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The Ruling Political Elite in Baʿthi Iraq, 1968–1986: The Changing Features of a Collective Profile

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Amazia Baram
Amazia Baram
Affiliation:
Woodrow Wilson Center Washington, D.C.
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Extract

While to the casual observer Iraq appears to have been ruled by the same political elite since 1968, closer examination reveals that its leadership underwent important changes between 1968 and the mid-1980s. This article intends to show that even though the changes were very gradual, sometimes almost imperceptible, the accumulated effect over 18 years was considerable.

Type
Articles
Information
International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 21 , Issue 4 , November 1989 , pp. 447 - 493
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1989

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References

NOTES

Author's note: This article is based in part on research (updated to 1982) for a Ph.D. thesis written at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and supervised by the late Prof. Gabriel Baer and by Prof. Moshe Ma'oz. I am indebted to both for their valuable advice. One of the collections of biographies used here was compiled at the Dayan Center of Tel-Aviv University, under the supervision of Ms. Ofra Bengio. I am grateful to her and to Ms. Irit Dosh and Ms. Ahuva Dangut who helped her. As events unfolded and more published data became available, the initial research was substantially expanded and updated. This was done during my stay as a Fellow at the Institute for Advanced Studies of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem (1986), St. Antony's College, Oxford (1988), and The Woodrow Wilson Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. (1989).Google Scholar

1 To ascertain a person's denomination (and, occasionally, other details), interviews had to be resorted to in some cases. Upon their request, the interviewees remain anonymous. While the names of the first three Shi'i Imams ('Ali, al-Hasan, and al-Husayn) are very commonly used by Sunnis, as well as by Shi'is, the addition, 'Abd 'Ali, 'Abd al-Hasan or 'Abd al-Husayn, is peculiar to Shi'is. The names of a few Shi'i Imams, such as Kazim, 'Abd Kazim and Baqir, are also almost exclusively Shi'i. Certain surnames reveal the area or the tribe from which a person's family originated (al-Najafi, al-Samawi, al-Mashhadi, al-Zubaydi, and al-Asadi), and there are other names that are used almost exclusively by Shi'is. On the other hand, Shi'is rarely use the names of the first three caliphs: 'Umar (Abu) Bakr, and 'Uthman. Areas that are almost exclusively Shi'i include the southern provinces, Dhi Qar, Maysan, Najaf, Karbala, Babil, Qadisiyya, Muthanna, and Wasit. In Basra there is a Shi'i majority.

2 Interim Constitution, the official gazette al- Waqa'i' al-'Iraqiyya (WI, English version: WG), no. 1625, 21 September 1968, clause 44. For the second version of 16 July 1970, see al-Dustur al-mu'aqqat (Baghdad: Ministry of Culture and Information, 1970), cl. 37.

3 A1-Dustur al-mu'aqqat, 1970, cl. 38c.

4 Al-Jumhuyriyya (Jum), the government daily, Baghdad, 11 January 1969, p. 1; Middle East News Agency (MENA), Cairo, 13 Novemebr 1969; Jum, 5 September 1977, p. 1.

5 A1-Dustur al-mu'aqqat, 1970, clauses, 34–45, 56–58.

6 Between 1973 and 1977, President Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr served also as minister of defense (see, for example, Batatu, Hanna, The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq [Princeton, 1978], p. 1086). His replacement by Col. 'Adnan Khayr Allah Tulfah, Saddam Husayn's cousin, was the first sign of his decline.Google Scholar

7 Thawrat 17 tammuz al-tajriba wal-afaq, political report adopted by the Eighth Regional Congress, Baghdad, January 1974, p. 38 (henceforth: Thawrat 17 tammuz).

8 See, for example, al-Taqrir al-markazi lil-mu'amar al-qurri al-tasi', haziran 1982, Baghdad, Jan. 1983 (henceforth: al-Taqrir al-markazi 1982); Thawrat 17 tammuz, particularly, pp. 30–33, 38–45.

