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The Murder of the Caliph 'Uthmân

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Martin Hinds
Martin Hinds
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Cambridge University
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Extract

The murder of ‘Uthmân was an important turning-point in Islamic history, and the story of how opposition in the provinces, particularly Egypt, combined with opposition at Medina itself and brought about the Caliph's death has been repeated many times. Accounts in sources such as al-Tabarî's History and al-Balâdhurîs Ansâb al-ashrâf bring together much transmitted detail concerning this dénouement. Caetani's monumental Annali dell'Islam serves as an extensive compilation of such detail, and Wellhausen, Levi Delia Vida, Gibb, Veccia Vaglieri and Petersen are only some of the other modern scholars who have commented on the event. Perhaps Professor Gibb best expresses the current view of the background to it in his thought-provoking article entitled ‘An interpretation of Islamic history’, where he sees in the caliphate of 'Uthmân a conflict between two main parties, the Meccans and the ‘tribesmen’. He points out that the Meccan merchants had been swift to seize the opportunities of wealth which arose in the immediate post-conquest phase, and goes on to say that in the course of 'Uthman's caliphate there arose at Medina ‘growing resentment at the rapid affirmation of Meccan political control… and the economic exploitation of the empire. Open discontent was first expressed by several religious personalities, whose conscience was shocked by the worldliness and grasping materialism displayed in the name of Islam. But these only provided a rallying-cry and a cloak for the material grievances of the tribesmen and Medinians, who swung into line behind them.’ Gibb therefore sees a total of four alignments, of which the Meccans and the tribesmen were the main parties, while the Medinans and the so-called religious party were secondary in importance.

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Articles
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International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 3 , Issue 4 , October 1972 , pp. 450 - 469
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1972

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References

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page 452 note 1 The source material is less rich on the subject of Egypt at this time than it is on Kûfa. The most useful sources (to be abbreviated as follows) are: FM = al-Hakam, Ibn 'Abd, Futûh Misr wa-akhbâruhâ, ed. Torrey, C. C. (New Haven, 1922);Google ScholarKindî = al-Kindî, Kitâb al-wulât wa-kitâb al-qudât, ed. Guest, R. (Beirut, 1908);Google ScholarBF = al-Balâdhurî, Futûh albuldân, ed. de Goeje, M. J. (Leiden, 1866);Google ScholarBA.V = al-Balâdhurî, Ansâb al-ashrâf, vol. 5, ed. Goitein, S. D. F. (Jerusalem, 1936);Google ScholarTab = al-Tabarî, Târikh al-rusul wa'l-mulûk, ed. de Goeje, M. J. et al. 2, 3 series (Leiden 1879–1901).Google Scholar Other works cited by abbreviation in this article are: BA/MS = al-Balâdhurî, Ansâb al-ashrâf, 2 vols., MS Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi (Reisülkuttap Mustafa Efendi), nos. 597, 598;Google ScholarA'tham, Ibn = al-Kûfî, Ibn A'tham, Kitâb al-futûh, 4 vols., Hyderabad, 1388/1968–1391/1971);Google ScholarSa'd, Ibn = Ibn Sa'd, Kitâb al-tabaqât al-kabîr, ed. Sachau, E. et alii, , 8 vols. (Leiden, 1905–1917);Google Scholar Khalîfa = Khayyât, Khalîfa b., Târîkh, vol. 1, ed. al-'Umarî, A. D. (al-Najaf 1386/1967);Google ScholarMinqarî = al-Minqarî, Nasr b. Muzâhim, Waq'at Siffîn, ed. Hârûn, A. M., 2nd ed. (Cairo 1382/1962–1963);Google ScholarMaqrîzî = al-Maqrîzî, Taqî al-dîn Ahmad b. 'Alî, al-Mawâ'iz wa'l-i ‘tibâr bi-dhikr al-khitat wa'l-âthâr, 2 vols. (Bûlâq, 1270/1853–1854).Google Scholar

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page 455 note 3 Tab, vol. 1, p. 3029; BA. V, p. 50.Google Scholar

page 455 note 4 Kindî, p.17; see also Tab, vol.1, p. 3088.Google Scholar The size and importance of this 'isâba should not be underestimated, for reasons which will be made clear below. For the names of leaders associated with it, see Kindî, p. 15; also Tab, vol. 1, p. 3237.Google Scholar

