Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-dh8gc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-02T21:54:00.689Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

APPROPRIATING THE MASSES: FOLKLORE STUDIES, ETHNOGRAPHY, AND INTERWAR IRANIAN NATIONALISM

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 July 2012

Farzin Vejdani
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This paper traces the emergence of folklore studies and ethnography in interwar Iran. It argues that these disciplines were part of larger nationalist projects of representing and speaking for the “masses.” The first part of the paper explores how and why a number of Iranian intellectuals engaged in folklore studies after a period of prolonged political activism in the first few decades of the 20th century. The second part of the paper examines cultural institutions established by the state, mainly in the late 1930s, in an attempt to appropriate and institutionalize folklore studies and ethnography for the purposes of nation building. These efforts were fraught with ambivalences because the “masses” were simultaneously praised as repositories of “authenticity” and looked down upon as a potential source of “backwardness.”

Type
Articles
Information
International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 44 , Issue 3 , August 2012 , pp. 507 - 526
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

NOTES

Author's note: I thank Beth Baron, Aomar Boum, Devika Bordia, Houchang Chehabi, Aslı Iğsız, Sara Pursley, and three anonymous reviewers for making helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article.

1 Certeau, Michel de, Julia, Dominique, and Revel, Jacques, “The Beauty of the Dead: Nisard,” in Heterologies: Discourses on the Other, trans. Massumi, Brain (Minneapolis, Minn.: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), 119Google Scholar.

2 Ibid.

3 Because this article explores the intersections between Iranian nationalism, ethnography, and folklore studies, it does not elaborate on Western ethnographers, anthropologists, and folklorists in Iran nor does it attempt to trace their “influence” on Iranians. For surveys that do so, see Spooner, Brian, “Anthropology,” in Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 2 (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Mazda Publishers, 1987), 107–16Google Scholar; idem, “Ethnography,” in Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 9 (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Mazda Publishers, 1998), 9–45; Shahshahani, Soheila, “History of Anthropology in Iran,” Iranian Studies 19 (1986): 65–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marzolph, Ulrich, “Folklore Studies,” in Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 10 (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Mazda Publishers, 2001), 71–75Google Scholar; Radhayrapetian, Juliet, Iranian Folk Narrative: A Survey of the Scholarship (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990)Google Scholar; and Fazeli, Nematollah, Politics of Culture in Iran: Anthropology, Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century (New York: Routledge, 2006)Google Scholar.

4 Iranians engaged in folklore studies, ethnography, and anthropology did not always use a consistent set of terms for these concepts. For folklore, they used farhang-i ʿāmah/ʿāmīyānah/ʿavāmanah/tūdah, which could alternatively be translated as “popular culture.” Mardumshināsī and tūdahshināsī were both employed for “anthropology.” For discussions of related terminology, see Marzolph, “Folklore Studies”; Spooner, “Anthropology”; and Shahshahani, “History of Anthropology in Iran,” 66–67, 69, 71.

5 Korom, Frank J., “Inventing Traditions: Folklore and Nationalism as Historical Process in Bengal,” in Folklore and Historical Process, ed. Rihtman-Auguštin, Dunja and Povrzanović, Maja (Zagreb: Institute of Folklore Research, 1989), 60Google Scholar.

6 Scott, James, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1985)Google Scholar; de Certeau, Michel, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Rendall, Steven (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

7 For works examining this eventful period, see Abrahamian, Ervand, Iran between Two Revolutions (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Kashani-Sabet, Firoozeh, Frontier Fictions: Shaping the Iranian Nation, 1804–1946 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999)Google Scholar; Afary, Janet, The Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 1906–1911: Grassroots Democracy, Social Democracy and the Origins of Feminism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996)Google Scholar; Atabaki, Touraj, ed., Iran and the First World War: Battleground of the Great Powers (London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2006)Google Scholar; and Azimi, Fakhreddin, The Quest for Democracy in Iran: A Century of Struggle against Authoritarian Rule (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

8 Mozaffari, Nahid, “An Iranian Modernist Project: Ali Akbar Dehkhoda's Writings in the Constitutional Revolution,” in Iran's Constitutional Revolution: Politics, Cultural Transformations and Transnational Connections, ed. Chehabi, H. E. and Martin, Vanessa (London: I. B. Tauris, 2010), 193–212Google Scholar.

