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A Blind Spot: Migratory and Travelling Groups in Western European Historiography*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 February 2009

Leo Lucassen
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International Review of Social History , Volume 38 , Issue 2 , August 1993 , pp. 209 - 235
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Copyright © Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis 1993

References

1. Hufton, Olwen, “Begging, Vagrancy, Vagabondage, and the Law: an Aspect of the Problem of Poverty in Eighteenth-Century France”, European Studies Review, 2 (1972), no. 2, pp. 97–123, esp. pp. 102 and 103CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2. Danker, Uwc, Räuberbanden im Alien Reich un 1700. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte von Herrschafi und Kriminalita't in derfrtihen Neuzeit (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), p. 358Google Scholar.

3. Kamen, Henri, European Society 1500–1700 (London, 1986), pp. 167–193Google Scholar.

4. Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, Deutsche Gcscllschaftsgcschichtc. Vom Fcudalismus des Alien Reiches bis zur defensiven Modernisierung der Reformära 1700–1815 (Munich, 1987), pp. 174–176Google Scholar.

5. For the sake of variation, the term “travellers” is also used.

6. See, among others, Avé-Lallemant, F. C. B., Das Deutsche Gaunerthum, 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1858–1862)Google Scholar; Paultre, C., De la répression de la mendicité et du vagabondage en France dans Vancien régime (Paris, 1906)Google Scholar;Ribton-Turner, C. J., A History of Vagrants and Vagrancy and Beggars and Begging (London, 1887) andGoogle ScholarAydelottc, F., Elizabethan Rogues and Vagabonds (Oxford, 1913)Google Scholar.

7 To be defined here as people who have been labelled with this term during time. See Lucassen, Leo, “En men noemde hen zigeuners”. De geschiedenis van Kaldarash, Ursari, Lowara en Sinti in Nederland: 1750–1944 (Amsterdam etc., 1990)Google Scholar, and “The Power of Definition. Stigmatisation, Minoritisation and Ethnicity Illustrated by the History of Gypsies in the Netherlands”, Netherlands' Journal of Social Sciences, 27 (October 1991), no. 2, pp. 80–91.

8. An influential study in the 1930s was: Ritter, Robert, Ein Menschenschlag. Erba'rztliche und erbgeschichtliche Untersuchungen tiber die - dutch 10 Geschlechterfolgen erforschten - Nachkommen von “Vagabunden, Jaunern und Ra'ubem” (Leipzig, 1937). See alsoGoogle ScholarFinger, Otto, Studien an zwei asozialen Zigeuner-Mischlingsippen; ein Beitrag zur Asozialen-und Zigeunerfrage (Giessen, 1937)Google Scholar. For an overview of German publications on “gypsies” from a criminalistic point of view: Ruch, Martin, Zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte der deutschtsprachigen “Zigeunerforschung” von den Anfa'ngen bis 1900 (Ph.D., Freiburg, 1986), pp. 489–498Google Scholar.

9 Stedman-Jones, G., Outcast London. A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (London, 1971, reprint Harmondsworth, 1984)Google Scholar. See for a similar approach, White, J., “Campbell Bunk: a Lumpen Community in London between the Wars”, History Workshop, 8 (1979), pp. 1–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Jones, David, Crime, Protest, Community and Police in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1982), pp. 178–207Google Scholar.

10. In Switzerland it also took a long time before the classical racist study of WaltisbUhl, R. on vagrants (Die Bekämpfung des Landstrcicher- und Landfahrertums in der Schweiz. Eine Untersuchung der rechtlichen und soziologischen Stellung der Nichtsesshaften in der Schweiz (Aarau, 1944))Google Scholar was fundamentally criticized. His racist interpretation (see especially pp. 104–130) was attacked only from 1987 onwards: Huonker, Thomas, Fahrendes Volk-verfolgt und verfemt. Jenische Lebensläufe (Zürich, 1987), and doGoogle ScholarMeyer, , Unkraut der Landstrasse. Industriegesellschaft und Nichtscsshaftigkeit. Am Beispiel der Wandersippen und der schweizerischen Politik an den Bündner Jenischen (Discntis, 1988)Google Scholar.

11. The most important works of arc, Hermann Arnold: Vaganten, Komödianten, Fieranten und Briganten. Untersuchungen zum Vagantenproblem an vagierenden Bevölkerungsgruppcn voriviegend der Pfalz (Stuttgart, 1958)Google Scholar; Die Zigeuner. Herkunft und Leben im deutschen Sprachgebiet (Olten, 1965) and Fahrendes Volk. Randgruppen des Zigeunervolkes (Neustadt a.d. Weinstrüsse, 1980, reprint in 1983, LandausPfalz).

