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The Marriage of Ṭughril Beg

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

George Makdisi
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Extract

Ṭughril Beg, first Sultan of the Saljûq dynasty, entered Baghdâd and put an end to the Buwaihid dynasty in 447/1055. By 451/1059, he had eliminated all pretenders to the supreme amirate, himself becoming the supreme amîr, the Sultan.

The Saljûq dynasty itself dates from the year 429/1037, when Ṭughril seized Nîsâbûr. This also was the occasion for the first known relations between the Saljûq warrior and the Abbâsid Caliph al-Qâim,1 when the latter sent a mission2 to Tughril, admonishing him to refrain from destroying the conquered cities and mistreating the Caliph's subjects.

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Articles
Information
International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 1 , Issue 3 , July 1970 , pp. 259 - 275
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1970

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References

page 259 note 1 Reign: 422–467/1031–1075.

page 259 note 2 For this mission, see Makdisi, G., Ibn ‘Aqîl et la résurgence de l'Islam traditionaliste au xi’ siècle (Damascus: Publications de l'Institut Français de Damas, 1963), pp. 78–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

page 259 note 3 For the conflict of interests between Tughril Beg and the Caliph al-Qâ'im, see Makdisi, G., Ibn 'Aqîl, p. 86 ff.Google Scholar

page 259 note 4 Ibid.

page 259 note 5 See op. cit., p. 119,Google Scholar where I gave my conclusions regarding the affair; and see op. cit., pp. 119 n. I. 1–120 n., where I discussed the sources of information regarding the details of the affair.Google Scholar

page 260 note 1 Op. cit. p. 118.Google Scholar

page 261 note 1 See pp. 12 and 13.

page 261 note 2 See pp. 10 and 57.

page 261 note 3 See Miskawaih, , Tajârib al-umam, ed. and tr. by Amedroz, H. F. and Margoliouth, D. S., The Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate, 7 vols. (Oxford-London, 1920–1921), vol. II, p. 414;Google Scholar and Yâqût, , Mu'jam al-udabâ, ed. Margoliouth, D. S., 7 vols. (Leiden–London, 1907–1926), vol. vi, p. 266;Google Scholar cited by Hitti, P. K., History of the Arabs, 4th edn. (London: Macmillan, 1949), p. 472 n. I.Google Scholar

page 261 note 4 See the previous note.

page 262 note 1 See Makdisi, G., ‘The topographyof eleventh-century Badâd’, Arabica, vol. 6 (1959), pp. 178–97 and 281–309 (continuous pagination, pp. 1–49, in brackets, cited here), p. 32 n. 2, and p. 34, lines 4–6 (Sûq al-Madîna).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

page 262 note 2 See Makdisi, G., op. cit., pp. 32 and 34 (of the pagination in brackets).Google Scholar

page 262 note 3 It is quite possible that caliphal agents were involved in the death of Tughril as well as that of Malik-Shâh.

page 262 note 4 See op. cit., pp. 40–42.Google Scholar

page 262 note 5 See ‘Les Rapports entre Calife et Sultan à l'époque saljûquide’, a lecture given at the University of Montpellier, France (in the Press).

page 263 note 1 See Ibn, al-Jauzî, al-Muntazam fî tâ'rîkhal-mulûak wa'l-umam, 6 vols. (v to x) (Haiderâbad: Dâ'irat al-Ma'arif Press, 1357–1359/1938–1940), vol. VIII, p. 224, lines 11–12: ‘fa-ajâba [i.e. the Caliph al-Qâ'im] hîna'idhin mukrahan ba‘da an tamanna‘a [instead of: yamna‘a] thalātha sinînin.’Google Scholar

page 263 note 2 Al-Bundârî, , Zubdat an-nusra wa-nukhbat al-'ṣra, ed. Houtsma, M. Th., in Recueil de Textes Relatifs à l'Histoire des Seidjoucides (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1889), vol. II, p. 1.Google Scholar

page 263 note 3 Bundâri, , Zubda, p. 18.Google Scholar

page 263 note 4 Op. cit., p. 19.Google Scholar

page 263 note 5 Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, p. 218.Google Scholar

page 263 note 6 Op. cit., loc. cit.