9 Nyrop, Richard F., ed., Iraq, a Country Study, Foreign Area Studies (Washington, D.C., 1979), p. 187.Google Scholar

10 Al-dustur al-mu'aqqat, 1970, cl. 38c. This rule was ignored only in two cases until 1988.

11 Of the pan-Arab leadership elected in the 11th pan-Arab Congress of October 1977, six members were Iraqis (Bakr, Husayn, al-Duri, Ramadan, Haddad, and 'Aziz). Others were Michel 'Aflaq (Syria), Shibli al-'Aysami (Syria), Munif al-Razzaz (Jordan), 'Abd al-Majid al-Rafi'i (Lebanon), 'Ali Ghannam (Saudi Arabia), Qasim Salam (Yemen), Badr al-Din Mudaththar (Sudan). See Baghdad Observer and Jum, 10 October 1977.

12 Al-dustur al-mu'aqqat, 1970, clauses 42, 43, 44, 56–58.

13 See Kurdish protests over the loss of the ministry of irrigation, al-Thawra (Th), 22 Oct. 1972.

14 The lower limit of the youngest age group (1936–1937) was determined using the age of the dominant figure during the later years, Husayn, and his closest associate, 'Aziz.

15 See, for example, Batatu, 1978, pp. 1086–89: Arab Report and Record (ARR) (London), 16–31 July 1968, 1–15 July 1973; Edith and Penrose, E. F., Iraq (London, 1978), p. 354; Middle East News Agency (MENA) (Cairo), 3–17 Novemebr 1969. In most cases “class” is used here in a very free way, interchangeable with social “stratum” or “echelon”, as different from the Marxist conception. Thus, for example, under the definition of lower middle class come middle- and lower-rank army and police officers and government officials, small shop and workshop owners, and skilled and well-paid workers. In the village, this applies to peasants who own a few score dunams. Under the definition of lower classes come landless peasants and peasants who own very small plots of land, vendors, low- rank government employees who have no property (clerks, primary school teachers, etc.), and unskilled workers.Google Scholar

16 For example, Saddam Husayn's half-brother, Ibrahim Barazan, served as the head of General Intelligence. In 1983, he was replaced by Lt. Gen. Hisham Fakhni, a Sunni Arab from Mosul. In early 1984, Lt. Gen. Fakhri was replaced by Lt. Gen. Dr. Fadil al-Barrak Husayn, a Tikriti from Saddam's clan. The president's paternal cousin, 'Ali Hasan ai-Majid, from Tikrit, served at least until mid-1987 as chief of General Security and of Internal Ba'th Security (Washington Post, 30 July 1984; Daily Report, FBIS [Washington] [DR], 15 August; Th, 2 June 1981; DR, 28 September 1981; Alif Ba, 25 June 1980; Th, 13 July 1986).

17 The third new member, a Shi'i Arab, was dropped within a few months, al-Jadid (Beirut), 29 December 1968; Th, 7 December 1968, 30 March 1970; al-Hayat (Beirut), 3 July 1970; Radio Baghdad, 22 July; BBC, 24 July 1971; Batatu, 1978, pp. 1086–88, 1216–23.

18 Jum, 11 Novemebr 1969; Iraqi News Agency (INA), 16 Novemebr 1969.

19 Cf. clauses 42a, 44a, d, in the interim constitution of 1968 with clauses 57c, 60, 61 of that of 1970.

20 For example, Khadduri, Majid, Socialist Iraq (Washington, D.C., 1978), pp. 57–69;Google Scholaral-Tayyar al-Jadid, 28 Oct., 5 Nov. 1983; INA, 31 Dec. 1969; MENA, 5 March 1970; 28 Aug. 1971; ARR, 16–30 Sept. 1971; DR, 26 June 1974; al-Sayyad (Beirut), 17 Nov. 1974; ARR, 16–30 June 1976; Th, 24 March 1977; al-Safir (Beirut), 24 June 1978; Th, 9 Aug. 1979; Associated Press (AP), 20 April 1980; and an interview in Sept. 1980.