12. Arnold refers in the first place to Rittcr's book on anti-socials (Ein Menschenschlag) in which an outright racist theory is put forward. Only recently have the racist views of Arnold been sharply attacked, especially by scholars specialized in the history of gypsy-persecution in Germany: Michael Winter, “KontinuitSten in der deutschen Zigeunerforschung und Zigeuncrpolitik”, in Ayass, W.et al., Feinderklaärung und Prävention. Kriminalbiologie, Zigeunerforschung und Asozialenpolitik. Beiträge zur Nationalsozialistisdien Gesundheits und Sozialpolitik, Vol. 6 (Berlin, 1988), pp. 135–152Google Scholar. See also Zimmermann, Michael, Verfolgt, vertrieben, vernichtet. Die nationalsozialistische Vernichtungspolitik gegen Sinti und Roma (Essen, 1989), pp. 25–32Google Scholar; and Berbüsse, Volker, “Das Bild der Zigeuner' in deutschsprachigen kriminologischen Lehrbuchern seit 1949. Eine erste Bestandsaufnahme”, Jahrbuch des Zentrums filr Antisemitismitsforschung, Vol. 1 (Berlin, 1992), pp. 117–151Google Scholar.

13. To be defined as the way of thinking that stresses the importance of biological and hereditary traits to explain negative social behaviour. This regards not only so-called races, but also social groups such as causal workers or “anti-socials” whose behaviour is considered as a product of hereditary traits.

14. “Krankheit des Volkskörpers” (Vaganten, Komödianten, Fieranten und Briganten, p. 2).

15. Ibid., p. 33.

16. See, for example, his influence on Evans, R. J., “Introduction: the 'Dangerous Gasscs in Germany from the Middle Ages to the Twentieth Century”, in Evans, (ed.), The German Underworld. Deviants in German History (London etc., 1988), pp. 1–28. Evans mentions four books of Arnold as serious sources without any critical comment (note 3 on p. 20). See in this respect alsoGoogle ScholarDoege, Michael, Armut in Preussen und Bayern (1770–1840) (Munich, 1991), p. 115Google Scholar. Even more remarkable is the unquestioning reference to Rittcr's Ein Mensch-enschlag by Endres, R.: “Das Armcnproblcm im Zcitaltcr des Absolutismus”, in Kopitzsch, F. (ed.), Aufklärung, Absolutismus und Bürgertum in Deutschland (Munich, 1976), pp. 220–244, csp. p. 229. One of the few professional historians who explicitly criticizes Arnold is Danker (Rauberbanden, p. 4). See in this respect also Berbüsse, “Das Bild 'der Zigeuner” \ and Carsten KUther (note 20)Google Scholar.

17. Arnold, Vaganten, Komödianten, Fieranten und Briganten, pp. 37–43.

18. Ibid., p. 47.

19. Küther, Carsten, Räuber und Gauner in Deutschland (Göttingen, 1976)Google Scholar.

20. See, for example, the reviews of his book of 1976 in the Journal of Social History, 12 (1978–79), no. 4, pp. 648–649 (by J. F. Wagner) and in the Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 27 (1980), pp. 331–332 (by H. J. Lüsebrink). His book of 1983 (Menschen auf der Strasse. Vagierende Unterscltichten in Bayern, Franken und Schwaben in der zweiten Ha'lfte des 18. Jahrhunderts (Göttingen, 1983)) was favourably reviewed in Vierteljahrshefte fttr SoziaUund Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 71 (1984), pp. 407–408 (by K. Fuchs) and the Zeitschrift far historische Forschung, 13 (1986), pp. 374–375 (by U.-C. Pallach).

21. Küther, Menschen auf der Strasse.

22. Küther, Räuber und Gauner in Deutschland, p. 14. Here he refers to Radbruch, G. and Gwinner, H., Geschichte des Verbrechens (Stuttgart, 1951), p. 268Google Scholar.

23. Küther, Räuber und Gauner in Deutschland, pp. 25–26.

24. See, for example, Endres, “Das Armenproblem”; Ay, K. L., “Unehrlichkeit, Vagantentum und Bettelwesen in der vorindustriellen Gesellschaft”, in Grab, W. (ed.), Jahrbuch des Instituts far deutsche Geschichte, Vol. 8 (Tel Aviv, 1979), pp. 13–38Google Scholar;Kopecny, A., Fahrende und Vagabunden. Ihre Geschichte, Uberlebungskilnste, Zeichen und Strassen (Berlin, 1980)Google Scholar; Sachsse, C. and Tennstedt, F. (eds.), Bettler, Gauner und Proleten. Armut und Armenfürsorge in der deutschen Geschichte. Ein Bild-Lesebuch (Hamburg, 1983)Google Scholar; Reinicke, H., Gaunenvirts chaft. Die erstaunlichen Abenteuer hebräischer Spitzbuben in Deutschland (Berlin, 1983)Google Scholar; Reif, H. (ed.), Räuber, Volk und Obrigkeit. Studien zur Geschichte der Kriminalität in Deutschland seit dent 18. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main, 1984)Google Scholar; and Rohrbacher, S., “Räuberbanden, Gaunertum und Bettelwesen”, in Bohnke-Kollwitz, J. et al. (eds.), Köln und das rheinische Judentum (Cologne, 1984), pp. 117–124Google Scholar.

