Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-tf8b9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-30T15:27:59.987Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Crisis of Labor Politics in Latin America: Parties and Labor Movements during the Transition to Neoliberalism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 November 2007

Kenneth M. Roberts
Affiliation:
Cornell University

Abstract

Following the onset of mass politics in early twentieth-century Latin America, party systems were distinguished by different patterns of labor incorporation. In some countries, political competition was realigned by the emergence of a mass-based, labor-mobilizing populist or leftist party. In other countries, party systems remained under the control of traditional oligarchic parties or elite personalities who provided little impetus for labor mobilization. Countries with labor-mobilizing party systems were more deeply embedded in the state-led model of capitalist development known as import substitution industrialization in the middle of the twentieth century, and they suffered severe economic trauma when this development model collapsed in the debt crisis of the 1980s. Economic austerity and free-market reforms undermined the social foundations of these party systems, which experienced sharp declines in trade-union density and widespread electoral volatility during the waning decades of the twentieth century.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The International Labor and Working-Class History Society 2007

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

NOTES

1. Edwards, Sebastian, Crisis and Reform in Latin America: From Despair to Hope (Oxford, 1995)Google Scholar.

2. O'Donnell, Guillermo and Schmitter, Philippe C., Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore, 1986)Google Scholar.

3. See Ruth Collier, Berins and Collier, David, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton, NJ, 1991)Google Scholar.

4. Cavarozzi, Marcelo, “Politics: A Key for the Long Term in South America,” in Latin American Political Economy in the Age of Neoliberal Reform, ed. Smith, William C., Acuña, Carlos, and Gamarra, Eduardo (New Brunswick, NJ, 1994), 127155Google Scholar.

5. See, for example, Garrett, Geoffrey, Partisan Politics in the Global Economy (Cambridge, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Bartolini, Stefano and Mair, Peter, Identity, Competition, and Electoral Availability: The Stabilisation of European Electorates 1885–1985 (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar.

6. The assignment of cases to the elitist or labor-mobilizing categories is determined by both labor movement and party system attributes. First, a national party system can hardly be considered labor-mobilizing if it does not achieve a certain threshold or critical mass in its trade union development. As discussed below, all the countries with labor-mobilizing party systems organized nearly a quarter of their workforce or more during their peak periods of labor mobilization. None of the countries with elitist party systems reached this threshold. Second, to be considered labor-mobilizing a party system must be reconfigured in the ISI era by the rise of a mass-based populist or leftist party (or coalition) that is strong enough both to exercise political leadership of the trade union movement and to be a serious contender for national political power through electoral means. Practically, this meant that the primary labor-mobilizing party or coalition developed into the first- or second-largest electoral force in the country. Indeed, in all the labor-mobilizing cases the primary labor-mobilizing party or coalition either captured executive office at some point prior to the 1980s debt crisis or, in the Peruvian case, was prevented from doing so only through repeated military interventions. The absence of either of these two basic conditions consigns a nation to the elitist category, that is, if its labor movement was organizationally weak and/or significantly led by traditional oligarchic or electorally-marginal parties.

7. I exclude El Salvador and Guatemala from this categorization, since prolonged military dictatorships impeded the development of national party systems during the ISI era in both countries.

8. See, for example, Golden, Miriam, “The Dynamics of Trade Unionism and National Economic Performance,” American Political Science Review 87 (1993): 439454CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Mitchell, Neil J., “Theoretical and Empirical Issues in the Comparative Measurement of Union Power and Corporatism,” British Journal of Political Science 26 (1996): 419428CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9. Inter-American Development Bank, Economic and Social Progress in Latin America: 1980–81 Report, Washington DC, 1981, 26Google Scholar.

10. Short, R.P., “The Role of Public Enterprises: An International Statistical Comparison,” in Public Enterprise in Mixed Economies: Some Macroeconomic Aspects, ed. Floyd, R., Gray, C., and Short, R.P. (Washington DC, 1984), 118122Google Scholar.

11. Weyland, Kurt, The Politics of Market Reform in Fragile Democracies: Argentina, Brazil, Peru, and Venezuela (Princeton, NJ, 2002)Google Scholar.

12. Economic crisis and reform did cause a medium-term decline in real wages in Chile as well. Real wages in 1985 were 17.8 percent below those in 1970, before beginning a gradual recuperation that carried into the 1990s. See Economía y Trabajo en Chile: Informe Anual (Santiago, 1993–1994), 221.

13. The Frente Amplio only developed into a serious contender for political power at the national level in the 1990s, ironically, after market reforms under both military and civilian rulers had weakened Uruguay's labor movement.

14. For a discussion of data constraints and sources, see Roberts, Kenneth M., “Social Inequalities Without Class Cleavages in Latin America's Neoliberal Era,” Studies in Comparative International Development 36 (2002): 33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15. During the ISI era, conservative parties with core elite (especially agrarian) constituencies generally advocated a continuation of traditional export-oriented liberalism as an alternative to the state-led capitalist/ISI development models promoted by populist parties and their urban industrial coalitions. This traditional variant of economic liberalism was perhaps less ideologically-defined than contemporary neoliberalism, but it clearly anchored one end of a development policy continuum that stretched from socialism on the left to liberalism on the right, with state capitalism located somewhere in between.

