the Middle East and parts of N. Africa (Egypt, Tunisia).

81. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; Olearius, Vermehrte, 597; Tahvildar, Jughrāfiyā, 105 (q.v. shīshehgar); Höltzer, Persien, 64; Wilson, Persian Life, 253; de Lorey, Eustace, and Sladen, Douglas. Queer Things About Persia (Philadelphia and London, 1907), 79Google Scholar; Küss, Handelsratgeber, 156. According to Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 584 the water reservoir should always be of crystal (balawr). According to Chardin, in the 1660-70s, “These Bottles are commonly fill'd with Flowers to give Pleasure to the Eye.” Chardin, Travels, 145.

82. Waring, Edward Scott, A Tour to Sheeraz. (London, 1807 [1976]), 8.Google Scholar

83. Semsar, “Naẓarī, 19; Polak, Persien, 2, 258; Arnold, Through Persia, 133; Olearius, Vermehrte, 597-98.

84. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; de Lorey and Sladen. Queer Things, 79; Küss, Handelsratgeber, 156.

85. For a printed version see Canby, Sheila R., Persian Masters: Five Centuries of Painting (Bombay, 1990), 82, pl. 15..Google Scholar

86. Sykes, Ella C., Persia and its People. (New York, 1910), 79Google Scholar; for pictures see Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 22.

87. Sykes, Ella C., Through Persia on a Side-Saddle (Philadelphia, 1898), 118.Google Scholar

88. Wills, C. J., Behind an Eastern Veil (Edinburgh, 1894), 313.Google Scholar

89. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; Arnold, A., Through Persia by Caravan (New York, 1877), 133Google Scholar; de Lorey and Sladen, Queer Things, 79; Merian C. Cooper, Grass (New York, 1925), 168, for a picture see 192 (“The water pipe, with a metal point which rests easily on the ground.”); Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 21 (for pictures).

90. Rawlinson, Major H. C., “Notes on a March from Zohab…to Khuzistan,” JGRS 9 (1839): 66Google Scholar; Ussher, John, A Journey from London to Persepolis (London, 1865), 512.Google Scholar The “Indian nut” mentioned by Olearius probably is a coconut, thus providing early evidence of the use of this fruit as a reservoir. Olearius, Vermehrte, 597.

91. For a description see Radde, Gustav, Reisen an der Persisch-Russischen Grenze. Talysch und seine Bewohner (Leipzig, 1886), 371–373Google Scholar (with pictures on 371 and 378). In 1637, Olearius already mentioned the use of the gourd, called qabaq, as a reservoir for the water pipe. Olearius, Vermehrte, 597.

92. Goldsmid, Sir Frederic J., Eastern Persia, An Account of the Journeys of the Persian Boundary Commission 1870-71-72, 2 vols. (London, 1876), 1: 128.Google Scholar

93. Mumtahan al-Dawla, Khāṭirāt, 197.

94. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; Williams, Across, 107; Olivier, Voyage, 5: 273; Binning, R. B. M., A Journal of Two Years’ Travel in Persia, Ceylon, etc. 2 vols. (London, 1857) 2: 177.Google Scholar

95. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; Wilson, Persian Life, 253. According to Shahri, Tārīkh, 3, 584, the ‘head’ of a good water pipe had to be of half-baked earthenware. Potters made these using the wheel. Ibid., 2: 301-302.

96. Rawlinson, “March from Zohab to Khuzistan,” 66.

97. Stack, Edward, Six Months in Persia, 2 vols. (New York, 1882), 1: 202.Google Scholar

98. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; de Lorey and Sladen, Queer Things, 79; Iᶜtisam al-Mulk, Safarnāmeh, 104.