25. Schubert, E., Arme Leute. Dealer und Gauner im Franken des 18. Jahrhunderts (Neustadt a.d. Aisch, 1983)Google Scholar.

26. Sec in this respect also his article “Mobilität ohne Chancen: die Ausgrenzung des fahrenden Volkes”, in Schulze, W. (ed.), Staändische Gesellschaft und soziale Mobilität (Munich, 1988), pp. 113–164CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27. Also on this point Schubert shows himself to be critical towards his sources: “Wieder also das bereits bekannte Problem: Die von der Obrigkeit aus städtisch-grossbürgerlichem oder adligem Denken heraus Verfolgten bzw. Inkriminierten sind ebenso wie die Hausierer notwendig für die Versorgung des Landes” (Arme Leute), p. 243).

28 Danker, Räuberbanden; Finzsch, N., Obrigkeit und Unterschichten. Zur Geschichte der rheinischen Unterschichten gegen Ende des 18. und zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1990); and Peter Nitschke, Verbrechensbekämpfung und Verwaltung. Die Entstehung der PolU zei in der Grafschafi Lippe, 1700–1814 (Münster etc., 1990)Google Scholar.

29. Finzsch, Obrigkeit und Unterschichten, p. 26. See also Danker, Räuberbanden, p. 431, and Nitschke, Verbrechensbekämpfung und Verwaltung, p. 41.

30. See in this context the works of Ribton-Turner, A History of Vagrants and Aydelotte, Elizabethan Rogues and Vagabonds. To show the strength of this approach, see also the more recent book of Salgado, G., The Elizabethan Underworld (London, 1977)Google Scholar. A more elaborate list can be found in Beier, A. L., Masterless Men. The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560–1640 (London etc., 1985)Google Scholar.

31. Tawney, R. H., The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1967), p. 275Google Scholar, quoted by Beier, A. L., “Vagrants and the Social Order in Elizabethan England”, Past & Present, 64 (08 1974), pp. 3–29, esp. p. 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33. Beier, , “Vagrants and the Social Order”, an elaboration of which article was published in 1985 (Masterless Men)Google Scholar;Slack, P. A., “Vagrants and Vagrancy in England 1598–1664”, in Gark, Peter and Souden, David (eds.), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London, 1987), pp. 49–76Google Scholar. Slack's, article was published earlier in Economic History Review 2nd series, 27 (1974), pp. 360–379Google Scholar. See also Clark, Peter, “The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580–1640”, in Clark, P. and Slack, P. (eds.), Crisis and Order in English Towns 1500–1700. Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117–163Google Scholar.

33. Pound, J., Poverty and Vagrancy in Tudor England (London, 1971)Google Scholar. See also the debate with Beier, in Past & Present, 71 (1976), pp. 126–129 and 130–134CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34. His study of 1974 is based on an analysis of the arrests of 1,159 vagrants in various English counties in the period 1560–1640.

35. Clark, “The Migrant in Kentish Towns”. He propounded a difference between “betterment” and “subsistence” migration (p. 149), the latter being regarded as a symptom of poverty and typical for vagrants, especially when they travel in family groups.

36. See on this point the review of Bcicr's book of 1985 (Masterless Men) by Underdown, D., Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 18 (1987), no. 2, pp. 353–355CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Underdown justly argues that the difference between “vagrants”, “migrants” and “masterless people” remains much too vague. See also the critical remarks in the review article of Boulton, J., “The Counting of the People and the People that Counted”, The Historical Journal, 31 (1990), no. 3, pp. 713–719, esp. pp. 718–719CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37. Beier, Masterless Men, p. 90.

38 See for the Netherlands, for example, the works of Kappen, Olav van, Geschiedcnis der zigeuners in Nederland (Assen, 1965) andGoogle ScholarEerenbeemt, H. F. J. M. van den, In het spanningsvetd der armoede (Tilburg, 1968)Google Scholar; idem, Van mensenjacht en overheidsmacht (Tilburg, 1970). For France, P. Dartiguenave et al. , Marginalité, déviance, pauvreté en France XlVeXIX siécles (Caen, 1981, Cahier des Annalcs de Normandie, no. 13)Google Scholar. Geremek, Bronislaw, “Criminaiité, vagabondage, paupérisme: la marginalité à I'aube des temps modernes”, Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (07–09 1974), pp. 337–375CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Les Marginaux Parisiens aux XIV et XVe siècle (Paris, 1976); idem, Truands et miserables dans I'Europe moderne (1350–1600) (Paris, 1980); idem, Les Fils de Caïn. L'image des pauvres et des vagabonds dans la littérature européenne du XVe au XVHe siècle (Paris, 1991).

