Article contents
In Pursuit of the Granary of Rome: France's Wheat Policy in Morocco, 1915–1931
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 January 2009
Extract
Acquiring a colony and making a colonial venture profitable are two very different affairs. Throughout the French protectorate period in Morocco (1912–1956), there was a sizable gap between colonial aspirations and realizations. Later, political and economic factors would be the primary cause. During the first two decades, however, this gap was caused by colonial idealism and ignorance of Moroccan environmental realities. French colonization in Morocco and the protectorate's first agricultural policy were based on legend rather than on sound economic logic. This article analyzes France's “wheat policy” in Morocco—the manifestation of a misguided colonial vision. Its purpose is both to help explain French colonialism in Morocco, and to paint the historical backdrop to modern irrigation agriculture in this country.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1985
References
1 Mouliéras, A., Le Maroc Inconnu, Vol. 1, Exploration du Rif (Paris, 1985), pp. 17, 3.Google Scholar
2 Terrier, A., Le Maroc (Paris, 1931), p. 5.Google Scholar
3 DrWeisgerber, , “Les Chaouia,” Renseignemems Coloniaux (1907), 209;Google Scholar“Contribution à l'histoire de la cartographie marocaine.” Revue de Géographie Marocaine. 7(1) (1928), 6.Google Scholar For the “Evolution des connaissances scientifiques sur le Maghreb,” see Gentil, L., Le Maroc physique (Paris, 1912), pp. 9–34.Google Scholar
4 Bulletin du Comité de l'Afrique française (1902). 204.Google Scholar
5 Cousin, A. and Saurin, D., Le Maroc (Paris, 1905). p. 247.Google Scholar
6 Vaffier-Pollet, E., “L'agriculture et l'élevage au Maroc,” Renseignements Coloniaux (1906), 206.Google Scholar
7 de Mazières, E. A., La culture des céréales dans l'Afrique du Nord (Casablanca, 1926), p. 3.Google Scholar
8 Fourgous, M. J., L'avenir économique du Maroc (Paris, 1916). p. 10.Google Scholar
9 Dumont, R.. Types of Rural Economy (London: Methuen, 1957), p. 165.Google Scholar
10 For example, an official publication of the Résidence générale to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the protectorate noted: “En somme, la définition du colon idéal est assez exactement fournie par l'expression anglaise de “gentleman-farmer.’” Résidence générale de la Republique française au Maroc, , La renaissance du Maroc—Dix ans de protectorat. 1912–1922 (Poitiers, 1922), p. 292.Google Scholar
11 Catroux, Gen., Lyautey le Marocain (Paris, 1952), p. 289.Google Scholar
12 See. for example. de la Mazière, M. Calary, “La conquête agricole du Maroc,” Revue de Paris 15 (1923), 688.Google Scholar
13 Gadille, J., “L'agriculture européenne au Maroc—Etude humaine et economique,” Annales de Géographie 66 (1957). 144.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
14 Cosnier, H., L'Afrique du Nord—Son avenir agricole el économique (Paris, 1922), p. 152. One quintal equals 220 pounds. Soft wheat, also called bread wheat, was not indigenous to Morocco. The French at first imported seeds from Oran. Soft wheat was favored by settlers because it received higher market prices than hard, or durum wheat, and because it received larger subsidies.Google Scholar
15 Gadille. “L'agriculture européenne,” p. 145.Google Scholar
16 Cosnier, Afrique du Nord. p. xiv.Google Scholar
17 Cosnier, H., Intensification de la production agricole au Maroc en vue de sa contribution au ravitaillement de la France. Unpublished report, 1917, p. 1.Google Scholar
