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THERE AND BACK AGAIN: RHETORICS OF AL-ANDALUS IN MODERN SYRIAN POPULAR CULTURE

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 January 2016

Jonathan H. Shannon
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Abstract

This article explores the rhetorical function of al-Andalus (medieval Spain) in modern Syrian popular culture, with a focus on music. The rhetoric of al-Andalus in Syria is intimately related to the project of nation building. The nostalgic performance of links between modern Syria and medieval al-Andalus assumed great rhetorical force in the 1960s as a result of ideologies of pan-Arabism, the loss of Palestine, the rise of Islamist threats at home, and the emergence of petrodollar regimes in the Arabian Gulf. As a result, the rhetoric of al-Andalus became “good to think” for wide audiences of Syrians. Musical genres linked to al-Andalus play an important role as potent vehicles for constructing Syrian memory cultures. Drawing on heavily mythologized and nostalgic visions of an Andalusian golden age, musical performance in Syria sonically reinforces forms of nostalgic remembrance and enacts claims on Syrian pasts, presents, and futures.

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Articles
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International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 48 , Issue 1 , February 2016 , pp. 5 - 24
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2016 

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References

NOTES

Author's note: The research for this article was generously funded by awards from PSC-CUNY, Fulbright, and the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation. The author thanks Alex Elinson, Chris Stone, and the three anonymous IJMES reviewers for their comments on an earlier version. All errors of fact or interpretation are my own.

1 Named after the Andalusian sage Muhyi al-Din Ibn al-ʿArabi (1165–1240), whose tomb in Damascus is a pilgrimage site (mazār) for Sufis and scholars alike.

2 In this context, gharbī refers to Europe and North America, and not the west of the Arab world, or the Maghrib.

3 The psaltery or salterio is, like the qānūn, a type of zither, and in fact Olavide is a skilled performer on the qānūn as well as an accomplished vocalist schooled in the performance of Early Music.

4 Carlos Paniagua and Begoña Olavide, personal communication with the author, Fez, Morocco, 2004.

5 For more on Syrian debates over the Arab-ness of Syrian music, or the Syrian-ness of pan-Arab music, see Shannon, Jonathan, Among the Jasmine Trees: Music and Modernity in Contemporary Syria (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

6 On memory cultures, see Huyssen, Andreas, “Present Pasts: Media, Politics, Amnesia,” Public Culture 12 (2000): 21–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Discussion of the parallel cases of Morocco and Spain can be found in my Performing al-Andalus: Music and Nostalgia across the Mediterranean (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2015).

8 Lagerkvist, Amanda, Media and Memory in New Shanghai: Western Performances of Futures Past (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013)Google Scholar.

9 Bakhtin used the concept of chronotope (time-space) to analyze the intrinsic connectedness of space and time in language and literature. For Bakhtin, literary genres can be identified by their different configurations of time and space. Bakhtin, M. M., The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays, ed. Holquist, Michael, trans. Emerson, Caryl and Holquist, Michael (Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 1981), 84Google Scholar. See also Basso, Keith, Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language among the Western Apache (Albuquerque, N. Mex.: University of New Mexico Press, 1996), 62Google Scholar.

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16 Ibid., 7.

17 Ibid., 9

18 Ibid., 10.

19 Ibid.

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23 Lagerkvist, Media and Memory in New Shanghai, 167.

24 For an exploration of these themes in the broader Mediterranean context, see Shannon, Performing al-Andalus.

25 On Aleppo, see Khirfan, Luna, “From Documentation to Policy-Making: Management of Built Heritage in Old Aleppo and Old Acre,” Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review 21 (2010): 35–54Google Scholar. On Fez, see Porter, Geoffrey D., “From Madrasa to Maison d’Hôte: Historic Preservation in Mohammed VI's Morocco,” Middle East Report 218 (2001): 34–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Porter “Unwitting Actors: The Preservation of Fez's Cultural Heritage,” Radical History Review 86 (2003): 123–46. For a recent critical study of heritage politics in Damascus, see Totah, Faedah M., Preserving the Old City of Damascus (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2014)Google Scholar.

26 Research for this article was conducted in Syria prior to the outbreak of conflict in March 2011. As I write, Syrians have been suffering traumatic changes for over four years that bear on how history is (and will be) constructed and memorialized; one might suspect a transition from a modern to a presentist regime of historicity, and a concomitant recasting of the memory culture to restorative nostalgias based in commemorations and memorializations rather than monuments.

