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“In Darkest England and the Way Out”

The Salvation Army, Soical Reform and the Labour Movement, 1885–1910*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 December 2008

Victor Bailey
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In the past decade a prominent theme in the historiography of nineteenth-century Britain has been the imposition of middle-class habits and attitudes upon the populace by means of new or re-invigorated mechanisms of “social control”. To the apparatus of law enforcement and to the disciplines of the factory and wage labour, historians have added the less overt instruments of social welfare, education, religion, leisure and moral reform. Philanthropists, educators, clergymen and moralizers have all become soldiers in a campaign to uproot the “anti-social” characteristics of the poor and to cement the hegemony of the elite.

Type
Research Article
Information
International Review of Social History , Volume 29 , Issue 2 , August 1984 , pp. 133 - 171
Copyright
Copyright © Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis 1984

Footnotes

*

The research for this paper was greatly facilitated by the R. T. French Visiting Professorship, which links the University of Rochester, New York, and Worcester College, Oxford. A preliminary version of the paper was presented at a conference on Victorian Outcasts at the Victorian Studies Centre, University of Leicester. I would like to thank Simon Stevenson of Exeter College, Oxford, for research assistance; Lieut.-Col. Cyril Barnes for guidance with the archives in the International Headquarters of the Salvation Army, London; and Clive Fleay, Tina Isaacs, Ellen More, K. O. Morgan, Rosemary Tyler and Martin Wiener for their helpful comments. Finally, for her advice and encouragement, I am indebted to Jennifer Donnelly.

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14 Engels p., F., and Lafargue, L., Correspondence, II (Moscow, 1960), p. 85.Google Scholar Cf., Pall Mall Gazette, 29 03 1888, p. 4;Google Scholar Clarion, , 6 02 1892, p. 4. Other methods coincided; Captain Irons of Portsmouth recorded in his diary for 1 March 1879: “took 1500 handbills to the Dock gates, to distribute to workmen as they went home”,Google Scholar Railton, G. S., Captain Ted (London, 1880), p. 65.Google Scholar

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27 Booth, W. B. in Christianity and the Working Classes, op. cit., p. 152.Google Scholar

28 Cf., Ward, “The Social Sources”, pp. 154–55, 167, 270–72.Google Scholar

29 Ibid., pp. 148–50.

30 Northampton Daily Echo, 10 and 12 September 1910, cutting in the Gertrude Tuck-well Collection, Trades Union Congress Library.

31 For Frank Smith, see below, pp. 146f., 158f. For the suffragettes (Mrs Jessie Payne, Mrs Baines, Mrs Schiette and Harriet Bennett) see Pankhurst, E. S., The Home Front (London, 1932), p. 97;Google Scholar id., The Suffragette Movement (London, 1931), pp. 475–79;Google Scholar id., The Suffragette (London, 1911), p. 324;Google Scholar The Workers' Dreadnought, IV (1917–1918), p. 938. I am indebted to Carolyn Stevens of the University of Rochester, New York, and to Rosemary Tyler for this information.Google Scholar

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33 Times, 10 May 1886, p. 6; Robertson, , “The Salvation Army”, p. 76; Saturday Review, LIV (1882), p. 243;Google Scholar Redstone, J. J. R., An Ex-Captain's Experience of the Salvation Army (London, 1888).Google Scholar

34 Booth, , Life and Labour, Third Series, VII, pp. 337, 345;Google Scholar Inglis, , Churches, p. 184.Google Scholar

35 Railton, G. S., The History of Our South African War (London, 1902), p. 129;Google Scholar Swinny, S. H., “John Wesley and General Booth”, in: Positivist Review, XX (1912), pp. 217–22.Google Scholar Arthur Clibborn and Kate Booth, the General's daughter, pleaded for permission to condemn the Boer War, without success, Scott, C., The Heavenly Witch: The Story of the Marechale (London, 1982).Google Scholar

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37 Cited in Inglis, , Churches, pp. 175–76. See also War Cry, 29 02 1886; Times, 26 07 1882, p. 6 (Mrs Booth speaking at Blackheath).Google Scholar Cf., K. S. Inglis, “English Nonconformity and Social Reform, 1880–1900”, in: Past & Present, No 13 (1958), pp. 83–86;CrossRefGoogle Scholar H. Pelling, “Religion and the Nineteenth-Century British Working Class”, ibid., No 27 (1964), pp. 128–33.