21 Th, 13 Jan. 1974; 1, 3, 4, 7 April 1975; Jum, 11 Jan., 24 March 1977; Th, Jum, 30 July, 8 Aug. 1979.

22 Thawrat 17 tammuz, pp. 162–74, 219, 222.

23 Between 1971 and 1973 five new members (three of them Shi'i Arabs) may have joined the RL. This phase is not included here because of uncertainty. The incorporation of the Shi'is may have been one of the regime's reactions to the resentment voiced by Nazim Kazzar, the Shi'i chief of Security Police, during his armed revolt against President Bakr and Saddam Husayn on 30 June 1973. Kazzar was reported to have promised, hinting at the domination of Sunni-Tikritis, in Iraq, Ba'thi, “to wipe Tikrit off the map.” See Kelidar, Abbas, Iraq: The Search for Stability (London, 1975), p. 9.Google Scholar

24 Jum, 12, 24 Jan., 24 March, 5 Sept. 1977; Th, Jum, 30 July, 8 Aug. 1979.

25 Husayn forced them to accept the thankless job of sentencing Shi'i rioters. When they showed leniency they were sacked. Th, Jum, 24 Feb., 23, 24 March 1977; al-Hawadith (London), 8 April 1977; ARR, 16–30 April 1977.

26 Th, 24 Jan. 1977; Jum, 24 March 1977; Th, 10 June 1980.

27 See, for example, Iskandar, Amir, Saddam Hussein (Paris, 1980), pp. 26–29; Th, 20 Aug. 1973; 24 Jan. 1977; WI, 23 May 1977; Financial Times, 17 June 1977; Jum, 18 Oct. 1977.Google Scholar

28 Th, Jum, 5 Sept., 19 Oct. 1977; Th, 19 Feb. 1978.

29 Jum, 11, 12 Feb. 1977; al-Dawa Chronicle (London), no. 22, 1982, p. 4.

30 Tanzim (pl. tanzimat) is the administrative unit immediately under the qutr (“region”, which applies to a whole country) and its secretary generalship is the most senior executive position in the party, save that of the secretary general of the Iraqi region and his deputy. It generally means membership in the RL. In Iraq there are five tanzimat: “north”, “middle”, “Baghdad”, “Euphrates”, and “south.” Underneath is the “major branch” (far'), the “branch” (shu'ba), the “section” (firqa) and the “cell” (khaliyya). See, for example, Th, 1–15 June 1980; 28 Aug., 16, 20 Nov., 3, 23, 27 Dec. 1981; 7 Apri1, 21, 27 July, 6 Dec. 1982.

31 Most interviewees believe Shakir to be a Shi'i. His father was reported to have been buried in Najaf. Others believe him to be a Sunni of the northern tribe of 'Ubayd.

32 See, for example, Th, Jum, 30 July-8 Aug. 1979; Amnesty International Release, London, 10 March 1980.

33 Al-Arab (London), 29 June 1982; Jum, 19, 22, 26 Oct. 1982; INA, 28 June; DR, 29 June 1982; Th, 28, 29 June 1982.

34 Ghareeb, Edmund, The Kurdish Question in Iraq (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1981), pp. 119–22.Google Scholar

35 See Saddam Husayn's interview, al-Anba (Kuwait), 27 April 1983.

36 Th, 13 July, 12 Aug. 1986.

37 There were a few recent nominations (between early 1987 and mid-1988) that, for technical reasons, could not be included in the Tables. As pointed out earlier, they were aimed at increasing the efficiency of the government ministries, and they propelled to the top young professionals who, for long periods, worked directly under the president and who owe full allegiance to him, rather than to the party. These were chiefly Samir Muhammad 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Shaykhali, ex-minister of higher education, who replaced Shakir as minister of interior in April 1987; Dr. Muhammad Mahdi Salih al-Rawi, a Manchester-educated economist and administrator, who replaced Hasan 'Ali as minister of commerce in Aug. 1987, and who is one of the two most important professional brains behind the president's new economic reforms aimed at increasing the role of private enterprise (the other one being al-Hadithi, discussed later). His meteoric ascendancy eclipsed, to an extent, the role of Taha Yasin Ramadan who, until 1987, was regarded as the most central figure in economic affairs under the general guidance of the president. Colonel Husayn Kamil Hasan al-Majid, the president's cousin who, for many years, commanded his bodyguard and who is married to his daughter Ghard, was head of the military industry that received much praise for producing the new missiles, al-Husayn and al-'Abbas. In June 1987, he became minister of heavy industry. Hikmat 'Umar Mukhaylaf al-Hadithi, an able and experienced economist, became minister of finance in early 1987. All these men are Sunni Arabs. On the other hand, the Shi'i Karim Hasan Rida was made minister of the combined ministries of agriculture and irrigation, and another Shi'i, 'lsam 'Abd al-Rahim al-Chelebi, was made minister of oil. By mid-1988 39–44 percent of the outer circle ministers were Sunni Arabs; 28 percent were Kurds and 28–33 percent Shi'i Arabs. In March 1989, the deputy chairman of the RCC suggested the pòssibility of abolishing the RCC and distributing its powers among Parliament, the government, and the president, who would be elected “directly by the people” (Radio Monte Carlo, March 30, FBIS-DR, 31 March 1989, p. 29). If adopted, this may change the power structure that is described here in a meaningful way, but until further information is available it is impossible to evaluate the impact of such a reform. As this article is being written, the RCC, with the president at its head, is still the most important decision-making institution in the land.