27 For a discussion of the standard narrative as it impacts scholarship on Andalusian music, see Davila, Carl, The Andalusian Music of Morocco: Al-Ala: History, Society and Text (Wiesbaden, Germany: Reichert, 2013)Google Scholar.

28 Al-Andalus (or Andalusia) refers to those areas of the Iberian Peninsula that came under Muslim rule beginning in the early 8th century and, in the aftermath of the Christian reconquest (Reconquista), ending with the fall of the Kingdom of Granada in 1492 and the subsequent expulsions of Muslims and Jews as late as 1610. Al-Andalus refers to a fluid geographical, historical, political, and cultural cartography rather than to a fixed place or time.

29 Menocal, Ornament. See also Decter, Jonathan P., Iberian Jewish Literature: Between al-Andalus and Christian Europe (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; and Cohen, Mark, Under Crescent and Cross: The Jews in the Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

30 For a deeper exploration of the importance of agriculture and gardening in al-Andalus, see Ruggles, D. Fairchild, Gardens, Landscape, and Vision in Islamic Spain (University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

31 Al-Sibaʿi, personal communication with the author, Damascus, 2004.

32 See Barakat, Halim, The Arab World: Society, Culture, and State (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1993)Google Scholar; Khoury, Philip S., Urban Notables and Arab Nationalism: The Politics of Damascus 1869–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hinnebusch, Raymond, Syria: Revolution from Above (London: Routledge, 2001)Google Scholar; Hopwood, Derek, Syria 1945–1986: Politics and Society (London: Routledge, 1988)Google Scholar; Khoury, Philip, Syria and the French Mandate: The Politics of Arab Nationalism, 1920–1945 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Mufti, Malik, Sovereign Creations: Pan-Arabism and Political Order in Syria and Iraq (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

33 Barakat, The Arab World, 161. Linguistic reforms played an important role in nahdawist thought. For more on this theme, see Hourani, Albert, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Khoury, Syria and the French Mandate, 5.

35 Ibid., 22.

36 Ibid., 6.

37 Mufti, Sovereign Creations; Hopwood, Syria; Seale, Patrick, The Struggle for Syria: A Study in Post-War Arab Politics, 1945–1958, new ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

38 See Mufti, Sovereign Creations, 48–50; Khalidi, Rashid, Anderson, Lisa, Muslih, Muhammad, and Simon, Reeva S., eds., The Origins of Arab Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 181Google Scholar.

39 Cleveland, William, Islam against the West: Shakib Arslan and the Campaign for Islamic Nationalism (Austin, Tex.: Austin University Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

40 Arslan, Amir Shakib, al-Hulal al-Sundusiyya fi al-Akhbar wa-l-Athar al-Andalusiyya (The Silk Brocade Garments in the Annals and Ruins of al-Andalus) (Fez, Morocco: Muhammad Mahdi al-Jabi, 1936)Google Scholar.

41 Arslan, Amir Shakib, Li-Madha Taʾakhkhara al-Muslimun wa-Taqaddama Ghayruhum (Why Did the Muslims Fall Behind, and Others Progressed) (Beirut: al-Hayat, 1975)Google Scholar. See also Arslan, Our Decline: Its Causes and Remedies, trans. Ssekamanya Siraje Abdullah (Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Islamic Book Trust, 2004); Haddad, Mahmud, “The Ideas of Amir Shakib Arslan: Before and After the Collapse of the Ottoman Empire,” in Views from the Edge: Essays in Honor of Richard W. Bulliet, ed. Yavari, Neguin, Potter, Lawrence G., and Oppenheim, Jean-Marc Ran (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 101–15Google Scholar; and Kassab, Elizabeth Suzanne, Contemporary Arab Thought: Cultural Critique in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

42 Drawing on a long literary tradition of lament dating back to the medieval city elegies (rithāʾ al-mudun) and early modern works such as the 17th-century al-Maqqari's Nafh al-Tib, Arab and Muslim writers in the first half of the century deployed the idea of an Andalusian lost paradise as a spur toward national revival in the shadows of colonialism. The confluence of colonialism and access to Andalusian sites through travel provided the context for this renewed interest in the Andalusian past. In many ways it produced the very notion of “Andalusian” music.

43 See, for example, Granara's analysis of the works of Jurji Zaydan, ʿAli al-Jarim, and Radwa ʿAshur, and Yaseen Noorani's discussion of Muhammad Iqbal and Ahmad Shawqi, among others. Granara, William, “Nostalgia, Arab Nationalism, and the Andalusian Chronotope in the Evolution of the Modern Arabic Novel,” Journal of Arabic Literature 36 (2005): 57–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Noorani, Yaseen. “The Lost Garden of al-Andalus: Islamic Spain and the Poetic Inversion of Colonialism,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 31 (1999): 237–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 Granara.“Nostalgia,” 60.