40. Depauw, J., “Pauvres, pauvres mendiants, mendiants valides ou vagabonds? Les hésitations de la législation royale”, Revue d'histoire modeme et contemporaine, 21 (07–09 1974), pp. 401–418CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See for this also Lis, Catharina and Soly, Hugo, Poverty and Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe (Hassocks, 1979), pp. 80–96Google Scholar.

41. Based on the sociologists Vexliard and Merton. It is remarkable, though, that Vexliard, Alexandre (Introduction à la sociologie du vagabondage (Paris, 1956)) states that wandering or migration is not decisive for becoming a vagrant: “Dès lors, l'errance, la migration, ne sont pas des notions essentielles dans la définition du vagabond, malgré l'étymologic” (p.18)Google Scholar.

42. See, for example, Goff, Jacques le, “Les Marginaux dans l'occidcnt médiéval”, in Les Marginaux et les exclus dans Vhistoire (Paris, 1979, Cahiers Jussicu), pp. 19–28Google Scholar, who points to the state and the church as responsible for the growth of marginal groups. See also Chaunu, P. (ed.), Marginalité, déviance, pauvretien France XlVe-XIXe siècles (Paris, 1981)Google Scholar and Agulhon, M. (ed.), Les Marginaux et les autres (Paris, 1990)Google Scholar. Recently the stigmatization concept was used by Moore, R. I. in explaining the persecution of heretics, Jews and lepers in the Middle Ages (The Formation of a Persecution Society (Oxford, 1987))Google Scholar.

43. Graus, F., “Randgruppen der städtischen Gescllschaft im Spätmittelalter”, Zeitschrift für historische Forschung, 8 (1981), no. 4, pp. 385–437Google Scholar.

44. These groups are assumed to be different in the first place by their origin, but the most important explanation for their marginal position is the fact that they want to be different, by their religion and nomadic way of life. Thus, according to Graus (who is on one line with Geremek), they placed themselves outside the regular society. The stigmatization and marginalization, however blameworthy they are, are only a reaction to this deviant behaviour (Graus, “Randgruppen der städtischen Gescllschaft”, p. 398). See in this respect also Jütte, Robert, Abbild und soziale Wirklichkeit des Bettler-und Gaunertums zu Beginn der Neuzeit. Sozial-, mentalitäts- und sprachgeschichtliche Studien zum Liber Vagatorum (1510) (Cologne etc., 1988), pp. 28–34Google Scholar, and Bochncke, Heiner and Johannsmeier, Rolf (eds.), Das Buch der Vaganten. Spieler, Huren, Leutbetrüger (Cologne, 1987)Google Scholar.

45 He criticizes in this respect the classfication of Th. Fischer, who put the dishonest professions and work-shy anti-socials at the bottom: Fischer, Th., Stüdtische Annul und Armenfürsorge im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1978), pp. 82–91Google Scholar.

46 Hufton, Olwen, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750–1789 (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83–102 and 120Google Scholar. See also Hufton, “Begging, Vagrancy, Vagabondage, and the Law”, pp. lOOff. A similar description can be found in Braudel, Fernand, La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à I'époque de Philippe II, 2 vols. (Paris, 1976), II, pp. 80–83Google Scholar. His explanation (“cette silencieuse et épouvantable armée des prolétaircs”, p. 83) fits well in the poverty interpretation.

47. Jean-Pierre Gutton, L'Etat et la mendicitè dans la première moitié du XVllle siècle. Auvergne, Beaujolais, Forez, Lyonnais (n.p., 1973), p. 21. This book is largely based on his Ph.D. thesis, “La Société ct les pauvrcs. L'exemple de la généralité de Lyon 1534–1789” (Lyon, 1971). Schwartz, R. M., Policing the Poor in Eighteenth-Century France (Chapel Hill etc., 1988)Google Scholar.

48. Gutton, “La socíeté ct les pauvres”, p. 54.

49. Gutton, L'Etat et la mendicité, pp. 180–181.

50. Ibid p. 198. This is supported by the analysis of the relationship between marginality and migration in the recent study of Moch, Leslie Page, Moving Europeans. Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, 1992), pp. 88–93Google Scholar.

51. Sec Lis and Soly, Poverty and Capitalism, pp. 224–225, on the weakness of traditional (nco-Malthusian) explanations.

52. Brenner, R., “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-lndustrial Europe”, Past & Present, 70 (1976), pp. 30–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53. This criticism was uttered by Vries, Jan de in his review article “Armoede en kapitalisme; cen bespreking”, Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 21 (03 1981), pp. 49–58. In their rejoinder Lis and Soly denied that they had equated proletarianization with impoverishment, but further on (p. 64) they admit that on the whole they support this proposition:Google ScholarLis, Catharina and Soly, Hugo, “Proletarisering en verarming: een repliek”, Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 21 (03 1981), pp. 58–71Google Scholar.