page 263 note 7 Sibţ, Ibn al-Jauzî, Mir'ât az-zamân fî târikh âl-âyân, MS. Paris, Fonds arabe 1506, fol. 72a.Google Scholar

page 263 note 8 Ibn, al-Jauzï, Muntazam, loc. cit.Google Scholar

page 263 note 9 For Kundurî, see Makdisi, G., Ibn' Aqíl,Google Scholar index, s.v.; and for his plot against Tughril, his master, see op. cit., pp. 106ff.Google Scholar

page 263 note 10 Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazram, vol. 8, p. 226;Google ScholarSibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 86a.Google Scholar

page 264 note 1 See Makdisi, G., Ibn 'Aqîl, pp. 106 ff.Google Scholar

page 264 note 2 See Makdisi, G., Ibn 'Aqîl, pp. 112 ff.Google Scholar

page 264 note 3 Op. cit., loc. cit.

page 264 note 4 Two additions must be made in the work of von Zambauer, E., Manuel de généalogie et de chronologie pour l'histoire de l'Islam (Hanover, 1927), On page 8, where the name Abû Nasr b. Jahîr should be preceded by Abû Turâlb al-Aṯhîrî (452–453) followed by Abû'l-Fath b. Dârust (453–454), after whom, in comes Abû Naṣr b. Jahîr. speaking,. al-Qâ'im had no vizir while in exile 450–451.Google Scholar

page 264 note 5 Grand Chamberlain, Might of the Community.

page 264 note 6 The text of the letter is in Sibt, Mir'ât, fol. 70b.

page 264 note 7 Patronymic of his former vizir lbn al-Mushma.

page 264 note 8 Sibt, , Mir'ôt, fol. 70a.Google Scholar

page 264 note 9 Ibid.

page 265 note 1 Op. cit., fols. 70b–71a.

page 265 note 2 It appears that this was not the first time that the Caliph had asked for the return of his wife; cf., Ibn al-Jauzî, Muntasam, vol. 8, p. 218, where Ibn al-Jauzî writes: ‘faurîda raddujâa ilâ Dâr al-Khilâfa wa's-sutân ya'idu bi-dhâlika wa-lâ yunjizuhu (‘The Caliph wanted her return to the Caliphal Palace and the Sultan would promise to do so but would not carry out his promise’). There may therefore have been some correspondence between them, the Caliph making his request and the Sultan, in return, asking for the acceptance of his marriage plans.Google Scholar

page 265 note 3 The Paris MS. of the Mir'ât has ‘Abû Yahyâ Sa'd b. Sa'îd’; see fol. 72a.

page 265 note 4 That is, ‘Pillar of the Religion’, honorific title given by the Caliph to Tughril.

page 265 note 5 She died in Dhû'l-Qa'da, p.452;Google Scholar see al-Bundârî, , Zubda, p. 19.Google Scholar

page 265 note 6 Sibt, Mir'ât, fol. 72a; Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntarzam, vol. 8, p. 218;Google Scholarcf., Ibn Kathîr, al-Biâdya wa'n-nihâya fît-tâ'rîkh, 14 vols. (Cairo: as-Sa'âda Press, 1348/1929 et sqq.), vol. XII, p. 86;Google Scholaral-Bundârî, , Zubda, p. 19;Google ScholarIbn, al-Akhîr, al-Kâmil fî't-tâ'rîkh, 9 vols. (Cairo: al-Munîrîya and al-Istiqâma Presses, 1348/1929 et sqq.), vol. VIII, p. 92; the last two sources omit conditions 3 and 4.Google Scholar

page 265 note 7 Abû'l-Fath al-Muzaffar b. al-Husain, appointed as ‘Amîd of Baghdâd in 452 by Tuhril, on the payment of 100,000 dinars during the year of the appointment and 300,000 dinars for each of the two following years; see Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, p. 216;Google ScholarSibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 71a.Google Scholar

page 266 note 1 Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, loc. cit.Google Scholar, Sibt, , Muntazam, loc. cit.Google Scholar