45 Boym, The Future, 251, Granara, “Nostalgia,” 62.

46 Mufti, Sovereign Creations, 63.

47 The visits to the Andalusian cities inspired her to write ʿAynan min Ishbiliya (Two Eyes from Seville) (Beirut: n.p., 1999 [1960]). Al-Kuzbari hailed from a prominent Damascene family; her father, Lutfi al-Haffar, was Syrian prime minister during the French Mandate, and her second husband, Nadir al-Kuzbari, was a Syrian diplomat who served as ambassador to Spain in the 1960s. Little has been written on the literary legacy of al-Haffar Kuzbari. For a brief biographical sketch, see Joseph Mouallem, “Remembering Salma al-Haffar Kuzbari,” al-Jadid 12 (2006), accessed 31 August 2014, http://www.aljadid.com/content/remembering-salma-al-haffar-kuzbari.

48 Qabbani, Nizar, al-Rasm bi-l-Kalimat (Drawing with Words) (Beirut: Manshurat Nizar Qabbani, 1980 [1966])Google Scholar.

49 From Nizar Qabbani, “Gharnata,” in al-Rasm bi-l-Kalimat. English translation by the author.

50 Qabbani, Nizar, Qissati maʿ al-Shiʿr (My Story with Poetry) (Beirut: Manshurat Nizar Qabbani, 2000 [1983]), 107Google Scholar. English translation by the author.

51 See Elinson, Alexander, Looking Back at al-Andalus: The Poetics of Loss and Nostalgia in Medieval Arabic and Hebrew Literature (Leiden: Brill, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 Muhamed Alkhalil, Nizar Qabbani: From Romance to Exile (PhD diss., Department of Near Eastern Studies, University of Arizona. 2005), 204.

53 Recent references to al-Andalus in Syrian literature and popular culture include Nabil Sulayman's novel Fi Ghiyabihi (In Her Absence) (Damascus: Dar al-Hiwar, 2003), which describes a trip to al-Andalus, and Walid Sayf and Hatim ʿAli's Andalusian-themed trilogy of Ramadan television series from 2002 to 2005, “Saqr Quraysh,” “Rabiʿ Qurtuba,” and “Muluk al-Tawaʾif,” as well as numerous television and print advertisements.

54 In the post-1967 war era one notes a decidedly political tenor to much of Qabbani's work, reflecting a general critical air in much scholarly writing of the time. This is evident not only in his works on Damascus, with their nostalgic remembrances, but also in his decidedly political poems, such as Hawamish ʿala Daftar al-Naksa (Margins of the Notebook of the Setback). See Qabbani, Nizar, al-Aʿmal al-Siyasiyya al-Kamila (The Complete Political Works), vol. 3, 2nd ed. (Beirut: Manshurat Nizar Qabbani, 1973), 69–98Google Scholar.

55 For example, see Darwish, Mahmud, Unfortunately, It Was Paradise: Selected Poems, trans. Akash, Munir, ed. Forché, Carolyn (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2003)Google Scholar; and Adonis, Mahmud Darwish, and al-Qasim, Samih, Victims of a Map, bilingual ed. (London: Saqi, 2008)Google Scholar.

56 Segal, Aaron, “Spain and the Middle East: A 15-year Assessment,” Middle East Journal 45 (1991): 250–64Google Scholar.

57 John Markham, “Arabs Find the South of Spain to Their Liking,” New York Times, 11 October 1981, accessed 9 February 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/1981/10/11/world/arabs-find-the-south-of-spain-to-their-liking.html.

58 Informal masjids have existed in Spain for decades serving the immigrant, native-born, and converso Muslim communities. See Rogozen-Soltar, Mikaela, “Managing Muslim Visibility: Conversion, Immigration, and Spanish Imaginaries of Islam,” American Anthropologist 114 (2012): 611–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59 Jonathan H. Shannon, “The Project of al-Andalus and Nostalgic Dwelling in the Twenty-First Century” (lecture at the symposium “Intertwined Traditions: The Untold Tale of of Jewish and Muslim Music Traditions from Medieval Spain,” University of California at Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, Calif., 21 February 2015).