18 Cosnier, Afrique du Nord, p. xxxi.Google Scholar
19 Ibid.
20 From 1932 until the end of the protectorate in 1956. only some 20,000 additional hectares were distributed by the government, and nearly all of this land went to existing rather than to new settlers. See Gadille, J., “La colonisation officielle au Maroc,” Les Cahiers d'Outre-Mer, 8 (1955). 322. The government sold “official” settlers land on obligatory 10 to 15-year Contracts, without interest, at “fair market” prices. Official settlers, however, had to develop their allotted land under the tutelage of government advisors, at their own expense, according to a plan approved by the Comité de Colonisation. By contrast, private settlers purchased their land directly from private Moroccan citizens, and could freely develop their land as they pleased. Both official and private settlers were assisted by the protectorate government in many ways: credit facilities, technical advice, agricultural price supports, and various bonuses for mechanization, clearing land, planting trees, etc.Google Scholar
21 Hoffherr, R.. L'économie marocaine (Paris, 1932), p. 130.Google Scholar
22 Ibid., pp. 28–29; Faust, M., La colonisation rurale au Maroc, 1919–1929 (Algiers: Ancienne Imprimerie Victor Heintz, 1931). pp. 44–45.Google Scholar
23 Journal Officiel. Chambre des Députés, Documents Parlementaires (1921), p. 1, 595.Google Scholar
24 Cosnier, Afrique du Nord, pp. 152–53.Google Scholar
25 Hoffherr, L'économie marocaine, p. 145.Google Scholar
26 Bulletin Economique du Maroc, (1933), 67.Google Scholar
27 Beginning in 1923. soft wheat production by Moroccans equalled that by European settlersGoogle Scholar (see ibid.). One of the big changes in traditional Moroccan agriculture as a result of the protectorate was the extension of wheat acreage at the expense of barley. The critical rainfall limits for wheat cultivation are between 14 and 16 inches. For barley, they are between 9 and 12 inches. Thus, an unfortunate impact of the wheat policy on Moroccan agriculture was to increase the chances of bad harvests.
28 The expression is that of the American geographer, Donald Meinig.Google Scholar
29 Amphoux, M., “Le Maroc et la crise économique,” Revue d'Eonomie Politique, 47(1) (1933), 118.Google Scholar In certain favored parts of the Gharb and Chaouia Plains, however, yields were as high as 20 quintals per hectare in good years. Ibid., p. 121.
30 Six to eight francs per quintal of wheat in 1923. Garcin, p.. La politique des contingents dans les relations franco-marocaines (Paris, 1937), p. 54.Google Scholar
31 Amphoux, M.. “L'évolution de l'agriculture européenne au Maroc,” Annales de Géographie, 42 (1933), 176.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
32 See Garcin. La politique des contingents, for detailed information on this law and the history of Morocco's contingents.Google Scholar
33 After 1928, the law would be interpreted as a limitation rather than an encouragement to Moroccan wheat production.Google Scholar
34 Amphoux, “L'évolution de l'agriculture,” p. 176.Google Scholar
35 Stewart, C. F., The Economy of Morocco. 1912–1962 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), pp. 88–89.Google Scholar
36 Hoffherr, L'économie marocaine, p. 144.Google Scholar
37 Garcin. La politique des contingents. p. 1.Google Scholar
38 Ibid., p. 73.
39 For the various other provisions, see Garcin, La politique des contingents, pp. 75–77.Google Scholar
40 An exception was made for the Spanish zone of Morocco, which was to be allowed to export 52,000 quintals annually to French Morocco. This, however, was a mere goodwill gesture, because the Spanish zone was a net importer of wheat. France's justification was that it was “necessary for public order” and thus was sanctioned by a provision in the 1927 convention of the World Economic Conference. Stewart, Economy of Morocco, p. 89.Google Scholar
41 Knight, M. M.. Morocco as a French Economic Venture (New York, 1937), p. 83.Google Scholar
42 Bulletin de la Chambre d'Agriculture de Rabat (1932), p. 31.Google Scholar
43 369,505 quintals in 1930, as against 1,127,000 quintals in 1929.Google ScholarIbid., p. 143.
44 Knight. French Economic Venture, p. 84.Google Scholar
45 Ibid., pp. 84–87.
46 See Oved, G., “Contribution à l'étude de l'endettement de la colonisation agricole au Maroc,” Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, 63 (1976), 492–505, for an analysis of the “debt question.”CrossRefGoogle Scholar
47 Bulletin de la Chambre d'Agriculture de Rabat (1932). p. 144.Google Scholar
48 Garcin, La politique des contingents, pp. 83–86.Google Scholar
49 Bulletin Economique du Maroc, 1 (1933). 67;Google ScholarStewart, Economy of Morocco, p. 90.Google Scholar Quotas would henceforth be filled from the grain silos of the government-sponsored cooperatives, from which Moroccans were effectively excluded. For a time, protectorate authorities considered prohibiting soft wheat cultivation by native Moroccans. Garcin, La politique des contingents, p. 193.Google Scholar
