Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-xbtfd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-05T07:57:17.989Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Sovereignty, nationalism, and regional order in the Arab states system

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 May 2009

Michael N. Barnett
Michael N. Barnett
Affiliation:
Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and is currently a MacArthur International Peace and Security Fellow.
Get access

Abstract

What accounts for the development of the Arab states system from the explosive mix of Arab nationalism and sovereignty to their simultaneous existence? To understand this development, one must first examine how institutions can shape the very interests and roles of states in such a manner as to encourage the development of relatively stable expectations and shared norms; that is, regional order. This approach illuminates how inter-Arab interactions and state formation processes led to the consolidation of sovereignty and a meaning of Arab nationalism that is consistent with sovereignty. Consequently, this region highlights how sovereignty—and its lack thereof—is consequential for understanding interstate dynamics, and how different meanings of the nation have different implications for security.

Type
Articles
Information
International Organization , Volume 49 , Issue 3 , Summer 1995 , pp. 479 - 510
Copyright
Copyright © The IO Foundation 1995

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

The following individuals commented on earlier drafts of this article and the ideas that produced this version: Emanuel Adler, Gehad Auda, Raymond Duvall, Peter Katzenstein, F. Gregory Gause, Ellis Goldberg, Moshe Maoz, Robert McCalla, Joel Migdal, Craig Murphy, Bruce Maddy-Weitzman, Malik Mufti, John Odell, Avraham Sela, Janice Thomson, Cindy Weber, Jutta Weldes, Alexander Wendt, Crawford Young, many others at the Social Sciences Research Council-sponsored workshop at Brown University, 26–28 February, 1993, and the anonymous referees at International Organization. I also thank the research assistance of Ashshraf Rady in Cairo, Avi Muallen in Tel-Aviv, and Michael Malley in Madison, Wisconsin. This research was supported by the MacArthur Program in International Peace and Security and the Global Studies and Research Program at the University of Wisconsin. An earlier version of this article will appear in Thomas Biersteker and Cynthia Weber, eds., State Sovereignty as Social Construct (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).

1. See, for instance, Evera, Stephen Van, “Hypotheses on Nationalism and War,” International Security 18 (Spring 1994), pp. 5–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Posen, Barry, “The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict,” in Brown, Michael, ed., Ethnic Conflict and International Security (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 103–24Google Scholar; Barkin, J. S. Samuel and Cronin, Bruce, “The State and the Nation: Changing Norms and the Rules of Sovereignty in International Relations,” International Organization 48 (Winter 1994), pp. 107–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gottleib, Gidon, Nation Against State (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1993)Google Scholar; and Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, Pandaemonium (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

2. Cited in Walt, Stephen, The Origin of Alliances (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987), p. 213Google Scholar.

3. See Ben-Dor, Gabriel, State and Conflict in the Middle East (New York: Praeger, 1983)Google Scholar; Hudson, Michael, Arab Politics: The Search for Legitimacy (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977), p. 54Google Scholar; and Noble, Paul, “The Arab State System: Opportunities, Constraints, and Pressures,” in Korany, Baghat and Dessouki, Ali, eds., The Foreign Policies of the Arab States (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1984), pp. 47–78 and pp. 48–50 in particularGoogle Scholar.

4. Tibi, Bassam, “The Simultaneity of the Unsimultaneous: Old Tribes and Imposed Nation-States in the Modern Middle East,” in Khoury, Philip and Kostiner, Joseph, eds., Tribes and State Formation in the Middle East (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 127–52Google Scholar. The quotation is from p. 127.

5. The classic statement about the so-called death of Arabism, is Fouad Ajami, The End of Fan-Arabism,” Foreign Affairs, vol. 57, no. 2, 1978/1979, pp. 355–73Google Scholar.

6. Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities, 2d ed. (New York: Verso Press, 1991)Google Scholar. Also see Haas, Ernst, “Nationalism: An Instrumental Social Construct,” Millennium, vol. 22, no. 3,1993, pp. 505–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7. For sociological statements that inform this conception of order, see Wrong, Dennis, The Problem of Order (New York: Free Press, 1994)Google Scholar; Goffman, Erving, “The Interaction Order,” American Sociological Review 48 (02 1983), pp. 1–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Berger, Peter and Luckmann, ThomasThe Social Construction of Reality (New York: Anchor Press, 1967)Google Scholar; and Alexander, Jeffrey, Twenty Lectures (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), chap. 1Google Scholar.