page 266 note 2 Recently, in a conference at Oxford, my French colleague and friend, M. Claude Cahen, gave yet another reason why Saljûqid troops could not remain in Iraq: the camels they used were not accustomed to the heat of the country; see also his Der Islam I: vom Ursprung bis zu den Anfängen des Osmanenreiches, translated by Gerhard Endress (Frankfurt am Main, 1968), p. 290 (French original not yet published; English translation in preparation).Google Scholar

page 266 note 3 For Tamîmî, see Makdisi, G., Ibn 'Aqîl, index, s.v.; for a biographical notice, pp. 269–74; for bibliographical data and other details, p. 269 n. 2.Google Scholar

page 266 note 4 Tamîmî was accompanied by the Syndic (Naqîb) of the Abbâsids, Tirâd az-Zainabî (see Makdisi, G., Ibn 'Aqîl, index, s.v., esp. p. 283 and n. 2),Google Scholar and Abû Nasr Ghânim, a partisan of Qurash b. Badrân (op. cit., index, s.v.). The Naqîb's purpose was the same as that of Tanîmî. The sources do not show us an active role on his part, but, strange to say, they give the following report on him for this same year, 453 A.H.: ‘On Thursday, four days before the end of the month of Rajab, robes of honor were bestowed [by the Caliph] upon Tirâd az-Zainabî in Bait an-Nauba, and the post of Naqîb of the Abbâsids was given back to him.’ I can find no previous report on his dismissal (cf., L. Massignon, ‘Cadis et naqībs bagdādiens,’ in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgeniländes [WZKM], vol. 51 [1948, pp. 106–115], p. 112).Google Scholar It appears that the Naqîb may have done something against the interests of the Caliph in Raiy, while on this mission, for which he paid by this temporary dismissal. The other member of the mission, Abû Nasr Ghânim, was carrying a letter of the Caliph to Tughril concerning Quraish b. Badrân, head of the ‘Uquailid dynasty, wherein the Caliph was asking Tughril to take Quraish back into his good graces and to give him back the provinces taken from him. For this intervention, Quraish promised the Caliph a sum of 10,000 dinars payable when the provinces were returned, and the Caliph forgave him for his treatment of him during his alliance with Basâsîrî. See Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, p.219;Google ScholarSibt, , Mir'dî,Google Scholar fol. 72b. For the episode of Basâsîrî, who almost succeeded in thwarting Tughril's plan to become Sultan, and for the part played by Quraish in his alliance with Basâsîrî against Tughril, see Makdisi, G., Ibn'Aqîl, chap. II, section II; esp. pp. 90 ff. and 108 ff.Google Scholar

page 267 note 1 Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, p. 219;Google ScholarSibt, ;, Mir'âct,Google Scholar fol. 73b; al-Bundârî, , Zubda, p. 229.Google Scholar

page 267 note 2 Sibt, ;, Mir'ât, fol. 73b: al-amru ilaik, wa't-ta ‘wîlu 'alaik, fa’f'al mâ tarâh.Google Scholar

page 267 note 3 Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 73b, containsthe text of Kundurî's address to the Saljûq notables.Google Scholar

page 268 note 1 Sibt, Mir'ât, fols. 73b–74a; Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, p. 219.Google Scholar

page 268 note 2 For his plot against the Sultan during the Basâsîri revolt, see Makdisi, G., Ibn 'Aqîl (‘le complot de 'Amīd al-Mulk al-Kundurī’), pp. 106 ff.Google Scholar

page 268 note 3 For details on Hazârasb, see Makdisi, G., Ibn 'Aqîl, index, s.v.; see esp. pp. 123–4, where he appears as one of the pretenders to the Sultanate after the death of Tughril.Google Scholar

page 268 note 4 Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 74a: in fa'ala fa-dhâk, wa-in lam yaf'alfa-'îdû.Google Scholar

page 269 note 1 The Caliph had in fact made such a refusal at the outset; indeed, it is likely that he kept refusing as long as the Sultan was keeping Arslân Shâûn, the Caliph's wife, with him; see supra.

