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THE MISSING TURKISH REVOLUTION: COMPARING VILLAGE-LEVEL CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN REPUBLICAN TURKEY AND SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA, 1920–50

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  31 January 2018

Mustafa Tuna
Mustafa Tuna*
Affiliation:
Mustafa Tuna is Associate Professor of Russian and Central Eurasian History and Culture, Duke University, Durham, N.C.; e-mail: [email protected]
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Abstract

The Kemalist leadership of early Republican Turkey attempted to transform the country's Muslim populace with a heavy emphasis on secularism, scientific rationalism, and nationalism. Several studies have examined the effects of this effort, or the “Turkish Revolution,” at the central and more recently provincial levels. This article uses first-hand accounts and statistical data to carry the analysis to the village level. It argues that the Kemalist reforms failed to reach rural Turkey, where more than 80 percent of the population lived. A comparison with sedentary Soviet Central Asia's rural transformation in the same period reveals ideology and the availability of resources as the underlying causes of this failure. Informed by a Marxist–Leninist emphasis on the necessity of transforming the “substructure” for revolutionary change, the Soviet state undermined existing authority structures in Central Asia's villages to facilitate the introduction of communist ideals among their Muslim inhabitants. Turkey's Kemalist leadership, on the other hand, preserved existing authority structures in villages and attempted to change culture first. However, they lacked and could not create the resources to implement this change.

Keywords

Central Asiadevelopmentrural studiesSoviet UnionTurkish revolution
Type
Articles
Information
International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 50 , Issue 1 , February 2018 , pp. 23 - 43
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

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References

NOTES

Author's note: I thank Bruce Hall, Mona Hassan, Marianne Kamp, Adam Mestyan, and the three reviewers of IJMES for their suggestions as I worked on improving this article.

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11 Joseph S. Szyliowicz posits a similar argument in his 1966 ethnographic study of two Turkish villages. Szyliowicz, Political Change in Rural Turkey: Erdemli (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1966), 58.

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15 Esenel, Mediha, Geç Kalmış Kitap (Istanbul: Sistem Yayıncılık, 1999)Google Scholar, 85–112. Several short entries in the periodicals Ülkü and Halk Bilgisi Haberleri provide examples of these amateurish observations.

16 See, for instance, İbrahim Yasa, Hasanoğlan Köyü’nün İçtimaî-İktisadî Yapısı (Ankara: Doğuş Ltd. Matbaası, 1955); Yasa, Yirmibeş Yıl Sonra Hasanoğlan Köyü (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi, 1969); Erdentuğ, Nermin, Hal Köyü’nün Etnolojik Tetkiki (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi, 1956)Google Scholar; and Erdentuğ, Nermin, Sün Köyü’nün Etnolojik Tetkiki (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi, 1959)Google Scholar. Erdentuğ’s studies are particularly interesting in that one portrays a Sunni and the other an Alawi village in the same area.

17 An early example of these village studies is Aran, Sadri, Evedik Köyü: Bir Köy Monografisi (Ankara: Yüksek Ziraat Enstitüsü, 1939)Google Scholar. See also the several articles published in the 1950s and the 1960s in the journal Sosyoloji Dergisi of Istanbul University and the semiliterary village memoirs, Makal, Mahmut, Bizim Köy (Istanbul: Varlık Yayınları, 1950)Google Scholar; Enver Beşe, M., Bu da Bizim Köy (Bursa: n.p., 1950)Google Scholar; Makal, Mahmut, Köyümden: Köy Öğretmeninin Notları II (Istanbul: Varlık Yayınları, 1952)Google Scholar; Körükçü, Köyden; and Kemal Saran, Ali, Omuzumda Hemençe: Cumhuriyet Devrinde Bir Medrese Talebesinin Hatıraları (Ankara: Kurtuba, 2010), 11–174.Google Scholar

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19 Nancy Margaret Alderman, “Secularization in the First Turkish Republic, 1924–1960” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1975), esp. 6–8, 13–19, 150–75. The academic community has similarly failed to acknowledge the Soviet scholarship that followed Stalin's lead from the 1930s on to declare the revolutionary claims of Kemalism abortive. See Ter-Matevosyan, Vahram, “Turkish Transformation and the Soviet Union: Navigating through the Soviet Historiography on Kemalism,” Middle Eastern Studies 2 (2016): 281–96Google Scholar.

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27 See Karaömerlioğlu, Asım, Orada Bir Köy Var Uzakta: Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Köycü Söylem (Istanbul: İletişim, 2006)Google Scholar.

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41 Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 407.

42 Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 412. See Küçük İstatistik Yıllığı (Ankara: İstatistik Genel Müdürlüğü, 1951), 325 for the number of motor vehicles in 1950.

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44 The villages that Paul Stirling studied at the turn of the 1950s were located close to this mill; Stirling, Turkish Village, 67.

45 See İnalcık, Halil, “When and How British Cotton Goods Invaded the Levant Markets,” in The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy, ed. Huri İslamoğlu-İnan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 374–83Google Scholar.