8. See, for instance, Wendt, Alexander, “Anarchy is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics,” International Organization 46 (Spring 1992), pp. 391–426CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Koslowski, Rey and Kratochwil, Friedrich V., “Understanding Change in International Politics: The Soviet Empire's Demise and the International System,” International Organization 48 (Spring 1994), pp. 215–248CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Adler, Emanuel and Haas, Peter M., “Conclusion: Epistemic Communities, World Order, and the Creation of a Reflective Research Program,” International Organization 46 (Winter 1992), pp. 367–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Caporaso, James, Microeconomics and International Political Economy: The Neoclassical Approach to Institutions,” in Czempiel, Ernst-Otto and Rosenau, James, eds., Global Changes and Theoretical Challenges (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Press, 1989), pp. 135–60 and pp. 137–38 in particularGoogle Scholar.

9. For the first institutional definition, see Wendt, , “Anarchy is What States Make of It,” p. 399Google Scholar. For the second, see Keohane, Robert, International Institutions and State Power (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1989), p. 3Google Scholar. Also see Young, Oran, International Cooperation (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1989), p. 5Google Scholar.

10. See Berger, and Luckmann, , The Social Construction of Reality, pp. 72–74Google Scholar; Stryker, Sheldon, Symbolic Interactionism: A Social Structural Perspective (Reading, Mass.: The Benjamin/Cummings Publishing Company, 1980), p. 57Google Scholar; Rosenau, James, Turbulence in World Politics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 212Google Scholar; and Jackson, J. A., ed., Roles (London: Cambridge University Press, 1972)Google Scholar.

11. See Searing, Donald, “Roles, Rules, and Rationality in the New Institutionalism,” American Political Science Review 85 (12 1991), pp. 1239–60 and p. 1249 in particularCrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see Rosenau, , Turbulence in World Politics, p. 212Google Scholar.

12. See Hollis, Martin, Philosophy of the Social Science (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 163–82Google Scholar; and Giddens, Anthony, Social Theory and Modern Sociology (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1987), pp. 109–39Google Scholar. As Keohane acknowledges, “Institutions may also affect the understandings that leaders of states have of the roles they should play and their assumptions about others' motivations and perceived self-interest.” See Keohane, Robert, “Neoliberal Institutionalism: A Perspective on World Politics,” in International Institutions and State Power, p. 6Google Scholar, emphasis added. Also see Holsti, K. J., “National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy,” International Studies Quarterly, vol. 14, no. 3, 1970, pp. 233–309 and pp. 245–46 in particularCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13. Sovereignty, however, led the early advocates of role “theory” to minimize systemic in favor of domestic forces. See Holsti, , “National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy,” p. 243Google Scholar.

14. Stryker, , Symbolic Interactionism, p. 73Google Scholar.

15. The quotation is from Young, Crawford, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976), p. 38Google Scholar.

16. See Wendt, , “Anarchy is What States Makes of It”; Bull, Hedley, Anarchical Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977)Google Scholar; Ruggie, John, “Continuity and Transformation in the World Polity,” in Keohane, Robert, ed., Neorealism and Its Critics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), pp. 131–57Google Scholar; Biersteker, Thomas and Weber, Cindy, “The Social Construction of State Sovereignty,” in Biersteker, Thomas and Weber, Cindy, eds., State Sovereignty as Social Construct (New York: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Europe, see Spruyt, Hendrik, The Sovereign State and Its Competitors: An Analysis of Systems Change (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994)Google Scholar. On Africa, see Young, Crawford, “Self-Determination, Territorial Integrity, and the African State System,” in Deng, Frances and Zartman, William, eds., Conflict Resolution in Africa (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Press, 1991), pp. 320–46 and p. 384 in particularGoogle Scholar; Davidson, Basil, The White Man's Burden (New York: Times Books, 1992), p. 106Google Scholar; and Jackson, Robert and Rosberg, Carl, “Why Africa's Weak States Persist: The Empirical and Juridical in Statehood,” World Politics 35 (10 1982), pp. 1–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17. For instance, Ruggie argues that the development of the institution of sovereignty differentiated “among units in terms of possession of self and exclusion of others,” and created an international order that enabled states to become the principal unit of international life. See Ruggie, John, “Continuity and Transformation in the World Polity,” p. 145Google Scholar.