54. Lis and Soly, Poverty and Capitalism, pp. 79 and 188–190. Their interpretation of the functions of migration is based on the work of Hufton (The Poor), among others.

55. Many of them were not involved in wage-labour, at least not systematically, but were “penny capitalists”. See for this concept Benson, John, The Penny Capitalists. A Study of Nineteenth-Century Working-Class Entrepreneurs (Dublin, 1983)Google Scholar.

56. Some German authors go even further and, without giving any proof, argue that travelling groups indeed resisted the new work discipline. See for this also Nitschke, Verbrechensbekämpfung und Venvaltung, p. 42, and Danker, Raüuberbanden, p. 431. The latter argues that travelling groups resisted modernization because they had the greatest trouble accepting a work discipline opposed to their lifestyle.

57. Lis, Catharina, Soly, Hugo and Damme, Dirk van, Op vrije voeten? Sociale politick in West-Europa (1450–1914) (Leuven, 1985), p. 84. A balanced approach is also offered byGoogle ScholarReif, H., “Vagierende Unterschichten, Vagabunden und BandenkriminalitSt im Anden Rdgime”, Beiträge zur Historischen Sozialkunde (1981), pp. 27–37, and by Schubert, “Mobilitat ohne Chance”, pp. 128–129 and 138–143Google Scholar.

58. Goubert, Pierre, Clio parmi les hommes (The Hague etc., 1976), pp. 265–278CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59. Baulant, Micheline, “Groupes mobiles dans une sociétéséentaire: la société rurale autour de Mcaux au XVIIe ct XVIIIe siéeles”, in Les Marginaux et les exclus dans Vhistoire (Paris, 1979, Cahiers Jussicu), pp. 78–154, csp. p. 118Google Scholar. Similar conclusions for urban migration in the nineteenth century are drawn by Schaepdrijver, Sophie de, Elites for the Capital? Foreign Migration to Mid-Nineteenth-Century Brussels (Amsterdam, 1990)Google Scholar.

60 Lucassen, Jan, Migrant Labour in Europe between 1600 and 1900. The Drift to the North Sea (London etc., 1987)Google Scholar. An important earlier study on this subject is: Chatelain, Abel, Les Migrants temporaires en France de 1800 á 1914, 2 vols. (Lille, 1976)Google Scholar. More recently this topic was enriched by the study of Ponchelet, Danifele, Ouvriers nomades et patrons briards. Les grandes exploitations agricoles dans la Brie 1848–1938 (Paris, 1987)Google Scholar.

61. Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 88–92. Spufford came to a comparable conclusion in her book on petty chapmen in seventeenth-century England: Spufford, Margaret, The Great Reclothing of Rural England. Petty Chapmen and their Wares in the Seventeenth-Century (London, 1984), pp. 14–31Google Scholar. See also Spufford, , Small Books and Pleasant Histories. Popular Fiction and its Readership in Seventeenth-Century England (London, 1981)Google Scholar.

62. See, for example, Lucassen, Migrant Labour; Jan Lucassen, “Dutch Long Distance Migration. A Concise History 1600–1900” (Research paper no. 3 of the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam, 1991); and Moch, Moving Europeans For the industrial period, See Bade, Klaus J. (ed.), Population, Labour and Migration in 19th-and 20th-century Germany (Leamington etc., 1987)Google Scholar.

63. Charles Tilly, “Cities and Immigration in North America” (working paper no. 88, September 1989, New School for Social Research, New York), p. 1.

64 Georg Fertig, “Migration from the German-Speaking Parts of Central Europe, 1600–1800: Estimates and Explanations” (working paper no. 38/1991 of the John F. Kcnnedy-Institut filr Nordamcrikastudicn, Berlin, 1991), p. 4.

65. The analyses of Jan Lucassen and Georg Fertig are part of a more general change in the interpretation of migration. See in this respect also Clark, Peter and Souden, David (cds.), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London, 1987)Google Scholar; Tilly, “Cities and Immigration in North America”; and Green, Nancy L., “L'Histoire comparative et le champ des éludes migratoires”, Annales ESC (09–12 1990), no. 6, pp. 1135–1350Google Scholar.