38 E.g., Beer, R., Matchgirls Strike 1888. The Struggle Against Sweated Labour in London's East End [National Museum of Labour History Pamphlet No 2] (London, n.d.), pp. 19–20.Google Scholar

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40 First Report from the Select Committee of the House of Lords on the Sweating System, pp. 1005–06; Times, 7 May 1888, p. 16; 12 May, p. 17; also War Cry, 13 April 1889; Ervine, , God's Soldier, op. cit., II, pp. 694–96.Google Scholar

41 See below, pp. 160f., 168ff.

42 Home Office Papers 45/9802/B5587/1, Public Record Office (hereafter HO). In December 1888, General Booth asked the Home Office for £15,000 to provide cheap shelters for the outcast poor, Hansard, Third Series, CCCXXXII (1888), c. 648; Times, 11 December 1888, p. 5; 25 December, p. 9.

43 Metropolitan Police Records 2/203: Booth, , In Darkest England, op. cit., pp. 99–100.Google Scholar

44 Inglis, , Churches, p. 201;Google Scholar Stedman Jones, G., Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (Oxford, 1971), pp. 289, 345–46;Google Scholar Bailey, V., “The Metropolitan Police, the Home Office and the Threat of Outcast London”, in Policing and Punishment in Nineteenth Century Britain, ed. by id, . (London, 1981), p. 97.Google Scholar

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49 Methodist Times, VI (1890), p. 1077; Inglis, , Churches, p. 202;Google Scholar Thompson, E. P., William Morris (London, 1977), pp. 493–94. See also note 13.Google Scholar

50 Champness, , Frank Smith, p. 12;Google Scholar Inglis, , Churches, p. 202; Star, 24 09 1890, p. 1; Justice, 30 08, p. 2;Google Scholar Woods, R. A., English Social Movements (London, 1892), pp. 171–72;Google Scholar Murdoch, N. H., “Salvationist-Socialist Frank Smith, M.P.: Father of Salvation Army Social Work”, unpublished paper delivered at the Fourth Annual Salvation Army Historical Conference, New York, 09 1978.Google Scholar

51 War Cry, 30 August 1890. In January 1887, Catherine Booth had told Henry George that “privately she would further his ideas as much as she could but that her position made it impossible for her to advocate his views publicly”, Ausubel, , In Hard Times, op. cit., p. 115.Google Scholar

52 War Cry, 30 August, 13 and 27 September, 1 and 29 November 1890. Smith left the Salvation Army before the final three articles were written, see below, pp. 158f. See also Inglis, , Churches, p. 209;Google Scholar Ch., Parkin, “The Salvation Army and Social Questions of the Day,” in: A Sociological Yearbook of Religion in Britain, VI, p. 111. It would be interesting to know if any accord between the Salvation Army and the labour movement developed in the United States. My impression, for what it is worth, is that there were similar linkages: Labour Leader, IX (1897), p. 355;Google Scholar Boyer, P., Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820–1920 (Cambridge, Mass., 1978), pp. 140–41.Google Scholar

53 Yeo, , “A New Life,” p. 39.Google Scholar

54 Ibid., pp. 14, 51, note 34; Blatchford, R., My Eighty Years (London, 1931), pp. 189–90;Google Scholar Pankhurst, , The Suffragette Movement, op. cit., pp. 128–29;Google Scholar Pierson, , Marxism, p. 228. Brocklehurst was a key figure in the Labour Church movement.Google Scholar

55 Cf. Thompson, “Social Control in Victorian Britain”, loc. cit.

56 Inglis, , Churches, p. 209;Google Scholar Hardie, , “Frank Smith”, loc. cit.; also Star, 24 September 1890, p. 1. A Times correspondent believed that “the ideas of the substantial parts of the scheme – that is to say, of the city colony and the farm colony – had their origin in the mind of Mr. Frank Smith,” Times, 26 December 1890, p. 5.Google Scholar