18. For a defense of pan-Arabism as an institution, see Barnett, Michael, 9Institutions, Roles, and Disorder: The Case of the Arab States System,” International Studies Quarterly 37 (09 1993), pp. 271–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19. See Hobsbawn, Eric J., Nations and Nationalism Since 1780 (New York: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Gellner, Ernest, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983)Google Scholar; Kedourie, Ellie, Nationalism, 4th ed. (Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1994)Google Scholar; and Haas, “Nationalism.”

20. Tibi, , Arab Nationalism, 2d ed. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990), pp. 22–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21. This is consistent with Tibi. See ibid., p. 14.

22. For interesting parallels between the emerging European state system and the Arab state system, particularly as regards to leaders' conceptions of states' interests, see Hinsley, F. H., Power and the Pursuit of Peace (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1963), chap. 8Google Scholar.

23. The quotation is from Krasner, Stephen, “Sovereignty: An Institutional Perspective,” Comparative Political Studies 21 (04 1988), pp. 66–94 at p. 83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Also see Gould, Stephen Jay, Wonderful Life: The Burgess Shale and the Nature of History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1989)Google Scholar; Putnam, Robert, Making Democracy Work (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993), p. 6Google Scholar; Young, O., International Cooperation, p. 65Google Scholar, and North, Douglass, Institutions, Institutional Change, and Economic Performance (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 86–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24. Wrong, The Problem of Order, especially, chaps. 1 and 3. Oran Young similarly defines international order as “broad, framework arrangements governing the activities of all (or almost all) the members of international society over a wide range of specific issues. We speak of an international political order, for example, as a system of territorially based and sovereign states that interact with one another in the absence of any central government.” See Young, O., International Cooperation, p. 13Google Scholar.

25. See Magid, Alvin, “‘Role Theory,’ Political Science, and African Studies,” World Politics 32 (01 1980), p. 328CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Buzan, Barry, “From International System to International Society: Structural Realism and Regime Theory Meet the English School,” International Organization 47 (Summer 1993), pp. 327–52 and p. 345 in particularCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26. On the distinction between factual and normative order, see Wrong, The Problem of Order, chap. 3; Alexander, Twenty Lectures, chap. 1; and Rosenau, James, “Governance, Order, and Change in World Politics,” in Rosenau, James and Cziempel, Ernst Otto, eds., Governance Without Government: Order and Change in World Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 1–29 and pp. 9–11 in particularCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27. For a good overview and criticism of the neorealist focus on the role of force for understanding international stability and change, see Lebow, Richard Ned, “The Long Peace, the End of the Cold War, and the Failures of Realism,” International Organization 48 (Spring 1994), pp. 249–77 and pp. 252–59 in particularCrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the polarity debate, see Waltz, Kenneth, “The Stability of the Bipolar World,” Daedelus 93 (Summer 1964), pp. 881–909Google Scholar; and Niou, Emerson and Ordershook, Peter, “Stability in Anarchic International Systems,” American Political Science Review 84 (12 1990), pp. 1207–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.On hegemonies, see Gilpin, Robert, War and Change in World Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.On balances of power, see Waltz, Kenneth, Theory of International Politics (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1979), chap. 6Google Scholar.

28. Gilpin, , War and Change in World Politics, p. 501Google Scholar.

29. For instance, writes, E. H. Carr, “The homo politicus who pursues nothing but power is as unreal a myth as the homo economicus who pursues nothing but gain.” The Twenty Years' Crisis (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), p. 97Google Scholar.

30. Moreover, , Kissinger's narrative intimates that these legitimation principles were not shaped by the distribution of military power alone. See Kissinger, Henry, A World Restored (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1964)Google Scholar.

31. Waltz, , Theory of International Politics, pp. 74–77Google Scholar.Buzan, Jones, and Little also focus on the relationship between socialization and international order. See Buzan, Barry, Jones, Charles, and Little, Richard, The Logic of Anarchy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), pp. 39–40Google Scholar.