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47 Makal, Bizim Köy, 11–12.

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55 Şimşek, Sefa, Bir İdeolojik Seferberlik Deneyimi: Halkevleri 1932–1951 (Istanbul: Boğaziçi Üniversitesi Yayınevi, 2002), 127–39Google Scholar; Karaömerlioğlu, Orada, 64; Lamprou, Nation-Building, 185–215.

56 Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 189; Şimşek, Bir İdeolojik, 139–43, 250.

57 Among many other studies, see Ahmet Eskicumali, “Ideology and Education: Reconstructing the Turkish Curriculum for Social and Cultural Change, 1923–1946” (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin, 1994); Faith James Childress, “Republican Lessons: Education and the Making of Modern Turkey” (PhD diss., University of Utah, 2001); Sefika Akile Zorlu-Durukan, “The Ideological Pillars of Turkish Education: Emergent Kemalism and the Zenith of Single-Party Rule” (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin–Madison, 2006); and Başbuğ, Resmî İdeoloji.

58 Yılmaz, “Reform, Social Change” 139–78 provides important insights on the subject.

59 Millî Eğitim Hareketleri 1927–1966 (Ankara: Devlet İstatistik Enstitüsü, 1967), 11, 85; Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 79.

60 Fay Kirby-Berkes, “The Village Institute Movement of Turkey: An Educational Mobilization for Social Change” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1960).

61 Maarif İstatistikleri İlk Öğretim 1952–1953 (Ankara: İstatistik Umum Müdürlüğü, 1953), v–vii, xi; Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 455.

62 Kültür İstatistikleri 1934–1935 (Ankara: İstatistik Genel Direktörlüğü, 1935), 403.

63 Küçük İstatistik, 348–50; Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 47; Tanyol, Cahit, “Elifoğlu Köyü,” Sosyoloji Dergisi, 17–18 (1962–63): 203, 209 Google Scholar; Yörükan and Cebe, “Çatak,” 17; Karaömerlioğlu, Orada, 113. On the wider use of radio in the 1960s, see Yasa, Yirmibeş Yıl Sonra, 233–36.

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71 Ibid., 189.

72 Ibid., 190.

73 Yasa, Yirmibeş Yıl Sonra.

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82 See, for instance, Yasa, Yirmibeş Yıl Sonra, 202; and Saran, Omuzumda, 99–174. Emin Saraç, interview with the author, Istanbul, 25 August 2009; Muhammed Kulu, interview with the author, Konya, 24 August 2015.

83 For an account that reflects the Kemalist logic behind the closure of Sufi lodges, see Öz, Baki, Çağdaşlaşma Açısından Tarikat ve Tekkelerin Kapatılma Olayı (Istanbul: Can Yayınları, 2004)Google Scholar.

84 For other anecdotal data, see Tanyol, “Elifoğlu,” 204.

85 Kulu, interview with the author. Muhammed Kulu is the husband of one of Rıza Efendi's granddaughters and himself a retired preacher of the Turkish Directorate of Religious Affairs.

86 Kotkin, Magnetic remains to be the most influential interpretation of the foundation of a Soviet “civilization” on ideological grounds. On the continuing (re)interpretation of ideology in the Soviet Union, see Krylova, Anna, “Soviet Modernity: Stephen Kotkin and the Bolshevik Predicament,” Contemporary European History 2 (2014): 167–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

87 See Massell, Gregory J., The Surrogate Proletariat: Moslem Women and Revolutionary Strategies in Soviet Central Asia, 1919–1929 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1974)Google Scholar.

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90 Keller, To Moscow, 98–101; Khalid, Islam after Communism, 62–63.

91 Massell, The Surrogate Proletariat; Marianne Kamp, The New Woman in Uzbekistan: Islam, Modernity, and Unveiling under Communism (Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington Press, 2006), esp. 150–85; Taylor Northrop, Douglas, Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 360–62. On progressive Muslim intellectuals in sedentary Central Asia, see Khalid, Adeeb, The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform: Jadidism in Central Asia (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

92 Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 162–63.

93 See Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1928–1931 (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1978)Google Scholar.

94 Keller, To Moscow, 124–39, 166, 169–74, 192; Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 240, 318.

95 Keller, To Moscow, 167, 202; Khalid, Islam after Communism, 71–73.

96 Kamp, Marianne, “Where Did the Mullahs Go? Oral Histories from Rural Uzbekistan,” Die Welt des Islams 3 (2010): 503–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

97 Khalid, Islam after Communism, 318–28; Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 363–89. For an analysis of this change in cadres more broadly in the Soviet Union, see Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Education and Social Mobility in the Soviet Union, 1921–1934 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

98 Keller, To Moscow, 250; Kamp, New Women, 215–28.

99 See Pianciola, Niccol, “The Collectivization Famine in Kazakhstan, 1931–1933,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 3/4 (2001): 237–51Google Scholar; and the essays in Hryn, Halyna, ed., Hunger by Design: The Great Ukrainian Famine and Its Soviet Context (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

100 For a general analysis of collectivization in the Soviet Union, see Viola, Lynne, Danilov, V. P., Ivnitskii, N. A., and Kozlov, Denis, eds., The War against the Peasantry, 1927–1930 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2005)Google Scholar. For an analysis focused on Uzbekistan, see Shamsutdinov, Rustambek, Qishloq fozheasi: zhamoalashtirish, quloqlashtirish, surgun (Tashkent: Aktsiadorllik kompaniiasi, 2003), 8–163 Google Scholar.