page 269 note 2 Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 74b.Google Scholar

page 269 note 3 For this important personage, see Makdisi, G., Ibn ‘Aqîl, index, s.v.; see esp. pp. 274–7Google Scholar and notes for a biographical notice and further bibliographical details. He was the first to receive the honorific title of ash-Shaikh al-Ajall, according to the biographers, an apparently innocent remark, but one which becomes significant when we see it become part of the titulature of the grand vizir Nizâm al-Mulk; for details concerning the death of Abû Mansûr b. Yûsuf at what appears very strongly to have been the instigation of Nizâm al-Mulk, see Makdisi, G., ‘Muslim Institutions of Learning in Eleventh Century Baghdad’, in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (BSOAS), vol. 24 (1961), pp. 1–56, p. 32 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

page 269 note 4 For Dâmaghâni, see Makdisi, G., Ibn 'Aqî, index, s.v. ‘Abû ‘Abd Allâh ad-Dâmaghânî, esp. pp. 171 ff., and for biographical details, p. 171 n. 5.Google Scholar

page 270 note 1 Notice, however, that the Chief Qâdî ad-Dâmaghanî, though a Hanafî, was on the Caliph's side; we know that Abû Mansûlr was instrumental in getting him the post of Chief Qâdî by using his influence with the Caliph; see Makdisi, G., Ibn ‘Aqil, p. 173.Google Scholar

page 270 note 2 Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntaram, vol. 8, p. 220.Google Scholar

page 270 note 3 According to al-Bundârî, , Zubda, pp. 19–21, there were among the members of the mission the Dailamite notables Farâmarz b. Kâkwaih and Surkhâb b. Kamrâwâ.Google Scholar

page 270 note 4 See Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 7, p. 220;Google Scholar see also Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 74b.Google Scholar

page 271 note 1 See Sibt, , Mir'ât, fols. 74b–75a:Google ScholarIbn, al-Jauzî, Muntazarn, vol. 8, p. 220–1.Google Scholar

page 271 note 2 Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 75a.Google Scholar

page 271 note 3 Ibid.

page 271 note 4 Cf., Ibn al-Athîr, Kâmil, vol. 8, p. 93, where, according to the way this historian relates the incident, the reader would be tempted to understand Kunduri's slander as an act in favor of the Abbâsids.Google Scholar

page 271 note 5 Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 75a.Google Scholar

page 271 note 6 Ibid.: hâdhâ huwa's-sunna (literally: ‘this is the sanctioned custom’).

page 272 note 1 Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, p. 221.Google Scholar

page 272 note 2 Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 75a;Google ScholarIbn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, loc. cit.Google Scholar

page 272 note 3 Sibt, , Mir'ât, bc. cit.;Google ScholarIbn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, loc. cit.Google Scholar

page 272 note 4 Sibt, , Mir'ât, loc. cit.;Google ScholarIbn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, loc. cit.Google Scholar

page 272 note 5 Sibt, , Mir'ât, loc. cit., quoting Ibn Hilāl as-Ṣâbî.Google Scholar

page 272 note 6 Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 75b;Google ScholarIbn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, p. 221.Google Scholar

page 273 note 1 Sibt, , Mir'ât, loc. cit.;Google ScholarIbn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, loc. cit.Google Scholar

page 273 note 2 Ibid.

page 273 note 3 Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 73a.Google Scholar

page 273 note 4 See the text in Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, pp. 223–4,Google Scholar and in Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 80a; these two texts are complementary; the Mir'ât quotes the first part of the letter, the Muntazam the last. In that part of the letter where they overlap one another, the omissions and errors of the one are made good or corrected by the other. It would appear that, between the two sources, we have the most important part of the letter, if not the entire text.Google Scholar

page 274 note 1 Ibn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, p. 222;Google ScholarSibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 78a.Google Scholar

page 274 note 2 Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 78a.Google Scholar

page 274 note 3 Whereas Înâl had been killed by Turil, his half-brother, who killed him with the arc of a bow. For the details see Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 77a-78a.Google Scholar

page 275 note 1 The distribution was as follows: 10,000 for the Caliph; 10,000 for his wife Arslân Khâtûn, niece of Tughril; 5,000 to ‘Iddat ad-Dîn, the Caliph's son; and 3,000 to the daughter's mother; see Sibt, , Mir'ât, fols. 84a-84b;Google ScholarIbn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, p. 226.Google Scholar

page 275 note 2 Sibt, , Mir'ât, fol. 90b;Google ScholarIbn, al-Jauzî, Muntazam, vol. 8, p. 231.Google Scholar