32. As Alexander writes, “For the sake of interpretation it is often more useful to move backwards, from one's discovery of the residual categories back to the basic tensions which they have been developed to obscure.” See his Twenty Lectures, pp. 124–25. “It follows from this,” writes Parsons, “that the surest symptom of impending change in a theoretical system is increasingly general interest in such residual categories.” See Parsons, Talcott, The Structure of Social Action, vol. 1 (New York: Free Press, 1968), p. 18Google Scholar.

33. For realist-inspired explanations, see Vatikiotis, P. J., Conflict in the Middle East (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1971)Google Scholar; Vntikiotis, P. J., Arab and Regional Politics in the Middle East (New York: St. Martin's, 1984)Google Scholar; Walt, , The Origin of Alliances; Shibley Telhami, Power and Leadership in International Bargaining (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; and Owen, Roger, State, Power, and Politics in the Making of the Modem Middle East (New York: Routledge, 1992), pp. 90–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34. Telhami, , Power and Leadership in International Bargaining, pp. 94–104Google Scholar. Moreover, the rise of the Gulf Arab states postdates the widely observed decline of pan-Arabism.

35. Walt, , The Origin of Alliances, p. 87Google Scholar.

36. Ajami, Fouad, The Arab Predicament: Arab Political Thought–Practice Since 1967 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981)Google Scholar.

37. Ibid., p. 149.

38. See, for instance, Vatikiotis, Arab and Regional Politics in the Middle East; and Dessouki and Korany, The Foreign Policies of the Arab States.

39. Another view holds the superpowers responsible for the decline of pan-Arabism and the rise of statism. For this position, see Barakat, Halim, The Arab World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993)Google Scholar. Although the superpowers have affected the region, and the Middle East can be understood as a “subordinate system” –it is penetrated and affected by great power rivalries–I agree with those who portray the superpowers as accommodating themselves to, accentuating, or mitigating already present inter-Arab dynamics. See Ajami, The Arab Predicament; Ben-Dor, State and Conflict in the Middle East; Brown, L. Carl, International Politics and the Middle East (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Noble, “The Arab State System”; Baghat Korany and Ali Dessouki, “The Global System and Arab Foreign Policies,” in Korany, and Dessouki, , The Foreign Policies of Arab States, pp. 19–39Google Scholar; and Walt, , The Origin of Alliances, p. 158Google Scholar.

40. See Keohane, Robert, After Hegemony (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; and Krasner, Stephen, ed., International Regimes (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

41. See Bull, , The Anarchical Society, pp. 53Google Scholar and 8, respectively, emphasis original.

42. Vincent, R. J., “Order in International Politics,” in Miller, J. B. D. and Vincent, R. J., eds., Order and Violence (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 54Google Scholar.

43. See Wendt, “Anarchy is What States Make of It” Adler, and Haas, , “Conclusion,” p. 368Google Scholar; Caporaso, , “Microeconomics and International Political Economy,” pp. 137–38Google Scholar; and Dimaggio, Paul and Powell, Walter “Introduction,” in Dimaggio, Paul and Powell, Walter, eds., The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), pp. 1–40Google Scholar.

44. See Berger, Peter, “Identity as a Problem in the Sociology of Knowledge,” European Journal of Sociology, vol. 7, no. 1, 1966, pp. 105–115CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Young, O., International Cooperation, p. 197Google Scholar; Mead, George Herbert, Mind, Self, and Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), pp. 136–43Google Scholar. Institutions also signal who are the central agents. See Stryker, , Symbolic Interactionism, p. 57Google Scholar. In this reading, sovereignty is more than simply a constraint on state action, for it also denotes that states are the central actors in international politics, which gives them particular identities.

45. See Ikenberry, G. John and Kupchan, Charles A., “Socialization and Hegemonic Power,” International Organization 44 (Summer 1990), pp. 283–315 and p. 289 in particularCrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Wendt, , “Anarchy is What States Make of It,” p. 399Google Scholar.

