Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
Current attempts to understand and remedy the underdevelopment and peripheral international roles of Third World states derive from three competing paradigms: conventional social science, Marxism, and dependency theory. Each paradigm claims to explain past history and to make relevant policy recommendations for Third World leaders. Yet, none of these approaches has so far been formulated as complex, well specified, causal models. One can build theory relevant to data by specifying competing three-variable models relating economic dependency to economic performance and development potential. An empirical evaluation can then be made of the dependency theory proposition that economic dependency inhibits positive economic performance (growth and development). Partial correlation and regression analyses of economic data from thirty tropical African states in the middle and late 1960s provide little support for two dependency-based models and evidence in favor of conventional and Marxist models. These findings have implications for theory, further research, and policy.
1 The concept of “control” as used here has been discussed in Rosenau, James N., “Calculated Control as a Unifying Concept in the Study of International Politics and Foreign Policy,” pp. 197–237Google Scholar in Rosenau's, The Scientific Study of Foreign Policy (New York: The Free Press, 1971)Google Scholar and in McDonald, Neil A., Politics: A Study of Control Behavior (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1965).Google Scholar
2 Thus, relations of “dependence” exist when “A” controls the behavior of “B” regularly and predictably whereas relations of “interdependence” exist when “A” controls “B” about as regularly and predictably as “B” controls “A.” Viewed somewhat differently, “B” is “dependent” upon “A” when “A” can affect “B's” behavior across a wide variety of issues whereas “A” and “B” are “interdependent” when they can affect the behavior of each other in most issue-areas. “Independence” would represent a situation without control or issue-area interaction.
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5 In this context, “worldwide” means that the system of economic relations was spatially larger than any single political unit, unlike the political economies of world empires such as Rome. Wallerstein, Immanuel, The Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974).Google Scholar
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8 This figure is a slightly modified version of one presented by Professor Ann Seidman in a panel on “Discussion on Dependence,” November 5, 1976, at the Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association, Boston.
9 As described for the case of US penetration of Latin America and Africa in: Covert Action in Chile, 1963–1973, Staff Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, US Senate, 94th Congress, 1st. Session, December 18, 1975 (Washington: G. P. O., 1975); Lowenthal, Abraham F., “The United States and Latin America: Ending the Hegemonic Presumption,” Foreign Affairs 55 (October 1976): 199–213Google Scholar; Schechter, Daniel, “Un nouveau champ d'action pour les Etats-Unis,” he Monde Diplomatique, No. 262 (01 1976): 15–17Google Scholar; Lake, Anthony, The ‘Tar Baby’ Option: American Policy Toward Southern Africa (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976)Google Scholar; Oudes, Bruce, “The CIA in Africa,” Africa Report (07–08 1974)Google Scholar; and Lemarchand, Rene, “The CIA in Africa: how central? how intelligent?” Journal of Modern African Studies 14 (09 1976): 401–26.Google Scholar
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11 Ibid.
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13 There is, of course, considerable variety among “dependency” theorists and there is thus no orthodoxy among them. The impact of their work is cumulative rather than doctrinal. Our bibliography of dependency theorists runs to over one hundred citations. Representative general statements are: Barrat-Brown, M., Essays on Imperialism (1972)Google Scholar; Amin, S., he developpment inegal (Paris: Minuit, 1973)Google Scholar; Santos, T. Dos, Underdevelopment and Development (Harmonsworfh: Penguin Books, 1973)Google Scholar; Santos, T. Dos, “The structure of dependence,” American Economic Review, 60 (05 1970): 231–36Google Scholar; Emmanuel, A., Unequal Exchange (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1969)Google Scholar; Furtado, C., Development and Underdevelopment (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967)Google Scholar; Frank, A.G., “The development of underdevelopment,” Monthly Review, Vol. 18, No. 4 (09 1966): 17–31Google Scholar; Myrdal, G., Economic Theory and Under-developed Regions (London: Duckworth, 1957).Google Scholar For specific references to Latin America and Africa, see the bibliographies of the papers cited in the next section.
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18 From a personal communication by Professor Caporaso to the senior author, September 27, 1976.
19 Dependency theories claim to explain whole centuries of the history of Third World countries, and studies based on post World War II data such as ours cannot claim to “test” this historical dimension. On the other hand, these theories also contain short- to medium-term policy prescriptions, such as the nationalization of financial institutions—banks and insurance companies. The effects of such actions are not predicted to take centuries to appear. Therefore, as long as conventional, Marxist, and dependency theories continue to recommend public policies, they are open to empirical evaluations such as ours.