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104 On this process, see Shamsutdinov, Qishloq fozheasi, 54–124.

105 Keller, To Moscow, 224, 241.

106 Keller, To Moscow, 254–55; Khalid, Islam after Communism, 98–104. See also Eren Taşar, “Soviet and Muslim: The Institutionalization Islam in Central Asia, 1943–1991” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 2010) for the period after World War II.

107 Kotkin, Magnetic.

108 Nikolaevich Abashin, Sergei, Sovetskii kishlak: mezhdu kolonializmom i modernizatsiei (Moskva: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2015), 240–311 Google Scholar illustrates the dynamics of this process well. See also Sartori, Paolo, “Towards a History of the Muslims’ Soviet Union: A View from Central Asia,” Die Welt des Islams 3 (2010): 315–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For examples of Soviet construction from Turkmen and Kyrgyz contexts, which neighbored sedentary Central Asia but reflected similar Soviet practices, see Lynn Edgar, Adrienne, Tribal Nation: The making of Soviet Turkmenistan (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; and İğmen, Ali F., Speaking Soviet with an Accent: Culture and Power in Kyrgyzstan (Pittsburgh, Penn.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

109 On the mechanization of agriculture in Uzbekistan and improvements in the health sector by the 1960s, see Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 144–53 and 317–28 respectively.

110 Shaikhova, Formirovanie novykh, 226; Poliakov, Vsesoiuznaia perepis’, 36.

111 Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 11–13. For a brief account of the changes in alphabet, see Winner, Thomas G., “Problems of Alphabetic Reform among the Turkic Peoples of Soviet Central Asia, 1920–41,” Slavonic and East European Review 31 (1952): 133–47Google Scholar.

112 Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 305.

113 Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 311.

114 See, for instance, Khalid, Islam after Communism; and Abashin, Sovetskii kishlak.

115 Erdentuğ, Hal, 35.

116 Scott, James C., Seeing like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

117 See Tomasz Gross, Jan, “Social Control under Totalitarianism,” in Toward a General Theory of Social Control: Selected Problems, ed. Black, Donald (Orlando, Fl.: Academic Press, 1984), 2:59–77 Google Scholar; and Tomasz Gross, Jan, Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1988)Google Scholar. See also Goldman, Wendy Z., Terror and Democracy in the Age of Stalin: The Social Dynamics of Repression (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)Google Scholar for a detailed depiction of how the interplay of state policies and local initiatives induced social fragmentation in the case of the Stalinist terror.

118 Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 254 and elsewhere; Keller, To Moscow. On the role of local enthusiasts, see Kamp, New Women, 186–228; and Penati, “The Reconquest.”

119 The purge of tribal and religious notables in the wake of a rebellion by Southeast Anatolia's Kurds in 1925 is probably the one major exception to this. See van Bruinessen, Martin, Aga, Shaikh, and State: The Social and Political Structures of Kurdistan (London: Zed Books, 1992)Google Scholar.

120 For examples of such attacks, see Başbuğ, Resmî İdeoloji, esp. 68–77.

121 See Jashke, Gotthard, Yeni Türkiye'de İslamlık, trans. Örs, Hayrullah (Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, 1972)Google Scholar; and Temel, Mehmet, Atatürk Dönemi Din Hizmetleri (Ankara: Akçağ, 2010), 13–84 Google Scholar.

122 Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 193–98, 207; Erdentuğ, Hal, 78–79; Stirling, Turkish Village, 254–59; Szyliowicz, Political Change, 47–48; and Frederick Frey, W. and Roos, Leslie L., Social Structure and Community Development in Rural Turkey: Village and Elite Leadership Relations (Cambridge, Mass.: Center for International Studies MIT, 1967), esp. 3–26 Google Scholar.

123 On the payment of imams, see Aran, Evedik, 29; Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 111; and Esenel, Geç Kalmış, 134. Alptekin, Köyün, 34 provides the laws regulating the selection and payment of imams. For a discussion of the limitations of turning locally funded village imams into central state functionaries in a different context, that of late tsarist Russia, see Tuna, Mustafa, Imperial Russia's Muslims: Islam, Empire and European Modernity, 1788–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 52–54 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

124 Yılmaz, Becoming Turkish, 73–74, 124–37.

125 Szyliowicz, Political Change, 48–49.

126 See Makal, Köyümden, 120–24.