46. Young, O., International Cooperation, p. 212Google Scholar.

47. Goffman, Erving, “The Interaction Order,” American Sociological Review 48 (02 1983), pp. 1–17 and pp. 5–7 in particularCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

48. For an overview of the international relations of the Middle East during this period, see Karpat, Kemal, “The Ottoman Ethnic and Confessional Legacy in the Middle East,” in Esman, Milton and Rabinovich, Itmar, eds., Ethnicity, Pluralism, and the State in the Middle East (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1988), pp. 35–53Google Scholar; Hourani, Albert, A History of the Arab Peoples (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; and Mansfield, Peter, The Ottoman Empire and Its Successors (New York: St. Martin's, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

49. For a full discussion, see Barnett, “Institutions, Roles, and Disorder.”

50. For a detailed study of this period, see Fromkin, David, A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Rise of the Modern Middle East (New York: Henry Holt, 1989)Google Scholar. One reason for mandate system was to instruct these potential states in the norms of international society in general and sovereignty in particular, thereby adhering to the Great Powers' interests. See Louis, Wm. Roger, “The Era of the Mandates System and the Non-European World,” in Bull, Hedley and Watson, Adam, eds., The Expansion of International Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), pp. 201–13Google Scholar.

51. Antonius, George, The Arab Awakening (New York: Capricorn Books, 1965), p. 1001Google Scholar. For an excellent study of Egyptian nationalism, see Gershoni, Israel and Jankowski, James, The Search for Egyptian Nationhood (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

52. This charge that the mandate system was designed to divide the Arab nation is raised by Antonius, , The Arab Awakening, pp. 248–9Google Scholar, and by Khadduri, Majjid, “Towards an Arab Union: The League of Arab States,” American Political Science Review 40 (02 1946), pp. 90–100 and p. 90CrossRefGoogle Scholar in particular. On the shifting basis of mobilization and collective action, see Taylor, Alan, The Arab Balance of Power System (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1982), p. 151Google Scholar; Breuilly, John, Nationalism and the State (New York: St. Martin's, 1982), p. 124Google Scholar; Antonius, , The Arab Awakening, pp. 325–26Google Scholar; and Sharma, J. P., The Arab Mind: A Study of Egypt, Arab Unity, and the World (Delhi: H. K. Publishers and Distributors, 1990), p. 18Google Scholar. One possibility is that had the Arab world remained politically whole, and not divided into separate administrative units, Arab independence movements might have become more pan-Arab in character. For a similar observation concerning the West African states, see Jackson and Rosberg, “Why Africa's Weak States Persist.”

53. Many statist-oriented movements were associated with particular class interests. See Khoury, Philip, Syria and the French Mandate (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Hourani, Albert, Syria and Lebanon: A Political Essay (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), p. 118Google Scholar; and Batatu, Hanna, The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements in Iraq (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978)Google Scholar.

54. Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities, p. 73Google Scholar.

55. See Khalidi, Rashid, “Arab Nationalism: Historical Problems in the Literature,” American Historical Review 96 (12 1991), pp. 1363–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Khalidi, Rashid et al. , eds., Arab Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

56. Tibi, , Arab Nationalism, p. 16Google Scholar.

57. Hourani, , A History of the Arab Peoples, p. 316Google Scholar.

58. Hourani, , Syria and Lebanon, p. 101Google Scholar.For good overviews of Arab nationalism, see Duri, A. A., The Historical Formation of the Arab Nation (New York: Croom Helm, 1987)Google Scholar; Tibi, Arab Nationalism; Khalidi, “Arab Nationalism”; Khalidi et al., Arab Nationalism; Antonius, The Arab Awakening; and Hourani, , A History of the Arab Peoples, p. 343Google Scholar.

59. Taylor, , The Arab Balance of Power System, p. 23.Google ScholarAlso see MacDonald, Robert, The League of Arab States: A Study in the Dynamics of Regional Organization (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965), pp. 33–38Google Scholar.

60. For explanations of how pan-Arabism led to state policies that violated the principle of noninterference, see Roger Owen, “Arab Nationalism, Arab Unity, and Arab Solidarity,” in Asad, Talal and Owen, Roger, eds., Sociology of the “Developing Societies”: The Middle East (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1983), pp. 16–22 and p. 20 in particularGoogle Scholar; and Salame, Ghassan, “Inter-Arab Politics: The Return to Geography,” in Quandt, William, ed., The Middle East: Ten Years After Camp David (Washington: Brookings Press, 1988), pp. 345–46Google Scholar.