66. There are some valuable German monographs on ambulatory occupations, e.g.: Hoher, P., Heimat und Fretnde. Wanderhdndler des oberen Sauerlandes (Müster, 1985). On itinerant musicians and showmen, seeGoogle ScholarZeraschi, H., Drehorgeln (Bern etc., 1976)Google Scholar; Tiggelen, Ph. J. van, Musiciens ambulants etjoueurs d'orgue au XIXe siècle. Approche socio-historique du phénomène de la musique de colportage dans la région bruxelloise: special issue of “The Brussels Museum of Musical Instruments, Bulletin”, Vols. 12–13 (1982–1983); andGoogle ScholarZucchi, John E., Vie Little Slaves of the Harp. Italian Child Street Musicians in Nineteenth-Century Paris, London, and New York (Montreal, 1992)Google Scholar. Some information can also be found in Cunningham, Hugh, Leisure in the Industrial Revolution C.1780–C.1880 (London, 1980), pp. 30–35 and 174–175Google Scholar, and in Benson, Tlie Penny Capitalists, pp. 65–72.

67. Demetz, M., Hausierhandel, Hausindustrie und Kunstgewerbe im Grödenthal. Vom 18. bis zum beginnenden 20. Jahrhundert (Innsbruck, 1987)Google Scholar. Cf. Sombart, Werner, Deutsche Volkswirtschaft im neunzehnten Jahrhundert und im Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts. Eine Einftihrung in die Nationalökonomie (Berlin, 1927), p. 227Google Scholar.

69. Stieda, Wilhelm (cd.), Untersuchungen fiber die Lage des Hausiergewerbes in Deutschland (Leipzig, 1898)Google Scholar.

70. The same conclusions can be found in Benson (The Penny Capitalists, p. 102), and in Alexander, David, Retailing in England during the Industrial Revolution (London, 1970), p.63Google Scholar.

71. This also applies to Belgium and England: Jaumain, Serge, “Un métier oublié: le colporteur beige au XIXe siècle”, Revue Beige d'histoire contemporaine, 16 (1985), pp. 361–408Google Scholar, esp. p. 330; Alexander, Retailing in England, pp. 82ff.; Benson, The Penny Capitalists, p. 102.

72. Among others:Chatelain, Abel, “Lutte entre colporteurs et boutiquiers en France pendant la première moitié du XIXe siècle”, Revue d'histoire économique et sociale, 49 (1971), pp. 359–384Google Scholar; Darmon, Jean-Jacques, Le Colportage de librairie en France sous le second empire (Paris, 1972)Google Scholar; Krafft-Pourrat, Claire, Le Colporteur et la merciére (Paris, 1982), pp. 235–283Google Scholar; Niermann, Charlotte, “'Gewerbe im Umherziehen'. Hausicrer und Wanderlager in Bremen vor 1914”, Der Bretner Kleinhandel urn 1900. Beitrage zur Sozialgeschichte Bremens, vol. 4 (1981), no. 1, pp. 207–255Google Scholar; Dahl, Sven, “Travelling Pedlars in Nineteenth Century Sweden”, The Scandinavian Economic History Review, 7 (1960), no. 2, pp. 167–178CrossRefGoogle Scholar;Knippenberg, W. H. Th. (cd.), De Teuten, Buitengaanders van de Kempen (Eindhoven, 1974)Google Scholar; and Vries, B. W. de, From Pedlars to Textile Barons. The Economic Development of a Jewish Minority Group in the Netherlands (Amsterdam, 1989)Google Scholar.

73. Chatelain (“Lutte entre colporteurs ct boutiquicrs”, p. 380) and De Vries (From Pedlars to Textile Barons, pp. 146–147) are much more optimistic than, for example, Jaumain (“Un métier oublié”, pp. 352–353) and Benson (The Penny Capitalists, pp. 100–101).

74. See Jaumain, “Un méticr oublié”, pp. 315 and 331: “Les clichés chers aux petits commercants n'épargnent done pas l'administrateur de la Sūreté publique et la conduisent à proposer des mesures très sévères à l'égard de I'ensemble des colporteurs élrangers, comme si 1e simple fait de ne pas appartenir à la communauté beige constituait un indice de malhonnfite” et de délinquancc” (p. 331).

75. Alexander, Retailing in England, p. 67.

76. Chatelain, “Lulte entre colporteurs et boutiquiers”, p. 371.

77. For restrictions in Germany see:Höfle, Anton, Die Gewerbeordnung der Pfalz seit der franzosischen Revolution bis 1868 (Munich, 1908), p. 4Google Scholar; and Vogt, K., Dasfahrende Volk in der Pfalz (Würzburg, 1921), p. 115Google Scholar.

78. The Belgian act of 18 June 1842 regulating peddling, for example, did not have much effect and was soon forgotten (Jaumain, “Un métier oublié”, p. 318). In Great Britain and France (apart from hawking in books - cf. Darmon, Le Colportage) no national legislation was enacted against pedlars. The English “Hawkers and Pedlars Acts” from 1810, 1871, 1881 and 1888 even offered some protection: Cottaar, Annemarie, Lucassen, Leo and Willems, Wim, “Justice or Injustice? A Survey of the Policy towards Gypsies and Caravan Dwellers in Western Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries”, Immigrants and Minorities, Vol. 11 (03 1992), no. 1, pp. 42–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

79. An exception is Egmond, Florike, In Bad Company. Organized Crime in the Dutch Countryside during the 17th and 18th Centuries (Ph.D., Groningcn, 1992)Google Scholar. Only the evidence given for the impression that “gypsies offered important and valued services to the rural population” (p. 71) is quite scanty.