38 Law 55 of 1980, WI, no. 2764, pp. 486–96.

39 Biographies of 840 candidates (only 250 of whom were elected to Parliament); see Th, Jum, 1–15 June 1980. The list of 785 candidates for the Oct. 1984 elections appears in Th 1–13 Oct. 1984. For the list of the 250 winning candidates, see ibid., 22 Oct.

40 See, for example, al-Taqrir al-markazi 1982, pp. 191, 279–80, 303. Saddam Husayn's speech in Parliament announcing the abolition of the Iraq–Iran accord of 1975, Th, 18 Sept. 1980.

41 See Baram, Amatzia, “Mesopotamian Identity in Ba'thi Iraq”, Middle Eastern Studies, 19, 4 (10 1983), 426–56; “Culture in the Service of Wataniyya: The Treatment of Mesopotamian Inspired Art in Ba'thi Iraq”, Asian and African Studies, 17, 1–3 (Nov. 1983), 265–314.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

42 See, for example, Th, 5 April, I May, 16–26 Sept. 1985.

43 For such demands under the monarchy, see Sluglett, Peter, Britain in Iraq 1914–1932 (London, 1976), pp. 306–14. Under Qasirn, 'Arif and the Ba'th, the fear of losing their youth to the secular regimes, and their strong reservations towards those regimes, apparently prevented the ulama from demanding jobs. Instead, they demanded a return to the Shari'a. See, for example, an interview with Grand Ayatollah al-Hakim, al-Hayat, 19 Jan. 1961.Google Scholar

44 For example, al-Da'wa Chronicle (London), 22 Feb. 1982, p. 8; 33 Jan. 1983, p. 6.

45 In late March 1987, the commander of the airforce, Sha'ban; the commander of the navy, 'Abd Muhammad 'Abd Allah; and all the commanders of the eight army corps were Sunni Arabs (see interviews with all of them in al-Qadisiyya [Baghdad], 22 March 1987). This is not surprising in view of the well-known history of the Iraqi army. Yet, most corps commanders are being rotated and replaced quite frequently, apparently for security reasons, and during the 1980s there were Shi'i Arabs among them. The most prominent of these Shi'i commanders is Lt. General 'Abd al-Sattar Ahmad al-Mu'ini who, until Jan. 1987, was the commander of the Second Army (Th, 6 Jan. 1987). Another is Lt. General Sa'di Tu'ma 'Abbas al-Juburi who, in Feb. 1986, was appointed commander of the Seventh Army in the far south; previous to that he commanded the First and Third Armies (INA, 24 March 1981; Akhir Sa'a [Cairo], 3 Aug. 1983; Reuters, reporting from Bahrain, 27 Feb. 1986). Yet another is Lt. General Jabr al-Amara (al-Iraq, 19 March 1986). Less prominent, but quite important are Major General Ni'mat Faris Husayn al-Mihyawi, president of the al-Bakr University for Higher Military Studies who, in mid-1983, commanded the First Corps in the north (Jum, 7 July 1983; 14 Feb. 1985; 15 Feb. 1986); Hamid Ahmad al-Ward, commander of the Anti-Aircraft Defense in April 1986 (Th, 22 April 1986; Jum, 10 Aug. 1985); and Subayh 'Umran Tarfa who, in 1985, commanded the 10th Armored Division (Jum, 19 May 1985). There were also a few brigadier generals commanding field units: Zayd Jawwad Hasan al-Rubay'i (Th, 28 Aug. 1982; Jum, 19 Jan. 1984); 'Abd al-Karim Mahmud al-'Ithawi (Alif Ba, 24 Sept. 1986); 'Abd al-Zahra Shakkara Malzum al-Maliki (al-Sayyad (Beirut), 5 Sept. 1984); Mahmud Hammadi al-Juburi (Th, 2–3 March 1987); and Qays Muhammad 'Ali Jasim (al-Arab, 8 Jan. 1987). Lt. General 'Abd al-Jabbar 'Abd al-Rahim al-Asadi, of the Banu Asad tribe in 'Amara, retired in 1982 when he became minister (Th, 30 June 1982; al-Qadisiyya, 24 March 1987). Finally, there is at least one Kurdish It. general, Husayn Rashid Hasan al-Windawi, who commanded the Republican Guard, the most prestigious Unit, which is in charge of the security of the president (Alif Ba, 15 April 1987).