61. For a related argument emphasizing sovereignty, see III, F. Gregory Gause, “Sovereignty, Statecraft, and Stability in the Middle East,” Journal of International Affairs 45 (Winter 1992), pp. 441–67Google Scholar; and Brynen, Rex, “Palestine and the Arab State System: Permeability, State Consolidation, and the Intifida,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 24 (09 1991), pp. 594–621CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

62. See the essays in Luciani, Giacomo, ed., The Arab State (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

63. The distinction between juridical and empirical sovereignty is consistent with that offered by Jackson, Robert, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations, and the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

64. Linklater, Andrew, “The Problem of Community in International Relations,” Alternatives 15 (Spring 1990), pp. 135–53. The quotation is drawn from p. 136CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65. For additional claims that state building has hardened the Arab territorial state and led to a decline in pan-Arabism, see Brynen, , “Palestine and the Arab State System,” p. 606Google Scholar; and Gause, “Sovereignty, Statecraft, and Stability in the Middle East.”

66. See Bloom, William, Personal Identity, National Identity, and International Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 100–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Mayall, James, Nationalism and International Society (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p 121CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

67. Barnett, Michael, Confronting the Costs of War: Military Power, State, and Society in Egypt and Israel (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

68. New York Times, 8 July 1991, p. A2.

69. Viors, Miltont, “A Reporter at Large (Kuwait),” New Yorker, 30 09 1991, pp. 37–72 and pp. 38–39 in particularGoogle Scholar.

70. On the relationship between war and Iraqi nation building, see Davis, Eric, “State Building in Iraq in the Iran-Iraq War and the Gulf Crisis,” in Mildarsky, Manus, ed., The Internationalization of Communal Strife (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1992)Google Scholar.

71. See Anderson, Lisa, “Legitimacy, Identity, and the Writing of History in Libya,” in Davis, Eric and Gavrielides, Nicolos, eds., Statecraft in the Middle East, pp. 71–91 (Miami: Florida International University Press, 1991), p. 72Google Scholar; and all the contributions to that volume. For a discussion of how archeology is used by Middle Eastern states to forge a national identity, see Silberman, Neil Asher, Between Past and Present: Archeology, Ideology, and Nationalism in the Modem Middle East (New York: Henry Holt, 1989)Google Scholar.

72. See Baram, Amatzia, “Territorial Nationalism in the Middle East,” Middle Eastern Studies 26 (10 1990), pp. 425–48 and pp. 426–27 in particularCrossRefGoogle Scholar; al-Khalil, Samir, The Monument: Art, Vulgarity, and Responsibility in Iraq (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

73. See Brynen, , “Palestine and the Arab State System,” p. 611Google Scholar; and Owen, , “Arab Nationalism, Arab Unity, and Arab Solidarity,” p. 21Google Scholar.

74. Owen, ibid.

75. Brynen, , “Palestine and the Arab State System,” p. 613Google Scholar.

76. Luciani, Giacomo and Salame, Ghassan, “The Politics of Arab Integration,” in Luciani, , The Arab State, p. 398Google Scholar.

77. The quotations are from Baram, “Territorial Nationalism in the Middle East”; and Hourani, , A History of the Arab Peoples, p. 448,Google Scholar respectively. Also see. 451 of the Hourani volume. Gause shows that an increasing percentage of the gross national product of these states is utilized by the government, demonstrating that the citizens' needs are more closely linked to the state. See Gause, “Sovereignty, Statecraft, and Stability in the Middle East,” p. 460Google Scholar.

78. Wendt, , “Anarchy is What States Make of It,” pp. 14–7Google Scholar.

79. Ibid. pp. 406–7.

80. On interaction, social identities and roles, and order, also see Berger and Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality; Nicholas Abercrombie, “Knowledge, Order, and Human Autonomy,” in Hunter, J. and Ainlay, S., eds., Making Sense of Modern Times: Peter Berger and the Vision of Interpretive Sociology (New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986), pp. 11–30 and pp. 18–19 in particularGoogle Scholar; and Turner, Jonathan, The Theory of Social Interaction (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1988)Google Scholar.