57 Booth, W. B., Echoes and Memories (London, 1926), pp. 141–43;Google Scholar Whyte, F., The Life of W. T. Stead (2 vols; London, 1925), II, p. 12;Google Scholar Begbie, , General William Booth, op. cit., II, pp. 92–93; Murdoch, “Salvationist-Socialist Frank Smith”, op. cit., p. 5;Google Scholar Booth, , In Darkest England, p. 136. In the Preface to In Darkest England, Booth acknowledged “valuable literary help” from a friend of the poor. Professor J. O. Baylen of Georgia State University, Atlanta, is about to publish what promises to be the definitive biography of W. T. Stead.Google Scholar

58 Inglis, , Churches, p. 203;Google Scholar W. Booth to A. White, 24 October 1890, to be found in the copy of White, A., The Great Idea (London, 1910), in the archives of the Salvation Army.Google Scholar

59 Whyte, , Stead, W. T., op. cit., II, p. 13.Google Scholar Milner had previously been on the staff of the Pall Mall Gazette, Gollin, A. M., Proconsul in Politics. A Study of Lord Milner in Opposition and in Power (London, 1964), pp. 10–11, 19.Google Scholar

60 Whyte, , Stead, W. T., II, p. 13.Google Scholar

61 d'A. Jones, P., The Christian Socialist Revival 1877–1914 (Princeton, 1968), p. 398;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Inglis, , Churches, pp. 203–04;Google Scholar Harris, J., Unemployment and Politics (Oxford, 1972), pp. 119–21.Google Scholar It is unknown whether Booth ever consulted the pamphlet Our Tramps, issued by the Church Army (the Church of England's imitation Salvation Army) in March 1890, in which a threefold scheme of City, Farming and Over-Sea colonies was first propounded, Heasman, K., Evangelicals in Action (London, 1962), pp. 59–60.Google Scholar It seems unlikely, finally, that Charles Booth's scheme of labour colonies influenced In Darkest England, Brown, J., “Charles Booth and Labour Colonies, 1889–1905,” in: Economic History Review, Second Series, XXI (1968), p. 357; Harris, loc. cit., p. 119.Google Scholar

62 Bebbington, D. W., “The City, the Countryside and the Social Gospel in Late Victorian Nonconformity,” in: The Church in Town and Countryside [Studies in Church History, XVI] (Oxford, 1979), pp. 418–23;Google Scholar Kent, J., “The Role of Religion in the Cultural Structure of the Later Victorian City,” in: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series, XXIII (1973), pp. 153–73;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Stedman, Jones, Outcast London, op. cit., pp. 308–12, 311, note 20. I agree with Jones when he says that General Booth and Frank Smith “were probably not motivated by any particular ambition to advance the cause of social imperialism”.Google Scholar

63 McBriar, , Fabian Socialism, p. 27;Google Scholar Besant, A., “Industry Under Socialism”, in: Fabian Essays in Socialism, ed. by Shaw, G. B. (London, 1889), p. 154–55.Google Scholar Annie Besant was also clearly influenced by the Rev. H. V. Mills's Poverty and the State. Keir Hardie proposed Home Colonies at the inaugural conference of the ILP in Bradford, in January 1893, which was held in the Labour Institute, formerly a Salvation Army “citadel”. Peffing, H., The Origins of the Labour Party 1880–1900 (Oxford, 1965), p. 119.Google Scholar

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65 Robertson, , “The Salvation Army,” pp. 65, 83;Google Scholar Inglis, , Churches, p. 195;Google Scholar Booth, , In Darkest England, pp. 45, 232.Google Scholar The Darkest England scheme was certainly the beginning of Booth's widespread popularity, following a decade of opposition, and it revived a flagging Salvation Army, Nicol, A. M., General Booth and the Salvation Army (London, 1911), pp. 192–93.Google Scholar

66 Booth, , In Darkest England, p. 12; Armytage, Heavens Below, op. cit., p. 318;Google Scholar Smith, W. S., The London Heretics 1870–1914 (New York, 1968), p. 14.Google Scholar

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68 Ibid., p. 50. For the Army's rescue work with prostitutes, see Prochaska, F. K., Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth Century England (Oxford, 1980), pp. 190, 202–03.Google Scholar

69 Booth, , In Darkest England, pp. 18, 34;Google Scholar Harris, , Unemployment and Politics, op. cit., pp. 124–25.Google Scholar For a critical response to Booth's view that unemployment caused distress, by the economic historian Ashley, W. J., who preferred the sentiments of the COS, see “General Booth's Panacea”, in: Political Science Quarterly, VI (1891), p. 546. I accept of course that the assault upon laissez-faire attitudes towards poverty was, at this date, a characteristic also of the writings of the social imperialists, Stedman Jones, Outcast London, p. 311.Google Scholar