9 Charand Parand has been published as a separate volume: Dihkhuda, ʿAli Akbar, Charand Parand (Tehran: Sazman-i Kitabha-yi Jibi, 1964)Google Scholar. For an analysis of Dihkhuda's use of satire and slang, see Javadi, Hasan, Satire in Persian Literature (Rutherford, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1988), 24–25Google Scholar, 55–56.

10 Dihkhuda, ʿAli Akbar, “Sar Aghaz,” in Maqalat-i Dihkhuda, ed. Siyaqi, Muhammad Dabir, vol. 1, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Tirazhah, 1983–85), 1–35Google Scholar.

11 Dihkhuda, ʿAli Akbar, Lughatnamah (Tehran: Majlis, 1946–79)Google Scholar.

12 Dihkhuda, ʿAli Akbar, Amsal va Hikam, 4 vols. (Tehran, 1925–32)Google Scholar. For a discussion of Dihkhuda and Hidayat's collaboration, see Fazeli, Politics of Culture in Iran, 65.

13 Bahar, Muhammad Taqi, Tarikh-i Mukhtasar-i Ahzab-i Siyasi (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1944)Google Scholar; Bahar, Mihrdad, “Dibachah,” in Bahar, Muhammad Taqi, Divan-i Ashʿar-i Muhammad Taqi Bahar Malik al-Shuʿaraʾ, 5th ed. (Tehran: Intisharat-i Tus, 1368 [1989]), 1–32Google Scholar.

14 Bahar, Muhammad Taqi, Sabkshinasi ya Tarikh-i Tatavvur-i Nashr-i Farsi (Tehran: Chapkhanah-i Khudkar, 1942)Google Scholar; Ahmadi, Wali, “The Institution of Persian Literature and the Genealogy of Bahar's ‘Stylistics,’” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 31 (2004): 141–52Google Scholar.

15 Bahar did, however, write a number of Persian poems in syllabic verse (taṣnīf). The best treatment of taṣnīf and its close analogue surūd in early 20th-century Iran is Chehabi, Houchang, “From Revolutionary Tasnif to Patriotic Surud: Music and Nation-Building in Pre-World War II Iran,” Iran 37 (1999): 143–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Bahar, Muhammad Taqi, “Fahlaviyat ya Taranahha-yi Milli-yi Shiʿr-i Qadim,” in Haftsad Taranah Az Taranahha-yi Rustaʾi-i Iran, ed. Kirmani, Husayn Kuhi (Tehran: Chapkhanah-i Aftab, 1938)Google Scholar, yah alif.

17 Ibid., bih jim.

18 Ridgeon, Lloyd, Sufi Castigator: Ahmad Kasravi and the Iranian Mystical Tradition (London: Routledge, 2006)Google Scholar; Abrahamian, Ervand, “Kasravi: The Integrative Nationalist of Iran,” Middle Eastern Studies 9 (1973): 271–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19 Kasravi, Ahmad, Maqalat-i Kasravi, ed. Zukaʾ, Yahya, vol. 1 (Tehran: Payman, 1948), 18Google Scholar.

20 Köroǧlu, Erol, Ottoman Propaganda and Turkish Identity: Literature in Turkey during World War I (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2007), 114Google Scholar.

21 Holbrook, Victoria, The Unreadable Shores of Love: Turkish Modernity and Mystic Romance (Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 1994), 2Google Scholar, 22, 137; Lewis, Geoffrey, The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 24Google Scholar.

22 Aryanpur, Yahya, Az Nima ta Ruzigar-i Ma (Tehran: Intisharat-i Zavvar, 1995), 467Google Scholar.

23 Hashimi, Muhammad Sadr, Tarikh-i Jaraʾid va Majallat-i Iran, 2nd ed. (Isfahan: Kamal, 1984–85), 4:301–302Google Scholar.