81. Boden, Deirdre, “The World as it Happens: Ethnomethodology and Conversational Analysis,” in Ritzer, George, ed., Frontiers of Social Theory (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), pp. 185–213 and p. 189 in particular.Google Scholar This view, of course, is consistent with Wendt's phrase, “anarchy is what states make of it.”

82. See Porath, Yehoshua, In Search of Arab Unity (London: Frank Cass, 1986)Google Scholar; Seale, Patrick, The Struggle for Syria (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1986)Google Scholar; and Baddy-Weitzmann, Bruce, The Crystallization of the Arab State System (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

83. Seale, The Struggle for Syria.

84. Kerr, Malcom, The Arab Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971)Google Scholar; Taylor, , The Arab Balance of Power System, p. 37Google Scholar; Vatikiotis, , Arab and Regional Politics in the Middle East, p. 84Google Scholar; and Owen, , State, Power, and Politics in the Making of the Modern Middle East, p. 88Google Scholar.

85. For more on these talks see Ken, Arab Cold War.

86. Ajami, The Arab Predicament.

87. BBC World Broadcast, ME/2519/ A/8,18 July 1967.

88. Ansari, Hameid, Egypt: The Stalled Society (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986), p. 150Google Scholar.

89. BBC World Broadcasts, ME/2561 /A/6, 6 September 1967. Also see the editorials in the Baghdadi al-Fajr al-Jadid and the Egyptian al-Akhbar al-Yawm, reprinted in British Broadcasting Company, BBC World Broadcasts, ME/2558/A/3, 2 September 1967, and ME/2559/A/4, 4 September 1967, respectively. For a fuller treatment of the symbolic significance of the Khartoum summit, see Ajami, The Arab Predicament.

90. The decline of pan-Arabism also encouraged more regional affiliations and loyalties: “A North African (maghribi) or a Gulf Arab (khaliji) identity, which had once been an anathema, was no longer so, and the ‘Egypt-first’ slogan that had once been held in check gradually became acceptable.” See Salame, , “Inter-Arab Politics,” p. 322Google Scholar.

91. For instance, Shaykh al-Nuhayyan of the United Arab Emirates observed that, “The Arab nation's split and fragmentation existed before the Gulf War, but this war has aggravated and deepened this split.” See “President on Prospects for Arab Unity,” Foreign Broadcast Information Service-Near East (FBIS-NES), 20 March 1994, p. 25. Also see Lewis, Bernard, “Rethinking the Middle East,” Foreign Affairs 71 (4 1992) pp. 103–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Karawan, Ibrahim, “Arab Dilemmas in the 1990s: Breaking Taboos and Searching for Signposts,” Middle East Journal 48 (Summer 1994), pp. 433–54Google Scholar.

92. The rise of statist interests shaped post-Persian Gulf War regional security patterns. The real importance—and the only surviving principle—of the Damascus Declaration of 1991, which was ostensibly designed to create a security alliance between the Gulf states and Syria and Egypt, was its insistence on sovereignty as the basis of inter-Arab politics. The Gulf Cooperation Council states insisted that sovereignty and security were indistinguishable. See FBIS–NES–92–241, 15 December 1992, pp. 10–11. As acknowledged by then Egyptian minister Boutros Boutros-Ghali, in an undated interview, “The painful realities resulting from Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and its usurpation of the territory of a fraternal Arab state include the collapse of the traditional concept of Pan-Arab security.” Cited in FBIS–NES–91–059, 27 March 1991, pp. 9–10. Moreover, the emergence of statism has erased the differentiation between Arab and non-Arab states and therefore enables the inclusion of all regional actors in strategic alliances and balancing formulations. See “Arafat Suggests Formation of Mideast ‘Regional Order’," FBIS–NES, 4 thirummal 1994. Finally, at a recent Arab League conference Arab states agreed for the first time that each could identify its own security threats. See Granot, Oded, “Outcome of Arab League Conference Analyzed,” Ma'ariv (Israel), in FBIS-NES, 31 March 1994, p. 3Google Scholar.

93. As Lewis notes, “The decline of Pan-Arabism as a force shaping the policies of Arab governments can be measured in the level and intensity of their support for other Arab governments and peoples.” See Lewis, , “Rethinking the Middle East,” p. 100Google Scholar.