70 Booth, , In Darkest England, pp. 36, 67–72.Google Scholar S., Cf. and Webb, B., The Prevention of Destitution (London, 1916), pp. 234–35.Google Scholar

71 Booth, , In Darkest England, p. 20.Google Scholar Booth regretted that a prison standard would be to set things too high: “Some time, perhaps, we may venture to hope that every honest worker on English soil will always be as warmly clad, as healthily housed, and as regularly fed as our criminal convicts — but that is not yet.” Ibid., p. 19.

72 Ibid., pp. 18, 77–80, 108, 110, Appendix 2. Anti-sweating experiments were an integral part of the scheme, whether it was the proposal to enter the matchbox-making industry or the labour exchange for the employment of sandwich men, bill-distributors and messengers.

73 Ausubel, H., “General Booth's Scheme of Social Salvation,” in: American Historical Review, LVI (1950–1951), pp. 519–25;Google Scholar Inglis, , Churches, pp. 204–09; Mayor, The Churches and the Labour Movement, op. cit., p. 52.Google Scholar For a sample of responses to In Darkest England, see Review of Reviews, II (1890), pp. 382ff., 492ff.; Economist, XLVIII (1890), p. 1468; Peek, F., “General Booth's Social Work,” in: Contemporary Review, LXII (1892), pp. 59–84.Google Scholar Most “experts” on London pauperism, with the exception of Peek, denounced the scheme as impractical, financially prohibitive, over-ambitious and a duplication of existing schemes to aid the submerged. Loch, C. S., An Examination of “General” Booth's Social Scheme (London, 1890), passim, but esp. p. 94, for the COS, predictably criticized the absence of all discrimination and the neglect of inquiry in the demoralizing provision of free food and shelter. The reaction of the main London newspapers to In Darkest England was generally very favourable. See the Daily Telegraph, Daily News and Daily Chronicle for 20 October 1890.Google Scholar

74 Woods, English Social Movements, op. cit., p. 19; Review of Reviews, II, p. 652; Commonweal, VII (1891), p. 5; Reynolds's Newspaper, 23 November 1890, p. 4. The Executive Council of Tillett's Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Labourers Union congratulated Booth “for the efforts he is now making on behalf of the downtrodden and helpless”, Docker's Record, December, p. 12. There was a favourable reaction also from the Workman's Times, 31 October, and the English Labourers Chronicle, 22 November.Google Scholar

75 Reynolds's Newspaper, 26 October, p. 4; 23 November, p. 2; also Armytage, , Heavens Below, p. 321. Cf. Weekly Dispatch, 23 November.Google Scholar

76 Star, 20 October, pp. 1–2; 21 October, p. 1. In the 1890's, the Star was the organ of the “Progressives” on the London County Council.

77 Labour World, 25 October, p. 8; 15 November, p. 3 (letter). Cf. the response to In Darkest England of Durant, an English single-taxer, in a letter to Henry George, 27 October: “You will be pleased with it. It seems to me the most important thing that has occurred for some time”, cited in Ausubel, In Hard Times, p. 108.

78 Christian Socialist, December 1890, January and March 1891. For more critical expressions of Christian Socialist opinion, see Th., Hancock, Salvation by Mammon. Two Sermons on Mr. Booth's Scheme (London, 1891), p. 16; Church Reformer, IX (1890), p. 286;Google Scholar Jones, , The Christian Socialist Revival, op. cit., pp. 108–11, 121.Google Scholar

79 “Elihu”, Is General Booth's Darkest England Scheme a Failure? A Word of Protest and Advice (Manchester, London, 1893), passim, but esp. pp. 11–12.