20 Jackman, Robert W., Politics and Social Inequality: A Comparative Analysis (New York: Wiley, 1975),Google Scholar particularly pp. 4–9 and 203–08. Our thanks to Professor Carol Thompson for bringing this book to our attention.
21 It is true that scholars working within different paradigms such as the conventional, Marxist, and dependency approaches often talk past one another because they use different vocabulary and concepts, e.g., “modernization” and “need to achieve” vs. “mode of production” and “imperialism” vs. “unequal exchange” and “departicipation.” See Aidan Foster-Carter. It is also true that each approach can be subjected to an ideological critique that explicates the social, cultural, and political factors that account for why an individual or group of scholars works within a particular paradigm, e.g., most Western scholars do conventional economics and political science because they are bourgeois intellectuals in bourgeois societies and most East European scholars do Marxist studies for equally obvious reasons. See Tipps, Dean C., “Modernization theory and the comparative study of societies: a critical perspective,” pp. 62–88Google Scholar in Black, C.E., ed., Comparative Modernization: A Reader (New York: Free Press, 1976).Google Scholar The first problem makes cross-paradigm research difficult, particularly in the areas of concept definition and operationalization, but not impossible. Moreover, as Tipps correctly notes, neither the first nor the second criticism says anything at all about the truth content of the competing theories. Only rigorous empirical research of a case study, comparative, and statistical sort can address the explanatory and predictive adequacy of competing theoretical statements.
22 Our philosophy of science is clearly a “non-separatist” sort. See Rudner, R., Philosophy of Social Science (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1966)Google Scholar and Lakatos, Imre, “Falsification and the methodology of scientific research programs,” pp. 91–196Google Scholar in Lakatos, I. and Musgrave, A., eds., Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970).Google Scholar
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27 Ibid., pp. 10–13.
28 Ibid., pp. 13–18.
29 Ibid., p. 6.
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37 O'Brien, pp. 11–12. We share O'Brien's judgment here. Dependency does not represent a theory in any meaningful sense of that term, but it is “a framework of reference” or “paradigm” within which “various heterogeneous phenomena are analysed to see how they link and interact with each other to form a total system.” Ibid. This is exactly the point of view argued by Duvall in his essay in this issue.
38 Ibid., pp. 19 and 24.
39 Ibid., p. 24.
40 Ibid., p. 25.
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43 Ibid., p. 800.
44 Ibid., pp. 801–07.
45 Ibid., pp. 807–08.
46 Ibid., p. 809.
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51 Schmitter, pp. 170–73.
52 Ibid., pp. 154–55.
53 Kaufman, Robert R., Chemotsky, Harry I., and Geller, Daniel S., “A Preliminary test of the theory of dependency,” Comparative Politics 7 (April 1975): 303–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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55 Ibid., pp. 316–28.
56 Lall, p. 807.
57 Szymanski, Albert, “Dependence, exploitation, and economic growth,” Journal of Political and Military Sociology 4 (Spring 1976): 53–65.Google Scholar The quotations are found on page 53. We should note at this point that an article we have not yet seen is reported by Szymanski, p. 54, as having correlated measures of economic dependency with Latin American growth rates and “found mixed evidence in favor of the dependency theory.” Stevenson, Paul, “External economic variables influencing the economic growth rate of seven major Latin American nations,” Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 9 (November 1972): 347–57.Google Scholar
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77 Ibid., p. 24.
78 Ibid., pp. 27–30.
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85 Suggesting that social science on a global scale manifests dependency structures too. However, such a point, which identifies a genuine problem, is irrelevant to the truth content of the findings reported in these eleven papers.
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97 McGowan, pp. 37–38.
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104 These three are coded 1 = very difficult, 2 = difficult, 3 = not very difficult, 4 = not difficult. Note that for Hance, “average man” represents the mass of the population; it is not a surrogate for per capita.
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107 Ibid., pp. 4, 5.
108 Ibid., p. 5.
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111 Ibid.
112 Ibid.
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117 That is, “dependency” may be like another so-called scientific concept, “race.” While race can be defined and measured by reference to blood types, gene pools, etc., as applied to humans it is a useless concept for it is not related to anything else of theoretical interest about human behavior!
118 Norman H. Nie, et al., SPSS: Statistical Package for the Social Sciences, 2nd ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975), pp. 346–47. Tolerance is the proportion of the variance of an independent variable not explained by the independent variables already in the equation.
119 Since dependency involves highly constrained decision making, such “patterns” may not represent “policies” in that.. a choice was never made.
120 As done, for example, in R. Harris, ed., The Political Economy of Africa.
121 But see Vengroff, “Dependency, development, and inequality.”
122 Kaufman, “A preliminary test.”
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125 Chase-Dunn, “The effects of international economic dependence.”