24 Yaghmaʾi, Habib, “Dastan-i Dustan,” Yaghma 22 (1969): 99Google Scholar.

25 Javadi, Satire in Persian Literature, 180–81.

26 Aryanpur, Az Nima ta Ruzigar-i Ma, 467.

27 Kirmani, Husayn Kuhi, Chahardah Afsanah az Afsanahha-yi Rustaʾi-yi Iran (Tehran: Majlis, 1935)Google Scholar.

28 Massé, Henri, Persian Beliefs and Customs (New Haven, Conn.: Human Relations Area Files, 1954), 438Google Scholar.

29 For a biography of ʿAli Asghar Hikmat, see Fasaʾi, Mansur Rastigar, ʿAli Asghar Hikmat Shirazi (Tehran: Tarh-i Naw, 2006)Google Scholar.

30 Radhayrapetian, Iranian Folk Narrative, 108–109.

31 Mushar, Khanbaba, Fihrist-i Kitabha-yi Chapi-yi Farsi (Tehran: Bungah-i Tarjumah va Nashr-i Kitab, 1973), 1:678–79Google Scholar; Sadr Hashimi, Tarikh-i Jaraʾid va Majallat-i Iran, 1:71–74.

32 Amini, Amir Quli, Hazar va Yak Sukhan dar Amsal va Nasaʾih va Hikam (Berlin: Kaviani, 1923)Google Scholar.

33 Amini, Amir Quli, Dastanha-yi Amsal, 2nd ed. (Isfahan: Amini, 1954)Google Scholar; idem, Si Afsanah az Afsanahha-yi Mahalli-yi Isfahan (Isfahan: n.p., 1960).

34 Amini, Dastanha-yi Amsal, 1–5.

35 Aryanpur, Az Nima ta Ruzigar-i Ma, 456–57.

36 Amini, Si Afsanah az Afsanahha-yi Mahalli-yi Isfahan, hah.

37 Ibid., vav.

38 Amini, Dastanha-yi Amsal, 1–2.

39 Katouzian, Homa, Sadeq Hedayat: The Life and Literature of an Iranian Writer (New York: I. B. Tauris, 1991)Google Scholar. For an in-depth discussion of his contribution to folklore studies, see Fazeli, Politics of Culture in Iran, 62–75.

40 Hidayat, Sadiq, ʿAlaviyah Khanum (Tehran: n.p., 1933)Google Scholar; idem, Hajji Aqa (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1952); idem, Sag-i Vilgard (Tehran: Bazargani-yi Nijat, 1943); idem, Afsanah-i Afarinish: Khaymah Shabbazi dar sih pardah (Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1946).

41 Hidayat, Sadiq, Farhang-i ʿAmiyanah-i Mardum-i Iran, ed. Hidayat, Jahangir (Tehran: Nashr-i Chashmah, 1999), 31Google Scholar.

42 Ibid., 23.

43 Ibid., 25–30.

44 Ibid., 32.

45 Ibid., 27–28.

46 Hidayat cites the work of the American missionary Bess Allen Donaldson as an example of such polemical scholarship. Hidayat, Farhang-i ʿAmiyanah-i Mardum-i Iran, 240; Bess Allen Donaldson, The Wild Rue: A Story of Muhammadan Magic and Folklore in Iran (London: Luzac & Co., 1938).

47 The one exception to this appears to have been a short film made in 1925 on Takiyah Dawlat, a Qajar amphitheater used for taʿzīyah performances in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Jamshid Malekpour, The Islamic Drama (London: Frank Cass, 2003), 144.

48 The Egyptian effendiyya betrayed similar ambivalences in their representations of peasants in literary works. Selim, Samah, The Novel and the Rural Imaginary in Egypt, 1880–1985 (New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004)Google Scholar.