80 Hyndman, H. M., General Booth's Book Refuted (London, 1890), passim, but esp.pp. 4, 6, 8, 11.Google Scholar

81 Justice, 17 January 1891, p. 3; 24 January, p. 2 (H. Quelch spoke of Booth's “policy of pigwash and piety”); 9 April 1892, p. 2; Commonweal, VI (1890), pp. 345–46, 365. Cf. John Burns's critical response to the social scheme in an address to a Battersea Music Hall, Labour World, 1 November 1890, p. 2. Burns maintained a critical view of the Farm Colony, as he gradually abandoned the socialists for the Liberal Party, Brown, K. D.,Labour and Unemployment 1900–1914 (Newton Abbot, 1971), p. 81;Google Scholar Marsh, J., “The Unemployed and the Land”, in: History Today, 04 1982, p. 20; Times, 7 February 1908, p. 12. For a less hostile Socialist response, see the opening quotation to this article from Friedrich Engels.Google Scholar

82 Methodist Times, VI, p. 956, cited in Inglis, , Churches, p. 194.Google Scholar

83 Stead, W. T., “The Labour Party and the Books that helped to make it,” in: Review of Reviews, XXXIII (1906), pp. 568–82, quote at p. 580.Google Scholar For Summerbell, see Martin, D., “‘The Instruments of the People?’: The Parliamentary Labour Party in 1906”, in: Ideology and the Labour Movement, op. cit., pp. 128–29; Brown, Labour and Unemployment, op. cit., passim. The Webbs recommended In Darkest England for information on the most destitute, in The Prevention of Destitution, op. cit., p. 13.Google Scholar

84 War Cry, 3 January 1891; Daily Chronicle, 2 January; 5 January (letter); Times, 6 January, p. 5; Champness, Frank Smith, pp. 14–16.

85 Inglis, , Churches, pp. 209–10;Google Scholar Harris, , Unemployment and Politics, p. 128; HO 45/9861/13077D/1–2.Google Scholar

86 86 Times, 26 December 1890, p. 5; 29 December, p.4; 30 December, p. 5; 2 January 1891, pp. 5,7; Justice, 3 January, p. 1.

87 Workers' Cry, 2 May 1891; Labour Prophet, 1(1892), p. 24; III, p. 114; War Cry, 30 November 1901; All the World, December 1901; Armytage, , Heavens Below, p. 320;Google Scholar Murdoch, , “Salvationist-Socialist Frank Smith”, p. 10;Google Scholar Champness, , Frank Smith, pp. 19–49.Google Scholar See also Morgan, K. O., Keir Hardie (London, 1975), pp. 45–46, for Smith's unique brand of ethical socialism.Google Scholar

88 Booth, W. B. to General Booth, 9, 11 and 14 04 1891,7 12 1894, 18 10 1895; id. to Commissioner Pollard, 13 12 1895; letters to General Booth, 29 09 1894, 8 11 1895, Salvation Army archives.Google Scholar See General Booth to Booth, W. B., 29 11 1905:Google Scholar “Your letter made me very sad last night, but Hadleigh has ever been a trial to us.” See also Hadleigh Official Journal, 1908–09; Swan, A. S., The Outsiders (London, 1905–1906), p. 61; Selected Papers on the Social Work of the Salvation Army (London, 1907–1908); Third Report from the Select Committee on Distress from Want of Employment [C. 365] (1895), qq. 9607–09 (H. E. Moore);Google Scholar Fleay, C., “Hadleigh: A labour colony and its problems, 1891–1914,” in: Middlesex Polytechnic History Journal, 11 (1981), passim.Google Scholar I am extremely grateful to Mr Fleay for sending me an offprint of this article. For descriptions of the Farm Colony, see Booth, , Life and Labour, Third Senes, VI, pp. 178–81; Report on Agencies and Methods for Dealing with the Unemployed (Board of Trade, Labour Department) [C. 7182] (1893–1894), pp. 549–52. However, a favourable account of Hadleigh Colony appeared in the Clarion, 16 June 1892, p. 7.Google Scholar

89 Mitchell, D. C., The Darkest England Match Industry (Camberley, 1976), passim;Google Scholar Mayor, , The Churches and the Labour Movement, p. 51;Google Scholar Booth, W. B., Work in Darkest England in 1894 (London, 1894), p. 30.Google Scholar