50 Bulletin de la Chambre d'Agriculture de Casablanca, 29 (1932). 13.Google Scholar
51 Ibid.
52 Stewart. Economy of Morocco, p. 89.Google Scholar
53 Bulletin Economique du Maroc, 2 (1933), 65.Google Scholar
54 Knight, French Economic Venture, pp. 119–20.Google Scholar
55 Bulletin de la Chambre d'Agriculture de Casablanca, 36 (1933), 9.Google Scholar
56 Ibid.
57 Gadille, “L'agriculture européenne,” p. 151.Google Scholar
58 Gallissot, R., “Le Maroc et la crise,” Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, 63 (1976), 485.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
59 Amphoux, “Le Maroc et la crise,” p. 121.Google Scholar
60 A very similar version of this colonial faith animated Italian colonization in Libya. See Segrè, Claudio G., Fourth Shore: The Italian Colonization of Libya (Chicago, 1974).Google Scholar This faith also shares many characteristics with the “Moroccan Vulgate” that Edmund Burke III identified as the image of the Moroccan state shaping early protectorate “Berber policy.” Both were rigid stereotyped visions of Morocco, both were based on rudimentary data, both were employed to serve specific colonial ends, and both led to crises around 1930. Edmund Burke Ill, “The Image of the Moroccan State in French Ethnological Literature: A New Look at the Origin of Lyautey's Berber Policy,” in Gellner, E. and Micaud, C., eds., Arabs and Berbers (Lexington, Mass., 1972), pp. 175–99.Google Scholar
61 Germain, J. and Faye, S., Le nouveau monde français—Maroc, Algérie, Tunisie (Paris, 1924), pp. 11–111.Google Scholar Other representative specimens are in Fribourg, A., L'Afrique latine—Maroc. Algérie, Tunisie (Paris. 1922), pp. 14–17;Google ScholarCélérier, J., “La ruine de la civilisation romaine,” Revue de Géographie Marocaine, 2(7–8) (1921), 427–28;Google ScholarReclus, O., L'Atlantide—pays de l'Atlas—Algérie, Maroc. Tunisie (Paris, 1918), pp. VII–VIII.Google Scholar
62 Cited in MacKendrick, P. L., The North African Stones Speak (Chapel Hill, 1980), p. 319.Google Scholar
63 Saurin, J., L'avenir de l'Afrique du Nord (Paris, 1896).Google Scholar
64 Thouvenot, R., Une colonie romaine de Maurétanie tingitanie: Valenta Banasa (Paris, 1941), p. 53.Google Scholar
65 Gsell, S., Histoire ancienne de l'Afrique du Nord, vol. VIII (Paris, 1928), p. 235.Google Scholar
66 Carcopino, J., Le Maroc antique (Paris, 1943), p. 9.Google Scholar
67 Berthault, P., La production des céréales en Afrique du Nord (Paris, 1928).Google Scholar
68 Cosnier, Afrique du Nord, p. 336.Google Scholar
69 Ibid., p. LI.
70 Ibid., p. XXXV.
71 Journal officiel, p. 1, 595.Google Scholar
72 Amphoux, “L'évolution de l'agriculture,” p. 183.Google Scholar
73 Rivière, C. and Lecq, H., Cultures du Midi. de l'lgérie. de la Tunisie et du Maroc (Paris, 1917).Google Scholar
74 Cousin and Saurin, Le Maroc, p. 18;Google ScholarGraux, L., Le Maroc—sa production agricole (Paris, 1912), p. 95.Google Scholar
75 Boissier, G.. L'Afrique romaine (Paris, 1895), p. 139.Google Scholar
76 Cosnier, Afrique du Nord, p. 336.Google Scholar
77 Taillis, J. du, Le nouveau Maroc (Paris, 1923), p. 305.Google Scholar
78 Cited in DrLucien-Graux, , Le Maroc économique—rapport à Monsieur du Commerce et de l'lndustrie (Paris, 1928), pp. 38–39.Google Scholar
79 See for example, Célérier, J. and Charton, A., “Les grands travaux d'hydraulique agricole au Maroc,” Annales de Géographie, 34 (1925), 76–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
80 Amphoux, “Le Maroc et la crise,” p. 121.Google Scholar
81 Ibid.
82 Miège, E., “Les cultures complémentaires au Maroc,” Bulletin Economique du Maroc, 14 (1936), 293–97.Google Scholar
83 Célérier, , “Le Maroc, est-il un pays neuf?” Revue de Géographie Marocaine, 8 (3–4) (1929). 75.Google Scholar
84 Fruits el Primeurs de l'Afrique du Nord, I (1931), 7.Google Scholar
85 Célérier “Le Maroc, est-il un pays neuf?” 76.Google Scholar
- 8
- Cited by