99. Lafont and Rabino, “Culture de la gourde,” 234 where a drawing of the chalvāreh will be found.

100. Wills, In the Land, 30, note; Schlimmer, Terminologie, 402; Küss, Handelsratgeber, 156.

101. Wills, In the Land, 31, note; Wilson, Persian Life, 253; de Lorey and Sladen, Queer Things, 79. In 1723, the Dutch Agent at Isfahan received such a gold and gem-incrusted water pipe from Mahmud Khan, the then ruler of much of Persia, the value of which was estimated at 1,000 maḥmūdis. Floor, Willem, The Afghan Occupation of Safavid Persia 1721-1729 (Paris, 1998), 186.Google Scholar Around 1812, Drouville, Voyage, 1: 82, estimated the value of some of these valuable water pipes at 100-150 tumans. For pictures see Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 23-24. There were artists (naqqāshān) who specialized in decorating these pipe heads. See e.g. Mumtahan al-Dawla, Khāṭirāt, 196.

102. ᶜAbd Allah Mustawfi,. Sharh-i Zindagānī-yi Man 3 vols. (Tehran, n.d.), 1: 404; Drouville, Voyage, 1: 82; Ouseley, William, Travels in Various Countries of the East; More Particularly Persia, 3 vols. (London, 1891-93), 3: 135Google Scholar; Hommaire de Hell, Voyage, 2: 181; Iᶜtimad al-Saltana, Rūznāmeh-yi Khāṭirāt, ed. Iraj Afshar (Tehran, 1345/1966), 305; Mahdiquli Hidayat, Khāṭirāt va Khaṭarāt (Tehran 1344/1965), 89. This qalyān-i salām or ceremonial water pipe is kept among what was formerly known as the crown jewels. For a picture see Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 20 (pl. 7); Serena, Hommes et Choses, 119, 122, 237.

103. Tahvildar, Jughrāfiyā, 97, 106, 109; Mustawfi, Zindagānī, 1: 404 (sar-qalyānha-yi Esfahani). On the turner's craft see further Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 69-72 (a top quality water pipe made of excellent wood and with carving, including the miyāneh, nay, and mīlab, cost thirty shahis to two qrans. A middle quality one cost up to one qirān). Around 1890, there were ten sarqalyān-sāzān and four naypīch-sāzān in Isfahan. Höltzer, Persien, 22. In 1920, there ten naypīch-sāzān in Isfahan, but no sarqalyān-sāzān were reported anymore. Sayyid ᶜAli Janab, Kitāb al-Iṣfahān, (Isfahan, 1303/1924), 79.

104. Anonymous, “A Brief Account of the Province of Fars,” Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society 17 (1865): 184.Google Scholar

105. Williams, Across, 106-07; Drouville, Voyage, 1, 80; Höltzer, Persien, 64; de Lorey and Sladen, Queer Things, 80. There also was a female qalyānchi in the harem of rich individuals. Serena, Hommes et Choses, 70.

106. Mitford, A Land March, 2, 42.

107. Mustawfi, Zindagānī, 1, 404.

108. Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 583-84 (he also reported that there were only two tobacco wholesalers in Tehran at that time, one of whom also retailed tobacco).

109. “For use in the water pipe tobacco was sifted to get rid of stems and other high nicotine parts, which moreover gave a burning smell. These inferior parts were sold as tobacco to the poorer classes.” Polak, Persien, 2: 258-59.

110. Hanway, An Historical Account, 1: 171 observed the “glass vessel resembling a decanter, and filled with three parts of water.”

111. Williams, Across, 107-108; de Lorey, and Sladen,. Queer Things, 79-80; Höltzer, Persien, 64. According to Wills, In the Land, 30, note.

112. Polak, Persien, 2: 258; Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 584.

113. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 1: 213.

114. Drouville, Voyage, 1: 82.

115. Binning, A Journal, 2: 177–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar (an aftābeh is a kind of pitcher); Drouville, Voyage, 1: 82 and plate 18 (The servant kept the water pipe in his right hand and with his left he controlled his own horse, riding behind his master).

116. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 1: 404. The wire basket contraption was known as ātish gardan or tulama. “The servant in Persia who has charge of his master's calioon always carries with him, on a journey, a small iron pot full of fire, in readiness for the calioon when required.” Rich, Claude James, Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan … and of a visit to Shirauz and Persepolis, 2 vols. (London, 1836), 204Google Scholar, note. Eastwick, Edward B., Journal of a Diplomate's Three Years’ Residence in Persia. 2 vols. (London 1864 [Tehran 1976]) 2: 191Google Scholar, described it as a chafing dish with burning charcoal for lighting pipes carried under the horse's belly; Conolly, Journey, 1: 228; Anonymous [Malcolm, John], Sketches of Persia from the Journals of a Traveler in the East, 2 vols. (London, 1828), 1: 206Google Scholar; Höltzer, Persien, 64; Savage Landor, H., Across Coveted Lands, 2 vols. (New York, 1903) 1: 258.Google Scholar

117. Arnold, Through Persia, 133.

118. Morier, A Journey, 286. Fath ᶜAli Shah made an exception for his son Muhammadquli Mirza Mulk-ara, who was allowed to smoke in his presence, but only inside the palace when the other princes were not present, or when riding, accompanying the royal suite. After the shah had smoked he sent him a smoke as well, but the other princes did not have this right. Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Tārīkh-i ᶜAżudī, 142, For a contemporary picture of Fath ᶜAli Shah and Karim Khan Zand smoking the water pipe see Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 19 (pl. 5), 20 (pl. 6).

119. Polak, Persien, 2: 258.

120. Morier, Journey, 13; Wills, In the Land, 29; Baker, Clouds, 187; Polak, Persien, 2: 258; Höltzer, Persien, 64; Le Messurier, A., From London to Bokhara and A Ride Through Persia (London, 1889), 234Google Scholar; Rice, Clara, Persian Women and Their Ways, (London: Seeley, Service and Co, 1923). 185.Google Scholar

121. Eastwick, Journal, 1: 260.Google Scholar

122. Höltzer, Persien, 64; Serena, Hommes et Choses, 67.

123. Baker, Clouds, 187; Wills, In the Land, 30-31.

124. de Lorey and Sladen. Queer Things, 80; Drouville, Voyage, 1: 81.

125. Drouville, Voyage, 1: 81.

126. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 2: 20; see also Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 584; de Lorey and Sladen. The Moon, 230.

127. Wills, In the Land, 29, 31; Baker, Clouds, 186; de Panisse, Comte, La Russie, la Perse, l'Inde - souvenirs de voyage 1865-1866 (Paris, 1867), 115.Google Scholar

128. Wills, In the Land, 30-32; also paraphrased in Isabella Bird, (Mrs. Bishop). Journeys in Persia and Kurdistan, 2 vols. (London, 1891 [reprint London, 1988]), 1: 107–109.Google Scholar

129. Bastani-yi Parizi, Farmānfarmā-yi ᶜĀlam, 497, note.

130. Williams, Across, 107.

131. Höltzer, Persien, 64; Olivier, Voyage, 5: 273.

132. Polak, Persien, 2: 259; Drouville, Voyage, 1: 82. According to Tavernier, Voyages, 284, the purpose of smoking was dimāgh, a term expressing the same intoxication. The same effect was described by ᶜAqili Khurasani, Makhzan al-Adviya (Tehran, 1371/1992), 275.

133. Rice, Persian Women, 215.

134. Wills, In the Land, 33.

135. Feilberg, C. G., Les Papis (Copenhagen, 1952), 103.Google Scholar

136. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 2: 440.

137. Conolly, Journey, 1: 74.

138. O'Donovan, Merv Oasis, 1: 80-81.

139. Gmelin, S. G., Reise durch Russland, 4 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1774), 4, 63Google Scholar and plate 8.