90 Heasman, , Evangelicals in Action, op. cit., pp. 60–61;Google Scholar Booth, , Life and Labour, First Series, I, p. 127; Third Series, VI, pp. 174-85; VII, p. 342; HO 45/9729/A52912;Google Scholar Clarion, , 27 08 1892, p. 6; 3 09, p. 6; 17 09, p. 4; 24 09, p. 5;Google Scholar Booth, W. B., Light in Darkest England in 1895 (London, 1895), p. 25. There were shelters in Bristol, Leeds, Bradford and Manchester, and one for women in both Edinburgh and Cardiff, in addition to the London shelters. For more favourable comments on the Salvation Army shelters, see Report of the Inter-Departmental Committee on Physical Deterioration [Cd 2175] (1904), qq. 3669 (D. Eyre), 7876 (W. H. Libby).Google Scholar

91 “Elihu”, General Booth's Darkest England Scheme, op. cit., p. 11; Roxby, R. B., General Booth Limited. A Lime-Light on the “Darkest England” Scheme (London, 1893), p. 5;–21 05, p. 8; 27 08, p. 6; 3 09, p. 6:15 10, p. 5; 26 11, p. 5.Google Scholar See ibid., 1 October, p. 8, letter from a firewood cutter: “Now, when Commissioner Smith was head of the Salvation Army he received our deputation, and promised us that he would discontinue the practice of Firewood Cutting in the Salvation Army.” See also Church Reformer (edited by Headlam), XI (1892), pp. 210, 227–29, 249, 277; Headlam, S., Christian Socialism [Fabian Tract No 42] (London, 1892), p. 10. For Bramwell Booth's reply to these charges, and to the related charges of underselling on the Farm Colony, see Third Report from the Select Committee on Distress from Want of Employment, op. cit., qq. 9911, 9913. There were workshops in Bradford, Bristol, Manchester, Leeds and Hull, as well as in London. By 1903, there were 64 “elevators” in operation, Living Epistles: Sketches of the Social Work of the Salvation Army (London, 1903), p. 36.Google Scholar

92 Webb, B., Our Partnership (London, 1948), pp. 125–26;Google Scholar Ervine, , God's Soldier, II, p. 729. In consequence, the London Trades Council refused to join a demonstration against the Salvation Army organized by the Printers Federation.Google Scholar

93 Report of the Departmental Committee on Vagrancy [Cd 2891] (1906) (hereafter Vagrancy Committee), p. 96 (para 332), qq. 7414–16 (D. C. Lamb). In 1895, the Argentine looked like a possible site for an oversea colony, Booth, W. B. to General Booth, 18 10 1895, Salvation Army archives.Google Scholar

94 Harris, , Unemployment and Politics, pp. 124–35, quote at p. 128.Google Scholar

95 Third Report from the Select Committee on Want of Employment, q. 9963.

96 Ibid., q. 9911.

97 Fleay, , “Hadleigh”, loc. cit., p. 6;Google Scholar Booth, , Life and Labour, Third Series, I, p. 108; VII, p. 341;Google Scholar Vagrancy Committee, q. 5371 (Crooks); McBriar, , Fabian Socialism, pp. 120, 198, 202.Google Scholar

98 Vagrancy Committee, q. 7322 (Lamb).

99 Armytage, , Heavens Below, p. 321;Google Scholar Booth, , Echoes and Memories, op. cit., pp. 148–50. In 1895, W. T. Stead also visited Hadleigh and was “captured by what he saw” according to Bramwell Booth, Begbie, General William Booth, II, p. 204.Google Scholar

100 Blatchford, , My Eighty Yeats, op. cit., pp. 209–13; Hansard, Fourth Series, CXVIII (1903), c. 324 (Sir John Gorst);Google Scholar Gilbert, , National Insurance in Britain, op. cit., p. 99.Google Scholar

101 Report on the Salvation Army Colonies in the United States and at Hadleigh, England […] by Commissioner Haggard, H. Rider [Cd 2562] (1905), pp. 370, 377–79, 430–35; Report by the Departmental Committee appointee to consider Mr. Rider Haggard 's Report on Agricultural Settlements in British Colonies [Cd 2978] (1906), p. 545.Google Scholar One of the members of Lord Tennyson's Committee was Sidney Webb. See also Cohen, M. N., Haggard, Rider. His Life and Works (New York, 1961), pp. 239–43. Rider Haggard's report appeared in popular form as The Poor and the Land (1905), which was recommended reading in More Books to Read on Social and Economic Subjects [Fabian Tract No 129] (London, 1906).Google Scholar