80. For a short review of this historiography, see Lucassen, En men noemde hen zigeuners, pp. 12–14, and Cottaar et al., “Justice or Injustice?”

81. Fricke, Thomas, Zwischen Erziehung und Ausgrenzung. Zur WUrttembergischen Geschichte der Sinti und Roma im 19. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main, 1991)Google Scholar.

82. Mayall, David, Gypsy-Travellers in Nineteenth-Century Society (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 13–70Google Scholar, and Sexton, R. D., “Travelling People in the United Kingdom” (Ph.D., University of Southampton, 1989)Google Scholar.

83. See for this chapters 3 and 4 of my book (En men noemde hen zigeuners) See also my paper, “Under the Cloak of Begging? Gypsy Occupations in Western Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries”, Ethnologia Europaea (1993, forthcoming).

84. For a recent overview, see Gmelch, Sharon Bohn, “Groups that Don't Want in: Gypsies and Other Artisan, Trader, and Entertainer Minorities”, Annual Review of Anthropology, 15 (1986), pp. 307–330CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Some useful studies are Sutherland, Anne, Gypsies, the Hidden Americans (New York, 1975)Google Scholar;Okely, Judith, Traveller-Gypsies (Cambridge, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; contributions by Williams, Patrick, Salo, Matt T. and Salo, Sheila in the special issue of Urban Anthropology, 11 (Fall–Winter 1982), nos. 3–4Google Scholar;Gmelch, George, The Irish Tinkers. The Urbanization of an Itinerant People (Prospect Heights, 1985)Google Scholar; and Rao, Aparna (ed.), The Other Nomads. Peripatetic Minorities in Cross-Cultural Perspective (Cologne etc., 1986)Google Scholar.

85. For England, Alexander (Retailing in England, p. 64) and Benson (Penny Capitalists, p. 103) mention census returns.

86. Demetz, Hausierhandel, Hausindustrie und Kunsihandel A similar source are the registers of “labour booklets” (“livrets”) used by Chatelain (“Lutte entre colporteurs et boutiquiers”, p. 361).

87. “Legitimationsschcin” in the act of 1869, “Wandergewerbeschcin” in the amendment of 1 July 1883 (Georg Meyer, “Die Gewerbegesetzgebung in den einzelnen Staaten”, in Conrad, J. et al. (eds.), Handwdrterbuch der Staatswissenschaften (Jena, 1990), pp. 412–440, esp. p. 429Google Scholar.

88. See Rohrscheidt, a. o. Kurt von, Die Gewerbeordnung far das Deutsche Reich (Leipzig, 1901), pp. 285–375Google Scholar; and Miritz, Tillmann, Geschichte des Gewerberechtes von 1869 bis zur Gegenwart unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Kaiserreichs und der Weimarer Republik (Erlangen and Nürnberg, 1983), pp. 23–24Google Scholar, 41. Before the coming in force of this national act, there already existed similar regulations in various German states. A useful overview is given by Endrucks, Bernhard, Die Besteuerung des Wandergewerbes in den deutschen Bundesstaaten (Lucka, 1906)Google Scholar. For the practice in nineteenth-century Württemberg, see Fricke, Zwischen Erziehung und Ausgrenzung, pp. 39–43. Niermann (“Gewerbe im Umherziehen”) used registers of these permits to reconstruct the socio-economic history of pedlars in Bremen.

89. This source is at the moment being used by Annemarie Cottaar in her research into the history of Dutch caravan dwellers. See also Cottaar et al., “Justice or Injustice”

90. Chatelain, Les Migrants temporaires, and Lucassen, Migrant Labour

91 Jaumain (“Un métier oublié”, pp. 307 and 316) and Boddewyn, J. J. (Belgian Public Policy Toward Retailing since 1789. The Socio-Politics of Distribution (Michigan, 1971), p. 20) used the inquiry of the Ministry of the Interior of 1840 on peddling and the oral inquiry of the “National Committee for the Petty Bourgeoisie” of 1902–1907. Zucchi (Little Slaves, p. 9) consulted an Italian parliamentary investigation into children in itinerant trades, c 1870Google Scholar.

92. Stieda, Untersuchungen For Great Britain Mayall also used government reports to reconstruct the importance of travellers for hop picking (Mayall, Gypsy-Travellers, p. 214, note71).