94. Hourani, , A History of the Arab Peoples, p. 451Google Scholar.

95. Farr, James, “Understanding Conceptual Change Politically,” in Ball, Terrence, Farr, James, and Hanson, Russell, eds., Political Innovation and Conceptual Change (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 24–46 and p. 33 in particularGoogle Scholar.F or a related discussion, see the introduction to the second edition of Tibi, Arab Nationalism.

96. For a discussion linking the demise of empires and the rise of nationalism, see Tilly, Charles, “States and Nationalism in Europe, 1492–1992,” Theory and Society, vol. 23, no. 1, 1994, pp. 131–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

97. Salame, , “Inter-Arab Politics,” pp. 321,340, and 351Google Scholar.

98. Connolly, William, The Terms for Political Discourse, 2d ed. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983), p. 70Google Scholar.

99. Lewis, , “Rethinking the Middle East,” pp. 100–101Google Scholar.

100. Mufti, Malik, Pan-Arabism and State Formation in Syria and Iraq (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Pres's, forthcoming)Google Scholar.Indeed, the 1978 Syrian-Iraqi agreement produced little excitement and was given little significance outside a narrow political spectrum or the state's borders, as it was widely interpreted by other Arab leaders as a blatant attempt by Iraq to replace Egypt as leader of the Arab world and by Assad to consolidate his domestic position. See Owen, , State, Power, and Politics in the Making of the Modern Middle East, p. 91Google Scholar.

101. For a full treatment of the methodological and theoretical issues involved in using agendas to trace shifts in international politics, see Mansbach, Richard and Vasquez, John, In Search of Theory (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), chap. 4Google Scholar. Sela argues that the very decision to convene an Arab summit in 1964 signaled that Nasser was beginning to abandon pan-Arabism. See Avraham Sela, “Middle East Politics and the Arab-Israeli conflict,” manuscript, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

102. That no summit occurred in 1966 was testimony to the re-emergence of Arab radicalism. Vatikiotis, , Arab and Regional Politics, p. 87Google Scholar.

103. Walt, , The Origin of Alliances, pp. 287–88Google Scholar.

104. For other arguments and indicators concerning the willingness of Arab leaders to recognize the principle of noninterference, see Salame, “Inter-Arab Politics”; Brynen, , “Palestine and the Arab State System,” p. 603Google Scholar; and Lewis, , “Rethinking the Middle East,” p. 117Google Scholar.

105. For the general theme of the interaction between the expanding norms of international society and regional systems, see Bull and Watson, The Expansion of International Society.

106. Linklater, , “The Problem of Community in International Relations,” p. 149Google Scholar.

107. Salame, Ghassan, “Integration in the Arab World: The Institutional Framework,” in Luciani, Giacomo, ed., The Politics of Arab Integration (New York: Croom Helm, 1988), pp. 278–79Google Scholar.

108. While Islamic movements may or may not be compatible with juridical sovereignty, they do challenge the internal sovereignty of many Arab states. For an argument concerning the compatibility between Islam and juridical sovereignty, see Piscatori, James, Islam in a World of Nation-States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.For the opposing claim, see Bassam Tibi, “Religious Fundamentalism and Ethnicity in the Crisis of the Nation-State in the Middle East,” working paper 5.4, Center for German and European Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1992. For a discussion of the relationship between Islam and Arabism, see Tibi, , Arab Nationalism, pp. 17–20Google Scholar.On subnational identities, see Khoury, Philip and Kostiner, Joseph, “Introduction: Tribes and the Complexities of State Formation in the Middle East,” in Khoury, Philip and Kostiner, Joseph, eds. Tribes and State Formation in the Middle East (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 1–22Google Scholar.

109. For examples of statements that do not equate nationalism with the creation and maintenance of a territorial state, see Smith, Anthony, National Identity (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1991), chap. 1Google Scholar; and Hall, John, “Nationalisms: Classified and Explained,” Daedulus 122 (Summer 1993), pp. 1–28Google Scholar.

110. Layne, Linda, Home and Homeland: The Dialogics of Tribal and National Identities in Jordan (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 20Google Scholar.