102 Harris, , Unemployment and Politics, pp. 131–32; Vagrancy Committee, p. 77 (para 264), qq. 7 103–24 (Lamb), 10585–86 (H. Lockwood), Appendix XXIV.Google Scholar

103 Emigration-Colonisation: Proposals by General Booth (London, 1905), Beveridge Collection, Coll. B, III, item 28, British Library of Political and Economic Science; Fleay, C., “The Salvation Army and Emigration 1890–1914,” in: Middlesex Polytechnic History Journal, I (1980), pp. 63–64;Google Scholar cf., G. Wagner, Children of the Empire (London, 1982).Google Scholar Between 1906 and 1908, however, William Booth was pressing the Liberal Cabinet, particularly Earl Rosebery, for a loan of £100,000 for a Rhodesian colonization scheme, but without success: Begbie, , General William Booth, II, pp. 362–68;Google Scholar Hyam, R., Elgin and Churchill at the Colonial Office 1905–1908 (London, 1968), p. 287.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

104 HO 45/10499/117669/4; Booth, W. to Booth, W. B., 29 11 1905, Salvation Army archives; Vagrancy Committee, qq. 6189, 7504; The Vagrant and the “Unemployable”. A Proposal by General Booth (London, 1904), pp. 9–18. For Wiffiam Beveridge's annotations to this pamphlet, see Beveridge Collection, Coil. B, IV, item 38.Google Scholar

105 Vagrancy Committee, Appendix XXVII. Gorst's bill was supported by Herbert Gladstone and R. B. Haldane, Liberal MPs, and by D. J. Shackleton and Will Crooks, Labour MPs. See HO 45/10499/117669/10 and 10578/179621/1–2. For Gorst, see McBriar, , Fabian Socialism, p. 215;Google Scholar Begbie, , General William Booth, II, p. 361;Google Scholar Gilbert, , National Insurance in Britain, pp. 94–95, 98–99, 130;Google Scholar Gorst, J. E., “Governments and Social Reform,” in: Fortnightly Review, LXXVII (1905), p. 848; id.,Google Scholar “Physical Deterioration in Great Britain,” in: North American Review, CLXXXI (1905), pp. 1–10;Google Scholar Hansard, , Fourth Series, CXXXV (1904), c. 648. See also Report of the Inter-Departmental Committee on Physical Deterioration, p. 24 (para 91).Google Scholar

106 See Vorspan, R., “Vagrancy and the New Poor Law in late-Victorian and Edwardian England,” in: English Historical Review, XCII (1977), pp. 78–79. See also Lloyd's Weekly News, 11 03 1906, p. 14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

107 Hardie, J. K., “Dealing With the Unemployed”, in: Nineteenth Century, LVII (1905), p. 52;Google Scholar Vorspan, , “Vagrancy and the New Poor Law”, p. 79.Google Scholar For Lansbury and Crooks, see Harris, , Unemployment and Politics, pp. 139–41, 143, 237;Google Scholar Marsh, , “The Unemployed and the Land”, loc. cit., pp. 16–20. The Weekly Dispatch, 2 02 1908, p. 6, however, was critical of this part of the Labour Party's scheme.Google Scholar

108 Orwell, G., The Road to Wigan Pier (London, 1937), p. 212;Google Scholar Gilbert, , National Insurance in Britain, pp. 72–77.Google Scholar See also Ball, S., The Moral Aspect of Socialism [Fabian Tract No 72] (London, 1896), p. 5; The Abolition of Poor Law Guardians [Fabian Tract No 126] (London, 1906), p. 22.Google Scholar

109 Webb, , Our Partnership, op. cit., p. 396.Google Scholar

110 Ibid., p. 400.

111 Ibid., p. 401; id. to Mary Playne, 2 February 1908, Passfield Papers, II,4 d, item 2. S., Cf. and Webb, B., The Prevention of Destitution, p. 243. See also Royal Commission on the Poor Laws and Relief of Distress [Cd 4499] (1909), pp. 633 (Majority), 1206–08 (Minority). The Majority Report also proposed labour colonies for the residuum.Google Scholar

112 See Nicol, , General Booth and the Salvation Army, op. cit., p. 204.Google Scholar

113 Etherington, , “Hyndman, the Social-Democratic Federation, and Imperialism,” loc. cit., p. 98;Google Scholar Armytage, , Heavens Below, p. 326.Google Scholar R. V. Clements, Cf., “Trade Unions and Emigration 1840–1880,” in: Population Studies, IX (1955), pp. 167–80.Google Scholar