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page 456 note 6 FM, pp. 192–4, 318; Kindî, pp. 12, 15, 17. Maqrîzî (vol. 1, p. 297) mentions him in an earlier important context as one of the four men put in charge of the khitat by 'Amr in 21/642; these four ‘anzalû’l-nâs wa-fassalû bayna ‘l-qabâ'il’.Google Scholar

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page 457 note 3 Ibid.p. 2577.Google Scholar

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page 458 note 1 'Alî would not give such an undertaking, but is reported to have declared himself ready to act to the best of his ability (variously: bi-mablagh 'ilmî wa-tâqatî; 'alâ juhdî min dhâlika wa-tâqatî; bi-mâ yablughuhu 'l-ijtihâd minnî wa-bi-mâ yumkinunî bi-qadr' 'ilmi. Tab, vol. 1, pp. 2786, 2793, 2794.; BA. V, p. 22).Google Scholar

page 458 note 2 For the principal accounts of the complaints made against 'Uthmân, see: Tab, vol. 1, pp. 2951–4; BA. V, pp. 62–3;Google Scholaral-Ya'qûbî, , Târîkh, ed. Houtsma, M. T. (Leiden, 1883), vol. 2, p. 202.Google Scholar

page 458 note 3 BA. V, pp. 64, 93; Tab, vol. 1, p. 3043; Ibn A'tham, vol. 2, p. 209; Khalîfa, p. 147.Google Scholar

page 458 note 4 Ibn A'tham, vol. 2, p. 216. Cf. note I, above.Google Scholar

page 458 note 5 Tab, vol. 1, p. 3042.Google Scholar

page 459 note 1 Ibid.p. 3011.Google Scholar Scil. 'Uthmân's khilâfa, not the imârat al-mu'minîn — see also ibid.pp. 2993 (fa-mâ sallamû 'alayhi bi'l-khilâfa) and 2996 (fa'rdud khilâfatanâ).Google Scholar

page 459 note 2 See above and IJMES, vol. 2 (1971), pp. 360–2.Google Scholar

page 459 note 3 Tab, vol. 1, pp. 3034–5.Google Scholar

page 459 note 4 BA.V, p. 59.Google Scholar

page 459 note 5 Tab, vol. 1, p. 2954.Google Scholar

page 459 note 6 See IJMES, vol. 2 (1971), p. 357.Google Scholar

page 459 note 7 Muhammad, Abû 'Alî b. Sa‘îd b. 'Abd al-Rahmân al-Qushayrî al-Harrânî, Târîkh al-Raqqa wa-man nazalahâ min ashâb rasûl allâh sl'm wa'l-tâbi‘în wa’l-fuqahâ' wa'l-muhaddithîn, ed. al-Na'sânî, T. (Hamât, 1378/1959), pp. 16, 58.Google Scholar

page 459 note 8 Khalîfa, p. 149;Google Scholaral-Jâhiz, , al-Bayân wa'-tabyîn, ed. Hârûn, A. M., and 2nd ed. (Cairo, 1960–1961), vol. 1, p. 393.Google Scholar Note as a sequel the report that, when 'Alî was leaving Nukhayla for Siffîn in the following year, Jundab b. Zuhayr said in the company of al-Hârith al-A'war and Yazîd b. Qays (all three, like Sa'sa'a, being erstwhile qurrâ' - see for example BA. V, pp. 40–1,) 'qad âna li'lladhîna ukhîju min diyâihim' (Minqarî, p. 121). It should also be recalled that it was to the Jazîra that 'All appointed al-Ashtar (Minqarî, p. 12; Ibn A'tham, vol. 1, fol. 45A; BA /MS, vol. 1, p. 333).

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page 459 note 10 For Sa'sa‘a’s connexion with Âmid from the time of its conquest by the Arabs, see al-Wâqidî, , Futûh al-sha'm (Cairo, 1296), vol. 2, p. 152.Google Scholar

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page 460 note 3 BA. V, p. 102 (katabtunna ilaynâ hattâ idhâ qâmat al-harb 'alâ sâq ansha'tunna tan haynâ).

page 460 note 4 Tab, vol. 1, p. 3006; BA.V, p. 96.Google Scholar

page 460 note 5 BA.V, p. 81; Ibn A'tham, vol. 2, pp. 234–5.Google Scholar

page 460 note 6 Ibid.p. 263.Google Scholar

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page 461 note 1 Tab, vol. 1, p. 2955.Google Scholar

page 461 note 2 Ibid.pp. 2541–3, 2545.Google Scholar

page 461 note 3 BA.V, pp. 40, 44–5.Google Scholar

page 461 note 4 For various forms of his name, see Caskel, W., Ğamharat an-nasab: das genealogische Werk des Hišām ibn Muhammad al-Kalbī (Leiden, 1966), vol. 2, p. 539;Google ScholarBF, p. 91; BA/MS, vol. 2, p. 656; Ibn Sa'd, vol. 7, pt. i, p. 64.Google Scholar

page 461 note 5 BA/MS, vol. 2, p. 656; Sa'd, Ibn, vol. 7, pt. i, P. 64.Google Scholar