93. See, among others, Chatelain, “Luttc entre colporteurs ct boutiquiers”, p. 361; Darmon, Le Colportage de librairie, p. 41; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, p. 291, note 121; and Dahl, 'Travelling Pedlars”, p. 170. The value of population and foreigners' registers is illustrated by Van Tiggelen in his study on itinerant organ grinders in nineteenth-century Brussels (Musiciens ambulants et joueurs d'orgue, pp. 38–39 and 54–55). A fruitful combination of foreigners and population registers can be found in De Schacpdrijver, Elites for the Capital?, pp. 120 and 136–164.

94. Records of the US Customs Service. See Lucassen, En men noemde hen zigeuners, p. 248, note 93; and Salo, Matt T. and Salo, Sheila, “Gypsy Immigration to the United States”, in Papers from the Sixth and Seventh Annual Meetings of the Gypsy Lore Society, North American Chapter (New York, 1988), pp. 25–41Google Scholar.

95. Lucassen, En men noemde hen zigeuners, pp. 162–168.

96. See in this respect Mayall, Gypsy Travellers, pp. 13–70; Hehemann, Reiner, Die Dekämpfung des Zigeunerunwesens im Wilhelminischen Deutschland und in der Weimarer Republik, 1871–1933 (Frankfurt am Main, 1987), pp. 181, 203, 205, 238, 295, 328–329, 364–365Google Scholar; Fricke, Erziehung, pp. 76–85; and Günther, Wolfgang, Die preussische Zigeunerpolitik seit 1871 im Widerspruch zwischen zentraler Planung und lokaler Durchführung (Hanover, 1985), pp. 11–12Google Scholar.

97. In the Netherlands Het Algemeen Politieblad (from 1851 onwards), available in the National Bureau of Genealogy in The Hague. See for Germany, e.g. Das bayerische Central-polizeiblatt (1866–1945), available in the National Library of Bavaria in Munich; or the Königlich Preussisches Central Polizeiblatt.

98. Lucassen, En men noemde hen zigeuners.

99. Alexander (Retailing in England, p. 74), for example, relied to some extent on the work of Mayhew, Henri (London Labour and the London Poor, 3 vols. (London, 1851–1862))Google Scholar. This source was also used by Zucchi, Little Slaves, pp. 76–111, and by Green, David R., “Street Trading in London: A Case Study of Casual Labour 1830–60”, in Johnson, James H. and Pooley, Colin G. (eds.), The Structure of Nineteenth-Century Cities (London etc., 1982), pp. 129–152, esp. pp. 133–134Google Scholar.

100. An impressive collection of pictures of ambulant professions (sixteenth to nineteenth centuries) was published by Beall, Karen F., Kaufrufe und Strassenhändler. Cries and Itinerant Trades. Eine Bibliographic (Hamburg, 1975)Google Scholar. See also Römer, Willie, Ambulantes Gewerbe, Berlin 1904–1932 (Berlin, 1983), and idem, Gaukler, Bärenführer, Musiker … Berlin 1920–1930 (Berlin, 1986)Google Scholar.

101. Zucchi, Little Slaves, pp. 10–13. Some information on the groups mentioned can also be found in Lucassen, En men noemde hen zigeuners, pp. 234–235 and 367–369. Similar conclusions were drawn by Van Tiggelen (Musiciens ambulants et joueurs d'orgue, pp. 78–79) who contrasts the prejudices of the middle-class against organ grinders with the popularity of their trade in the working-class areas.

102 Christmann, E., “Die Entstehung des westpfaizischen Musikantentums”, Mitteilungen des historischen Vereins der Pfalz, 53 (1955), pp. 19–46Google Scholar; and Schneider, W., “Das westpfälzischen Musikantentum, seine Entstehung, seine Eigenart und seine Auswirking auf die Entwicklung meines Heimatortes Jettenbach”, Westricher Heimatbla'tter, 15 (06 1984), no. 2, pp. 72–116Google Scholar.

103. Acton, Thomas, Gypsy Politics and Social Change (London and Boston, 1974); Okely, The Traveller-Gypsies; Sexton, Travelling PeopleGoogle Scholar

104. Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 152 and 157.

105. Spufford, The Great Reclothing, pp. 14–31.

106. Marx, Karl divided the poor in Das Kapital (Hamburg, 1872Google Scholar, reprint Berlin, 1987, MarxEngcls Gcsamtausgabe), Vol. I, chapter 23, sub 4, p. 586) into four categories: (1) the vagrants, criminals and prostitutes (the real Lumpcnproletariat); (2) the unemployed, hit by temporary crisis; (3) orphans and abandoned children and (4) the disabled and the old. See also Woolf, S., The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London etc., 1986), p. 71, note 1Google Scholar.

107. (United States n.p., 1969), pp. 31–32.

108. White, “Campbell Bunk”, p. 43.