60 Markham, “Arabs Find the South of Spain to their Liking.”

61 The director of the Archaeological Society Dr. Muhammad Qujjah noted that there were Andalusian families who came to the Levant, but that they were absorbed (indamajū) into Aleppine society and for the most part lost their Andalusian appellations. For that reason one does not find in Syria such names as “al-Ishbili” (The Sevillian) or “al-Qurtubi” (The Córdoban). Because the whole region of North Africa and al-Andalus was referred to as al-maghrib al-aqsā (the Farthest West), when Andalusians came to the Levant they were often referred to as “Maghribi,” and in fact one finds Aleppine families with the appellation “Maghribi,” “Maghribiyya,” and “Maghariba.” Other Andalusian family names found in Syria include al-ʿAbadi, al-Maliki (after the school of legal jurisprudence dominant in Morocco), and al-Kattani (a well-known Fassi name).

62 This program was launched by the Islamic Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (ISESCO). Modeled on UNESCO and founded in 1982, ISESCO is based in Rabat, Morocco.

63 Muhammad Qadri Dalal, personal communication with the author, 2007.

64 Jean-Pierre Perrin, “L’Andalousie, mirage arabe,” LibAndalou, 1 January 2001, accessed 20 June 2014, http://liberation.fr/culture/2001/01/02/l-andalousie-mirage-arabe_349784.

65 The dhikr, often associated with Sufism, entails the ritualized invocation of God and in Syria is accompanied by repertoires of songs and bodily movements. See Shannon, Among the Jasmine Trees.

66 For more on Levantine muwashshaḥāt, see al-Afandi, Majd, al-Muwashshaḥat al-Mashriqiyya wa-Athar al-Andalus fiha (Damascus: Dar al-fikr, 1999)Google Scholar; and Shannon, Jonathan H., “al-Muwashshahât and al-Qudûd al-Halabiyya: Two Genres in the Aleppine Wasla,” MESA Bulletin 37 (2003): 82–101Google Scholar.

67 See Shannon, Jonathan H., “Composition, Tradition and the Anxiety of Musical Influence in Syrian and Moroccan Andalusian Musics,” Proceedings of the Congrès des Musiques dans le Monde de l’Islam/Conference on Musics in the World of Isla, ed. Bois, (Assilah, Morocco: Fondation du Forum d’Assilah, 2007)Google Scholar.

68 See Reynolds, Dwight F., “Musical Aspects of Ibn Sanāʾ al-Mulk's Dār al-Tirāz,” in Muwashshaḥ: Proceedings of the Conference on Arabic and Hebrew Strophic Poetry and its Romance Parallels, School of Oriental and Asian Studies (SOAS), London, 8–10 October 2004, ed. Ed Emery (London: RN Books, 2006), 211–27Google Scholar.

69 See Shannon, Among the Jasmine Trees, 92–93; Touma, Hassan Habib, The Music of the Arabs, expanded edition, trans. Schwartz, Laurie (Portland, Ore.: Amadeus Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

70 For more on the musical structures of Syrian music and for comparisons with North African traditions, see Shannon, Jonathan H.. “Performing al-Andalus, Remembering al-Andalus: Mediterranean Soundings from Mashriq to Maghrib,” Journal of American Folklore 120 (2007): 308–34Google Scholar; and Poché, Christian, La Musique Arabo-Andalouse (Paris: Cité de la musique/Actes Sud, 1995)Google Scholar.

71 On the Ziryab legend, see Davila, Carl, “Fixing a Misbegotten Biography: Ziryab in the Mediterranean World,” Al-Masaq: Islam in the Medieval Mediterranean 21 (2009): 121–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Reynolds, Dwight, “Al-Maqqarī's Ziryāb: The Making of a Myth,” Middle Eastern Literatures 11 (2008): 155–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72 These connections are also evident in the Iraqi ʿūd master Naseer Shamma's Maqamat Ziryáb: Desde el Eufrátes al Guadalquivi, Pneuma PN-480, CD, 2005.

73 The exhibit ran from 3 May to 30 September 2001 and was attended by Bashar al-Assad on what many deemed his first foreign trip as president of Syria.

74 Husain Sabsaby, with Tariq Salhiyya, Ḥanin, CD, 2006.

75 Munir Bashir, Flamenco Roots, Byblos BLCD 1002, CD, 1998. Bashir also recorded Raga Roots, Byblos BLCD 1021, CD, 1997, suggesting that the musical traditions from North India to Spain had roots in or at least strong associations with Arab musical cultures. For more on these presumed associations, see Noakes, Greg, “Exploring flamenco's Arab Roots,” Saudi Aramco World 45 (1994): 32–35Google Scholar; and Leblon, Bernard, Flamenco (Paris: Actes Sud, 1995)Google Scholar.