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page 462 note 1 BF, p. 432; Khalîfa, p. 159.Google Scholar

page 462 note 2 Tab, vol. p. 2922.Google Scholar

page 462 note 3 Tab, vol. 1, pp. 3129–30. For other accounts, notably that of al-Madâ'inî, see: Tab, vol.1, pp. 3135–6; Khalîfa, p. 163; BA/MS, vol.1, p. 349, where figures of both 300 and (less probably) 700 are given, at least seventy of them being 'Abdîs; al-Madâ'inî does not specifically stress the afnâ' aspect of Hakîm's following, as Sayf does, but says that the group was made up of ‘Abdîs and Bakrîs, mostly the former. On the use of nuzzâ' and naza'a, note particularly the hadîth cited by Manzûr, Ibn, Lisân al-'arab (Cairo, 1300–8), vol. 10, p. 228.Google Scholar

page 462 note 4 IJMES, vol. 2 (1971), p. 351.Google Scholar

page 463 note 1 FM, pp. 145, 230–1; BF, p.456; Ibn Sa'd, vol. 4, pt. ii, p.8. Cf. IJMES, vol.2 (1971), p. 349.Google Scholar

page 463 note 2 The establishment of Kûfa arose from the need at that time for a permanent reserve base for the fighting men in 'Irâq, many of whom had come from afar, from which they could both hold the Sasanian front and support other fronts, notably the activated Jazîra front. The rôle of Basra was decidedly subsidiary to this; it may be seen as having superseded al-Ubulla in controlling the waterway, but beyond that it began as no more than a convenient centre for attempts to rally and control local tribesmen, and the initial force of non-locals there numbered only a few hundred. While we possess a detailed account of the marking-out (ikhtitât) of Kûfa, the absence of one in the case of Basra indicates that settlement there was less organized; there are references only to a person who was in charge of inzâl/tanzîl there (Tab, vol. 1, pp. 2381, 2488).Google Scholar

page 463 note 3 Tab, vol. 1, p. 2713 ('alâ salâtihâ, wa-kâna 'amaluhâ muftaraqan ghayr majmû‘).Google Scholar

page 464 note 1 Note, for example, the evidence of his influence immediately before Siffîn-Minqarî, pp. 44 ff.Google Scholar

page 464 note 2 IJMES, vol. 2 (1971), pp. 347–8.Google Scholar

page 464 note 3 BF, pp. 153–4.Google Scholar

page 464 note 4 Tab, vol. 1, pp. 2833–5; BA.V, p. 39.Google Scholar

page 464 note 5 BA.V, p. 57. See also Ibn A'tham, vol. 2, pp. 151–2.Google Scholar

page 465 note 1 BA.V, pp. 36–7. Ibn Mas'ûd's reactionary spirit is best summed up in his own reported words: sharr al-umûr muhdathâtuhâ wa-kullu muhdath bid'a wa-kullu bid'a dalîla wa-kullu dalâla fî 'l-nâr.

page 465 note 2 Tab, vol. 1, pp. 2858–9, 2862; BA.V, pp. 52 ff; Ibn A'tham, vol. 2, pp. 155–9.Google Scholar

page 465 note 3 BA.V, pp. 48, 83; Ibn A'tham, vol. 2, pp. 154–5. See also Tab, vol. 1, p. 3029.Google Scholar

page 465 note 4 BA.V, p. 51; Tab, vol. 1, pp. 2943–4, 2951. Maqrîzî (vol. 1, p. 296) merely says that 'Uthmân had sent 'Ammâr to Egypt ‘fî ba'd umûrihi’.Google Scholar

page 465 note 5 BA.V, p. 59. See also Tab, vol. 1, p. 2961.Google Scholar

page 465 note 6 Veselý, R., ‘Die Ansār im ersten Bürgenkriege (36–40 d.H)’, in Archiv Orientální, vol. 26 (1958), pp. 36–7.Google Scholar