140. Loftus, William Kennett, Travels and Researches in Chaldaea and Susiana (London, 1857), 389.Google Scholar

141. Feilberg, Les Papis, 103-104.

142. Mitford, A Land March, 2: 42.

143. Shafiᶜ Javadi, Tabrīz va payramūn (Tabriz, 1350/1972), 227.

144. Mirza Hasan Khan Iᶜtimad al-Saltana, Mir˒at al-Buldān, 4 vols. ed. ᶜAbd al-Husayn Nava˒i and Mir Hashim Muhaddi (Tehran 1367/1988), 1: 562-63.

145. Iᶜtimad al-Saltana, Kitāb al-Āār va'l-Ma˒āir, 2nd edition, ed. Iraj Afshar (Tehran, 1363/1984), 170 (bargi va kaghadhi dar tamam-i bilad-i Iran); see also 154 (tūtūn-i sigar). Before the 1870s, members of the educated elite were, of course, familiar with cigarettes through their travels in Europe as well as their involvement with foreigners in Iran. See e.g. Mumtahan al-Dawla, Khāṭirāt, 111 (he even used the term sigaret).

146. Government of Great Britain, Diplomatic and Consular Reports (DCR) 1189 (Report on the Trade and Commerce of Ghilan for the Year 1891), 5; Le Messurier, From Bokhara, 219.

147. DCR 1953 (Isfahan 1897-99), 7.

148. de Windt, Harry, A Ride to India across Persia and Baluchistan (London, 1891), 46.Google Scholar

149. DCR 3728, (Report for the Year ending February 20, 1906 on the Trade of the provinces of Sistan and Kain) (London, 1906), 7. For a picture of Persian cigarette packets around 1891 see de Vilmorin, Auguste Lacoin, De Paris à Bombay par la Perse (Paris, 1895), 97.Google Scholar Cigarette smoking remained popular in Sistan. F. Hale, From Persian Uplands (London, n.d.), 71, 108.

150. MacLean, H. W., Report on the Conditions and Prospects of British trade in Persia (London, 1904), 48.Google Scholar

151. Merritt-Hawkes, A. O.. Persia: Romance and Reality (London, 1935), 20, 109, 116, 124.Google Scholar

152. Soane, Ely Bannister, To Mesopotamia and Kurdistan in Disguise (London, 1912; reprint Amsterdam, 1979), 52–53.Google Scholar For some of the complaints about rolling a cigarette in urban Tehran at that time see Shahri, Tārīkh, 3:469-71.

153. Hay, W. R., Two Years in Kurdistan. Experiences of a Political Officer 1918-1920 (London, 1921), 50.Google Scholar

154. Afzal al-Mulk, Tārīkh va Jughrāfiyā, 240.

155. Kasravi, “Tārīkhcheh,” 214. See also Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 472 for some social connotations of cigarette and pipe smoking during this period of transition.

156. Salur, Qahraman Mirza, Rūznāmeh-yi Khāṭirāt-i ᶜAyn al-Saltana. 10 vols. ed. Masᶜud Salur and Afshar, Iraj (Tehran, 1376/1997) 1: 123Google Scholar (Cigarette paper in Lar, near Tehran, cost 100 dīnārs, while in Tehran only 1 pūl or 25 dīnārs), 268, 342, 422, 446, 451, 565.

157. Wilson, Persian Life, 253.

158. Grothe, Hugo, Wanderungen in Persien (Berlin, 1910), 215.Google Scholar The shah's entourage still included a water pipe bearer, however. See de Lorey and Sladen, The Moon, 219. In Tabriz at that time cigarettes were also common. James, Lionel, Side-Tracks and Bridle-Paths (Edinburgh, 1909), 41–42, 76.Google Scholar ᶜAla al-Mulk, Safarnāmeh-yi Balūchīstān, ed. Sayfullah Vahidniya (Tehran 1364/1985), 61 (He smoked cigarettes with British officers in Makran), 74 (and the water pipe with his colleagues).

159. de Lorey and Sladen, The Moon, 160.