76 The Arab Capital of Culture is an initiative of the Arab League organized under UNESCO's Cultural Capitals Program with the aim of promoting and celebrating Arab culture and encouraging cooperation in the Arab region. It was launched in 1996 and Arab capitals have included Cairo, Tunis, Sharjah, Beirut, Riyadh, Kuwait City, Amman, Rabat, Sanaʿa, Khartoum, Muscat, Algiers, Damascus, Jerusalem, Doha, and Baghdad. See Johnson, Louise C., Cultural Capitals: Revaluing the Arts, Remaking Urban Spaces (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2012), 11Google Scholar. Damascus was chosen in 2008, and I was able to attend a number of events in November 2008.

77 For an analysis of the Spanish “tinge” in contemporary Arab pop music, see Frishkopf, Michael, “Some Meanings of the Spanish Tinge in Contemporary Egyptian Music,” in Mediterranean Mosaic: Popular Music and Global Sounds, ed. Plastino, Goffredo (New York: Routledge, 2003), 199–220Google Scholar.

78 “Andalusian Arab Music Festival,” 2 October 1998, accessed 17 April 2008, http://www.syria-online.com/culture/cult_artc/cult_news.html.

79 “Andalusian Music All Over Syria,” 21 November 2000, accessed 17 April 2014, http://www.syria-online.com/culture/cult_artc/andalusian_music.html. Press clippings on the festivals were provided to me by the director of the Spanish Cultural Center in Damascus. As of 2015, the website http://www.syria-online.com seems to have been shut down.

80 Muhammad Qadri Dalal, personal communication with the author, 2014.

81 Syrian MP Ahmad Shalash made this claim in a television interview in 2013. Sakhr Idris, Barlamani Suri: Jaysh al-Asad Sa-Yastarjiʿ al-Andalus (Syrian Parliamentarian: Al-Assad's Army will Bring Back “al-Andalus”), Al-Arabiyya, 5 June 2013, accessed 12 February 2015, http://www.alarabiya.net/ar/arab-and-world/syria/2013/06/05/الأسد-بقيادة-الأندلس-سيسترجع-الجيش-سوري-برلماني-.html.. For the English version, see http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2013/06/05/Syrian-MP-Assad-s-army-gets-green-light-to-strike-back-at-Israel.html.

82 Doubleday, Simon R., “Introduction: ‘Criminal Non-Intervention’: Hispanism, Medievalism, and the Pursuit of Neutrality,” in In the Light of Medieval Spain: Islam, the West, and the Relevance of the Past, ed. Doubleday, Simon R. and Coleman, David (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), xi–xxCrossRefGoogle Scholar; Aidi, Hisham, “The Interference of al-Andalus,” Social Text 24 (2006): 67–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

83 “Al Qaeda dice en un nuevo vídeo que liberará la tierra del islam desde ‘Al Andalus hasta Irak,” El País, 27 July 2006; Jerome Socolovsky, “Militants Invoke Spain's Andalusian Heritage,” NPR Weekend Edition, 3 April 2005, accessed 3 July 2014, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4573301.

84 Hirschkind, Charles, “The Contemporary Afterlife of Moorish Spain,” in Islam and Public Controversy in Europe, ed. Göle, Nilüfar (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2014), 207Google Scholar.

85 Edward Rothstein, “Was the Islam of Old Spain Truly Tolerant?,” New York Times, 27 September 2003, accessed 10 February 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/2003/09/27/arts/was-the-islam-of-old-spain-truly-tolerant.html.

86 Javier Rodríguez Marcos, “‘Apartheid’ en el Paraíso,” El País, 11 February 2009, accessed 12 February 2015, http://elpais.com/diario/2009/02/11/cultura/1234306802_850215.html.

87 García, Serafín Fanjul, La quimera de al-Andalus (Madrid: Siglo XXI de España, 2004)Google Scholar; García, Serafín Fanjul, Al-Andalus contra España: La forga del mito, 2nd ed. (Madrid: Siglo XXI de España, 2002)Google Scholar.

88 See Shannon, Performing al-Andalus, on the ironic role of North African and Arab migrants in producing authenticity in such spaces as Granada's tetería and Cordoba's judería.

89 See Huyssen, Andreas, Present Pasts: Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; and Stokes, Martin, “Music and the Global Order,” Annual Review of Anthropology 33 (2004): 47–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.