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Tegüder's Ultimatum to Qalawun

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Adel Allouche
Adel Allouche
Affiliation:
Department of Oriental StudiesUniversity of Pennsylvania
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Extract

The Ilkhan Tegüder (r. 1282–84), who took the name Ahmad when he converted to Islam, is widely credited with having interrupted—for the duration of his brief reign—the Mamluk-Ilkhanid conflict which had continued unabated since the battle of 'Ayn Jalut (1260). He is also credited with sending two embassies to Qalawun (r. 1280–90), his Mamluk counterpart: the first in 1282 and the second at the end of 1284.

Type
Articles
Information
International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 22 , Issue 4 , November 1990 , pp. 437 - 446
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1990

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References

1 Shāfi' ibn 'Alī, al-Fadl al-ma'thūr min sīrat al-Sultān al-Malik al-Mansūr, Bodleian, MS Marsh 424, fol. 67b, erroneously states that this was the qadi of Kayseri. See also Holt, P. M., “The Īlkhān Ahmad's Embassies to Qalāwūn: Two Contemporary Accounts,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 49, 1 (1986), 128.CrossRefGoogle Scholar According to Khwāndamīr, Qutb al-Dīn Shīrāzī was a disciple of Nasīr al-Dīn Tūsī and wrote Sharh kulliyyāt-i Qānūn (a commentary on Ibn Sīnā's Qānūn). See his Tārīkh-i Habīb al-siyar, 2nd ed., 4 vols., Siyāqī, Muhammad Dabīr, ed. (Tehran, 1975), 3:116–17.Google Scholar

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17 All sources mentioned in the note above have been consulted for this edited version.

18 A. J. Arberry rendered this verse as “We never chastise, until We send forth a Messenger,” while Abdullah Yusuf Ali translated it as “nor would We visit with Our Wrath until We had sent an apostle [to give warning].” See The Koran Interpreted, 2 vols, in 1. 7th printing, Arberry, Arthur J., trans. (New York, 1976), 1:303Google Scholar; The Glorious Qur'ān, Ali, Abdullah Yusuf, trans. (n.p., 1975), p. 698Google Scholar, respectively.

19 This date, which is lacking in all Mamluk sources, is given by Hebraeus, Bar, Mukhtasar, p. 296Google Scholar, and Vassāf, 1:118.

20 The sentence alluding to Tegüder's ignorance of the true meaning of this verse is omitted in the versions of Vassāf, p. 117, and Hebraeus, Bar, Mukhtasar, p. 295.Google Scholar

21 Al-Qalqashandī, 8:69–71. The Qur'anic verse appears on p. 70.

22 Al-Maqrīzī, 1:1075.

23 Khwāndamīr, , Habīb al-siyar, 3:154–55Google Scholar; Mīrkhwānd, , Tārīkh-i Rawzat al-safā, 10 vols. (Tehran, 1959–1960), 5:412.Google Scholar

24 Vassāf, pp. 397–98; Khwāndamīr, 3:154–55. The whereabouts of the chief ambassador, by the name of Husām al-Dīn al-Mujīrī, are given in detail by Ibn al-Dawādārī, 9:127, 129–30.

25 al-'Umarī, Ibn Fadl Allā, al-Ta'rīf bi'l-mustalah al-sharīf (Cairo, 1934).Google Scholar

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27 Al-Qalqashandī, 8:252–53.

28 Ibid., 8:254.

29 Lakzistan is the area next to Shirvan along “the south-eastern spur of the Caucasian range.” See Boyle, , “Dynastic and Political History of the Īl-Khāns,” p. 390.Google Scholar

30 al-Dīn, Rashīd, Jāmi' al-tavārīkh, 2:947.Google Scholar

31 von Hammer-Purgstall, Joseph, Geschichte der Ilchane, 2 vols, in 1 (1842–1843; reprint ed., Amsterdam, 1974), 1:335.Google Scholar One may also add E. A. Wallis Budge's English translation of Bar Hebraeus' Chronography from the Syriac, which contains only a summary of the text. See Chronography, 1:467.Google Scholar

32 D'Ohsson, C. M., Histoire des Mongols, 4 vols. (The Hague and Amsterdam, 1834–1835), 3:569–70.Google Scholar

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34 Ibid.

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37 Hebraeus, Bar, Chronography, 1:467.Google Scholar

38 Among Mamluk sources, Ibn 'Abd al-Zāhir, pp. 5–6, and Ibn al-Dawādārī, 8:249, merely mention the arrival of the embassy without alluding to a peaceful intent.