160. Williams Jackson, A.V., From Constantinople to the Home of Omar Khayyam (New York, 1911), 89Google Scholar; Moore, Benjamin Burges, From Moscow to the Persian Gulf (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1915). 109.Google Scholar The water pipe was, however, also smoked at the same time, not only during this visit, but in towns and in the rural areas along the Isfahan-Shiraz road; Moore, From Moscow, 110, 283, 339, 364, 392, 403.

161. Jaᶜfar Shahri, Tihrān-i Qadīm, 5 vols. (Tehran, 1377/1999), 1: 448–51.Google Scholar Cigarettes were sold in boxes containing 50 cigarettes. Merritt-Hawkes, Persia, 307.

162. Janab, Kitāb al-Iṣfahān, 78.

163. Keyvan, Jughrāfiyā, 3: 332.

164. Afshar, Iraj, ed., Kulliyāt-i Āār-i Adīb Qāsimī-yi Adīb (Tehran, 1372/1993), 42, 70, 129.Google Scholar

165. Shahri, Tihrān-i Qadīm, 4: 460. For a rather peculiar meaning of the term sīgārkashī see ibid., 3: 408.

166. Semsar, “Naẓarī,” 26 (with pictures).

167. Hale, From Persian Uplands, 71.

168. Amory, Copley Jr. Persian Days (Boston and New York, 1929), 89.Google Scholar

169. Merritt-Hawkes, Persia, 216.

170. Rice, Persian Women, 45.

171. Bellew, H. W., From Indus to the Tigris (London, 1874 [reprint Lahore, 1999]), 449Google Scholar; Hale, From Persian Uplands, 109.

172. Hay, Two Years in Kurdistan, 50.

173. Olivier, Voyage, 5: 273, however, states that the use of tobacco in powder form was hardly known in the parts of Persia that he traversed.

174. Adams, Persia, 133.

175. Landor, Across, 2: 181.

176. Italconsult (for the Plan Organization), Socio-economic Development Plan for the Southeast Region, 5 vols. (Rome, 1970), 4: 212.Google Scholar

177. Polak, Persien, 2: 259-60 (the incidence of catarrhs was two times higher in the ‘industrial’ towns of Kashan and Isfahan than in Tehran).

178. Ross, F.E., ed., Central Asia, personal narrative 1823-41 (London, 1939), 151.Google Scholar

179. For some of the disadvantages of smoking according to popular lore see Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 585 (e.g. it could negatively affect the brain and heart and make the body thin and the skin dry).

180. Schlimmer, Terminologie, 402; ᶜAqili Khurasani, Makhzan al-Adviya, 275.

181. Schlimmer, Terminologie, 402.

182. Jaᶜfar Shahri, Gūsheh˒ī az Tārīkh-i Ijtimāᶜī-yi Tihrān-i Qadīm (Tehran, 1357/1978), 32.Google Scholar

183. Landor, Across, 2: 181.

184. Wills, In the Land, 15; Shahri, Tārīkh, 3: 585; Chardin, Travels, 145.

185. Aitchison, “Notes,” 140; Wills, In the Land, 15. Nasir al-Din Shah also used snuff for the Sepahsalar gave the Shah a very exquisite bejeweled snuff-box. Government of Iran. Rūznāmeh-yi Dawlat-i ᶜAlīya-i Īrān, 2 vols. 2nd ed. (Tehran, 1370/1991), 1: 564Google Scholar (Dhu'l-Hijjah 1279/1863), 2: 812 (Jumada I 1282).

186. Polak, Persien, 2, 258-59.

187. Shahri, Tārīkh, 3, 585; for other details see also ᶜAqili Khurasani, Makhzan al-Adviyah, 275-76.

188. Kritzeck, Anthology, 328. It is ironic that Hajji Khalifa died while enjoying a cup of coffee, another substance that initially had been banned, because it too had been considered ungodly by the same misguided people who had banned tobacco; both addictive substances turned out to be divine after all.