114 Clegg, H. A., Fox, A. and Thompson, A. F., A History of British Trade Unions since 1889, I (Oxford, 1964), p. 403, note 7; Times, 6 09 1907, p. 5.Google Scholar

115 This section is based on work done by Sheila Blackburn of Manchester University on the newspaper cuttings in Folder 207 of the Gertrude Tuckwell Collection. Tuckwell was, amongst other things, the honorary secretary of the Women's Trade Union League. The following items were the most helpful: Morning Post and Daily Chronicle for 7 September 1908; Nottingham Guardian, 10 September; Morning Leader, 20 January 1909; Bromley Chronicle, 18 February; Eastern Daily Press, 28 June; Dulwich Post, 14 August; Glasgow Herald, 27 September; Derby Telegraph, 15 August 1910; Northampton Echo, 10 September. See also Times, 2 September 1908, p. 10; 13 February 1909, p. 8; 8 March, p. 10; 30 August, p. 2; Salvation Army Sweating: Manifesto by the United Workers' Anti-Sweating Committee, Beveridge Collection, Coll. B, IV, item 15.

116 Daily News, 26 August 1907; Labour Leader, New Series, IV (1907), pp. 152, 178.

117 Daily Express, 26 August; Tribune, 7 September; Star, 16 September; Times, 7 September, p. 7; 22 September 1908, p. 9; A Calumny Exposed. A Reply to the unfounded charges of Sweating brought against the Hanbury Street Labour Home (London, 1909), passim. Alex Nicol subsequently left the Salvation Army and wrote favourably of state or Fabian socialism. Of the sweating issue, he later said: “It was alleged that sweating was practised here — I know it was. The Army officials argued to the contrary, and I am rather ashamed that I was among the number”. General Booth and the Salvation Army, p. 202.

118 Gardiner, A. G., Prophets, Priests, and Kings (London, 1914), p. 193.Google Scholar Booth's intransigence hardly dovetailed with the anti-sweating movement of the early twentieth century, for which see Mayor, , The Churches and the Labour Movement, pp. 124, 136, 219;Google Scholar Solden, N. C., Women in British Trade Unions 1874–1976 (Dublin, 1978), p. 65;Google Scholar Sh., Lewenhak, Women and Trade Unions (London, 1977), pp. 119–20.Google Scholar

119 Times, 9 September 1908, p. 12; Labour Leader, New Series, V (1908), p. 586; Our Society's History, ed. by Higenbottam, S. (Manchester, 1939), pp. 176–79; Report of Proceedings at the Forty-Second Annual Trades Union Congress (London, 1909), pp. 75–84, 119-22.Google Scholar

120 Times, 28 May 1908, p. 12; 5 February 1909, p. 7. Nor did the Anti-Sweating Committee gain any assistance from the Report of the Departmental Committee on the Truck Acts [Cd 4442] (1908), pp. 17–18. See, however, the Minority Report by Stephen Walsh and MrsTennant, H. J. at p. 93. Keir Hardie still often visited Salvation Army shelters in order to help the destitute, Pankhurst, The Suffragette Movement, p. 179;Google Scholar Morgan, , Keir Hardie, op. cit., p. 127.Google Scholar

121 Report of the Forty-Second Annual TUC, pp. 119–22; Yorkshire Evening News, 1910, undated cutting in the Tuckwell Collection; Times, 14 September 1910, p. 8.

122 Harrison, , Drink and the Victorians, op. cit., pp. 397–405.Google Scholar For the continued strength of the Nonconformist connection, however, see Mayor, , The Churches and the Labour Movement, p. 339;Google Scholar Brown, K. D., “Non-Conformity and the British Labour Movement: A Case Study”, in: Journal of Social History, VIII (1974–1975), No 2, pp. 113–20.Google Scholar

123 Booth, , Life and Labour, Third Series, VII, pp. 422ff.;Google Scholar Stedman, Jones, “Working Class Culture and Working-Class Politics,” loc. cit., pp. 460–508.Google Scholar

124 Shaw, G. B., Major Barbara (London, 1980), p. 98.Google Scholar