39 Tārīkh-i Vassāf, p. 113.

40 For the text of this message, see Ibn 'Abd al-Zāhir, pp. 10–16; Ibn al-Dawādārī, 8:254–60; Hebraeus, Bar, Mukhtasar, pp. 292–96Google Scholar; Vassāf, pp. 115–18; al-Maqrīzī, 1:980–84; Quatremère, vol. 2, pt. 3, pp. 162–65. For translations, see Hammer-Purgstall, 1:335–42; Quatremère, vol. 2, pt. 3, pp. 192–99; D'Ohsson, 3:570–80; Howorth, 3:293–96.

41 The Saljuqs of Anatolia had been vassals of the Mongols since their defeat at Köse Dağ in 1243. Qalāwūn's reference to Hülegu is not obviously meant to imply that this ruler was first to extend his suzerainty over the domains of the Saljuqs of Asia Minor. For an overview of this period, see Cahen, Claude, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, Jones-Williams, J., trans. (New York, 1968), pp. 136–38, 269–95.Google Scholar

42 Howorth, 3:295.

43 Cahen, , Pre-Ottoman Turkey, pp. 285–92.Google Scholar

44 See nn. 19–21.

45 Howorth, 3:296.

46 Hebraeus, Bar, Mukhtasar, p. 292Google Scholar; Vassāf, p. 115.

47 Shāfi' ibn 'Alī, al-Fadl al-ma'thūr, fol. 74a.

48 Ibn 'Abd al-Zāhir, pp. 11, 15; Ibn al-Dawādārī, 8:255, 258; Hebraeus, Bar, Mukhtasar, pp. 292, 295Google Scholar; Vassāf, pp. 115, 117.

49 Al-Qalqashandī, 7:247.

50 Ibn 'Abd al-Zāhir, p. 4.

51 This message is reproduced by Ibn 'Abd al-Zāhir, pp. 69–71, and does not figure in any of the contemporary Ilkhanid sources.

52 Ibn al-Dawādārī, 8:261.

53 Ibn al-Furāt, 8:5–6; al-Maqrīzī, 1:722–23.

54 Arghun was declared ruler on 7 Jumada I 683 (22 July 1284), and Tegüder was put to death on the 26th of the same month (10 August 1284). See Rashid al-Din, 2:800, 807. According to Ibn 'Abd al-Zāhir, p. 68, news of Tegüder's death reached Qalawun when he was in Gaza on his way to Damascus, while Ibn al-Dawadari (8:263) states that Qalawun was informed of Tegüder's death upon his arrival in Damascus.

55 Ibn 'Abd al-Zāhir, p. 69.

56 Hebraeus, Bar, Chronography, 1:469Google Scholar, writing one year after this event, states that no one had received news of this shaykh since the time he was locked in the Citadel of Damascus. Rashīd al-Dīn, 2:790; Ibn al-Furāt, 7:278–79; 8:6–7, 13; al-Maqrīzī, 1:722–23, all state that this envoy died in prison. The date of his death is given by Ibn al-Furāt and al-Maqrīzī.

57 Ibn al-Dawādārī, 8:262–63. See the German translation of this passage in Haarmann, Ulrich, Quellenstudien zur frühen Mamlukenzeit (Freiburg, 1970), pp. 209–10.Google Scholar

58 Ibn al-Furāt, 7:278.

59 al-Fuwatī, Ibn, al-Hawādith al-Jāmi'a wa'l tajārib al-nāfi'a fī'l-mi'a al-sābi'a, ed. Jawād, Mustafā (Baghdad, 1932).Google Scholar

60 ibid., pp. 431–32.

61 Hebraeus, Bar, Chronography, 1:469–72Google Scholar; Ibn al-Dawādārī, 8:263–64; Vassāf, pp. 127–37.

62 Hayton, , “La flor des estoires,” pp. 185–88.Google Scholar

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64 D'Ohsson, 3:608; Howorth, 3:308; Grousset, , Histoire des croisades, 3:705–6.Google Scholar

65 Jackson, , “Ahmad Takūdār,” p. 662Google Scholar; Boyle, , “Dynastic and Political History of the Īl-Khāns,” p. 365.Google Scholar

66 Abaqa was an active proponent of what Grousset calls “the Mongol Crusade”; see Histoire des croisades, 3:692–704.Google Scholar