page 465 note 7 Tab, vol. 1, pp. 3027–8; BA.V, p. 27.Google Scholar

page 465 note 8 BA.V, p. 47; Ibn A'tham, vol. II, p. 151.Google Scholar

page 465 note 9 BA.V, p. 99.Google Scholar

page 465 note 10 Watt, W. M., Muhammad at Medina (Oxford, 1956), pp. 66, 242, 256–7.Google Scholar

page 466 note 1 Tab, vol. 1, p. 3026.Google Scholar

page 466 note 2 BA/MS, vol. 2, pp. 499, 502–3; Ibn Sa'd, vol. 3, pt. i, pp. 157–8; Tab, vol. 1, p. 2854;Google Scholaral-Ya'qûbî, Mushâkalat al-nâs li-zamânihim, ed. Millward, W. (Beirut, 1962), p. 13.Google Scholar

page 466 note 3 BA/MS, vol. 2, pp. 430–1; Ibn Sa'd, vol. 3, pt. i, p.77; al-Ya'qûbî, op. cit. p. 14.Google Scholar

page 466 note 4 BA.V, pp. 15, 42; Ibn A'tham, vol. 2, pp. 185–7.Google Scholar

page 466 note 5 BA.V, pp. 7, 20; Tab, vol. 1, pp. 3037–8.Google Scholar

page 466 note 6 BA/MS, vol. 1, p. 349; Tab, vol. 1, p. 3127.Google Scholar

page 466 note 7 BA.V, p. 81. For further evidence of his activity at this time, see Tab, vol. 1, pp. 2989, 3000, 3037; BA.V, pp. 20, 68–70, 71, 74, 77, 90; Ibn A'tham, vol. 2, p. 229.Google Scholar

page 466 note 8 Tab, vol. 1, p. 3001.Google Scholar

page 466 note 9 Ibid.pp. 3011, 3019.Google Scholar

page 466 note 10 Ibid.p. 3040; BA/MS, vol. 1, p. 346; BA.V, p. 91.Google Scholar

page 467 note 1 BA.V, p. 33; A'tham, Ibn, vol. 2, p. 168.Google Scholar

page 467 note 2 BA.V, pp. 41–2; A'tham, Ibn, vol. 2, p. 184.Google Scholar

page 467 note 3 BA.V, p. 54; A'tham, Ibn, vol. 2, pp. 158–9.Google Scholar

page 467 note 4 Ibid.p. 164.Google Scholar

page 467 note 5 Tab, vol. 1, p. 2937; BA.V, p. 60.Google Scholar

page 467 note 6 Tab, vol. 1, p. 2969; BA.V, pp. 61, 63–4;Google ScholarA'tham, Ibn, vol. 2, p. 209.Google Scholar

page 467 note 7 Tab, vol. 1, p. 3038; BA.V, pp. 89, 95; A'tham, Ibn, vol. 2, pp. 211 ff.Google Scholar

page 467 note 8 Tab, vol. 1, p. 3010; BA.V, pp. 71, 90;Google ScholarA'tham, Ibn, vol. 2, p. 219.Google Scholar

page 467 note 9 Tab, vol. 1, p. 3037.Google Scholar

page 468 note 1 Ibid.pp. 2955, 3076–7.Google Scholar

page 468 note 2 Some Egyptians, however, appear to have stayed in the Hijâz – see BA.V, p. 361, where, in the account of Ibn al-Zubayr's unsuccessful defense of Mecca against al-Hajjâj (72/692), there is a reference to ‘qawm qadimû ma'a Ibn 'Udays min Misr thumma sârû khawârij’.Google Scholar

page 468 note 3 On the Meccan force: Tab, vol. 1, pp. 3101, 3105; BA/MS, vol. 1, pp. 346–7. On 'Alî's force: Tab, vol. 1, 3142–3, 3152 compared with 3155, 3181; BA/MS, vol. 1, p. 350; al-Ya'qûbî, Târîkh, vol. 2, p. 211.Google Scholar

page 469 note 1 Tab, vol. 1, p. 2830; Khalîfa, p. 137; BF, p. 390.Google Scholar

page 469 note 2 Tab, vol. 1, p. 3103 (nada'ushuyûkh al-muhâjirîn wa-naj‘aluhâ li-abnâ’ihim?).

page 469 note 3 For reports which say unequivocally that Marwân shot Talha, see: BA/MS, vol. 1, p. 355; Khalâfa, p. 165; A'tham, Ibn, vol. 2, p. 326. For reports which do not mention Marwân, see: Tab, vol. 1, pp. 3171, 3184, 3192; BA/MS,.vol. 1, p. 350.Google Scholar