16. Williamson, John, “What Washington Means by Policy Reform,” in Latin American Adjustment: How Much Has Happened?, ed. Williamson, John (Washington DC, 1990)Google Scholar.

17. Susan C. Stokes, Mandates and Democracy: Neoliberalism by Surprise in Latin America (Cambridge, 2001).

18. O'Donnell, Guillermo, “Delegative Democracy,” Journal of Democracy 5 (1994): 5569CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19. Gibson, Edward L., “The Populist Road to Market Reform: Policy and Electoral Coalitions in Mexico and Argentina,” World Politics 49 (1997): 339370CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Roberts, Kenneth M. and Arce, Moises, “Neoliberalism and Lower-Class Voting Behavior in Peru,” Comparative Political Studies 31 (1998): 217246CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20. Huntington, Samuel P., The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman, OK, 1991)Google Scholar.

21. The Pedersen index is calculated by summing the vote (or legislative seat) gains and losses of individual parties from one election to the next and then dividing by two. The index provides a measure of net aggregate vote shifts, with a score of zero indicating that no party lost or gained votes (or seats), and a score of 100 signifying that all the votes (or seats) were captured by a new set of parties. See Pedersen, Mogens, “Changing Patterns of Electoral Volatility in European Party Systems, 1948–1977,” in Western European Party Systems: Continuity and Change, ed. Daalder, Hans and Mair, Peter (London, 1983)Google Scholar.

22. Dalton, Russell J., Flanagan, Scott C., and Beck, Paul Allen, eds., Electoral Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies: Realignment or Dealignment? (Princeton, NJ, 1984)Google Scholar.

23. Gallagher, Michael, Laver, Michael, and Mair, Peter, Representative Government in Modern Europe (New York, 2001), 263Google Scholar.

24. Dix, Robert, “Democratization and the Institutionalization of Latin American Political Parties.” Comparative Political Studies 24 (1992): 488511CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25. See Remmer, Karen L., “The Political Impact of Economic Crisis in Latin America in the 1980s,” American Political Science Review 85 (1991): 777800CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Roberts, Kenneth M. and Wibbels, Erik, “Party Systems and Electoral Volatility in Latin America: A Test of Economic, Institutional, and Structural Explanations,” American Political Science Review 93 (1999): 575590CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26. Carmines, Edward G., McIver, John P., and Stimson, James A., “Unrealized Partisanship: A Theory of Dealignment,” Journal of Politics 49 (1987): 376400CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Maria Maguire, “Is There Still Persistence? Electoral Change in Western Europe, 1948–1979,” in Daalder and Mair, eds., Western European Party Systems, 83–85.

27. Lipset, Seymour Marin and Rokkan, Stein, “Cleavage Structures, Party Systems, and Voter Alignments: An Introduction,” in Party Systems and Voter Alignments: Cross-National Perspectives, ed., Lipset, Seymour Martin and Rokkan, Stein (New York, 1967)Google Scholar, and Bartolini and Mair, Identity, Competition, and Electoral Availability.

28. Roberts and Wibbels, “Party Systems and Electoral Volatility,” 582–586.

29. Huntington, Samuel P., Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, CT, 1968), 1314Google Scholar.

30. Mainwaring, Scott and Scully, Timothy R., “Introduction: Party Systems in Latin America,” in Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America, ed. Mainwaring, Scott and Scully, Timothy R. (Stanford, CA, 1995), 1415Google Scholar.

31. Roberts and Wibbels, “Party Systems and Electoral Volatility,” 581.

32. Levitsky, Steven, “Institutionalization and Peronism: The Concept, the Case, and the Case for Unpacking the Concept,” Party Politics 4 (1998): 7792CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33. See also Converse, Philip E., “Of Time and Partisan Stability,” Comparative Political Studies 2 (1969): 139171CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34. See, for example, Gillespie, Charles Guy, Negotiating Democracy: Politicians and Generals in Uruguay (Cambridge, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Hartlyn, Jonathan, The Politics of Coalition Rule in Colombia (Cambridge, 1988)Google Scholar.

35. This analysis of electoral volatility begins in 1978, which was the starting point for the “third wave” of democratization in Latin America. Since the first election is each country is a base-line for calculation, actual volatility scores are not recorded until the 1980s. Volatility scores are calculated from the electoral results provided in Nohlen, Dieter, ed. Enciclopedia Electoral Latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica, 1993)Google Scholar; the Europa World Year Book (London, various years); and the Elections Around the World website: www.electionworld.org.

36. The traditional parties in Uruguay have been gradually weakened by the growth of the leftist Frente Amplio, which captured the presidency for the first time in 2004. Since 2002, Colombia's two historic parties have given way to a new, personality-based conservative movement led by President Alvaro Uribe. Although political change in Uruguay was clearly related to the social and economic strains of the transition to neoliberalism, in Colombia Uribe's law-and-order appeal tapped into voter disillusionment with the failure of established parties to address chronic problems with guerrilla insurgency, drug trafficking, and paramilitary violence.

37. Bartolini and Mair, Identity, Competition, and Electoral Availability.

38. Cleary, Matthew R., “Explaining the Left's Resurgence,” Journal of Democracy 17 (2006): 3839CrossRefGoogle Scholar.