46 See 'Af1aq's speech in Shamiyya, Jubran, Silsilat sijill al-ara'… (Beirut, 05 1966), pp. 96–97;Google Scholaral-Razzaz, Munif, Aazzaz al-yasar al-'arabi (Beirut, 1973), p. 50;Google Scholar Resolutions of the Seventh Regional Congress, Th, al-Huriyya (Baghdad), 7 Feb. 1969; Political Report. she 10th National Congress, Baghdad. 1970), p. 60.

47 Thawrat 17 tammuz, pp. 225–26, 135. Saddam Husayn never served in the army. He was made general of the army in 1976 and field marshal upon assuming the presidency in 1979. (See Th, 6, 9 Jan. 1976.)

48 See the minimal coverage given in the press to General 'Abd al-Rashid, one of the two heroes of al-Faw after it was liberated on 18 April 1988. In late Aug. 1988, following the ceasefire, 'Abd al-Rashid was removed from his command, apparently because his great popularity was perceived by Husayn as a threat. Rumors regarding his execution could not be substantiated. Gen. Fakhri disappeared from the media earlier on.

49 For measures aimed at “Ba'thizing” the army during the first years of the revolution, and thus turning it into a useful tool that would help keep the party in power, see, for example, Dann, Uriel, Foundations of the Ba'th Regime in Iraq (Tel-Aviv, 1974), pp. 2–6;Google ScholarFarouk-Sluglett, Marion and Sluglett, Peter, “From Gang to Elite: The Iraqi Ba'th Party's Consolidation of Power 1968–75” Peuples Méditerranéens, 40 (07–09 1987), 94, 96. Marrying his second son, Qusayy, to Lama, the daughter of General Mahir 'Abd al-Rashid, is another way by which Husayn tried to forge an alignment with the military. See a family picture in al-Tadamun (Beirut), 19 June 1988.Google Scholar

50 For a detailed analysis of the Iraqi elite prior to July 1968, see Marr's, Phebe pioneering article, “Iraq's Leadership Dilemma: A Study in Leadership Trends 1948–68” Middle East Journal, 24, 3 (Summer 1970), 283–301.Google Scholar See also Marr, , “The Political Elite in Iraq” in Lenczowski, George, ed., Political Elites in the Middle East (Washington, D.C., 1975), pp. 109–49. For the appearance of a sizable group of Shi'is at the upper level of the Ba'th regime in 1977 see her book The Modern History of Iraq (Boulder, Colo., 1985), p. 282. For biographies of Qasim's elite, of the Ba'thi RCC July 1968 to the end of Aug. 1977, and of the RL 1952 to 1970, see Batatu (1978), pp. 778–83, 1086–89, 1216–23. See also his The Egyptian, Syrian and Iraqi Revolutions: Some Observations on Their Underlying Causes and Social Character (Washington, D.C., 1983).Google Scholar