49 Cronin, Stephanie, The Army and the Creation of the Pahlavi State in Iran, 1910–1926 (New York: Tauris Academic Studies, 1997)Google Scholar; Menashri, David, Education and the Making of Modern Iran (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Matthee, Rudi, “Transforming Dangerous Nomads into Useful Artisans, Technicians, Agriculturists: Education in the Reza Shah Period,” Iranian Studies 26 (1993): 313–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chehabi, Houchang, “Staging the Emperor's New Clothes: Dress Codes and Nation-Building under Reza Shah,” Iranian Studies 26 (1993): 209–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50 Given recent scholarship suggesting that folktales often encapsulate everyday strategies for survival and resistance against those with power—whether kings, governors, landlords, or merchants—Pahlavi concerns over the subversive potential of folk narratives were perhaps well founded, particularly because the memories of the Constitutional Revolution were still fresh. Michel de Certeau's observation regarding the importance of power reversals in folktales as a strategy for survival are particularly apt: “The formality of everyday practices is indicated in these tales, which frequently reverse the relationships of power and, like the stories of miracles, ensure the victory of the unfortunate in a fabulous, utopian space. This space protects the weapons of the weak against the reality of the established order. It also hides them from the social categories which ‘make history’ because they dominate it. And whereas historiography recounts in the past tense the strategies of instituted powers, these ‘fabulous’ stories offer their audience a repertory of tactics for future use.” Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, 23.

51 Karimi-Hakkak, Ahmad, “Language Reform Movement and Its Language: The Case of Persian,” in The Politics of Language Purism, ed. Jernudd, Björn and Shapiro, Michael J. (New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1989), 81–104Google Scholar; Ludwig, Paul, “Iranian Language Reform in the Twentieth Century: Did the First Farhangestan (1935–40) Succeed?,” Journal of Persianate Studies 3 (2010): 78–103Google Scholar; Kia, Mehrdad, “Persian Nationalism and the Campaign for Language Purification,” Middle Eastern Studies 34 (1998): 9–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Perry, John R., “Language Reform in Turkey and Iran,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 17 (1985): 295–311CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 Rustaʾi, Muhsin, Tarikh-i Nakhustin Farhangistan bih Rivayat-i Asnad (Tehran: Nashr-i Nay, 2006), 105Google Scholar.

53 Ibid., 154.

54 Ibid., 157–58.

55 The best discussions of the pedagogical function of this organization are Marashi, Afshin, Nationalizing Iran: Culture, Power, and the State, 1870–1940 (Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington Press, 2008), 104–109Google Scholar; and Kian-Thiébaut, Azadeh, Secularization of Iran: A Doomed Failure? The New Middle Class and the Making of Modern Iran (Leuven: Peeters, 1998), 85–86Google Scholar.

56 Shafaq, Rizazadah, Mubarazah ba Khurafat (Tehran: Firdawsi, 1939)Google Scholar.

57 Sanders, Todd and West, Harry G., “Power Revealed and Concealed in the New World Order,” in Transparency and Conspiracy: Ethnographies of Suspicion in the New World Order, ed. West, Harry and Sanders, Todd (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003), 1–37Google Scholar.

58 These definitions and their relation to superstition are discussed with great skill by Smith, Steve, “Introduction,” in The Religion of Fools? Superstition Past and Present, ed. Smith, Steve and Knight, Alan (Oxford: Oxford Journals, 2008), 38–55Google Scholar.

59 Shafaq, Mubarazah ba Khurafat, 11–13. Shafaq later gave the example of Rustam and Isfandiyar as significant figures in Iranian national myth but condemned these legends when they paraded as history. Ibid., 66–67.

60 Ibid., 70, 73, 76–77.

61 Ibid., 4, 22, 65.

62 Ibid., 53, 65.

63 Ibid., 23, 55, 58.

64 Ibid., 88.

65 Smith, “Introduction,” 9.

66 Shafaq, Mubarazah ba Khurafat, 85, 87.

67 Ibid., 79–82.

68 Ibid., 86.

69 Schayegh, Cyrus, Who Is Knowledgeable Is Strong: Science, Class, and the Formation of Modern Iranian Society, 1900–1950 (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

70 Ibid., 12.

71 Rahguzar, Riza, Fazlullah Muhtadi (Subhi): Girdavaranadah-i Qissahha-yi ʿAmiyanah va Avvalin Qissahgui-yi Zuhr-i Jumʿah-i Radiyu Iran (Tehran: Daftar-i Nashr-i Farhang-i Islami, 1994), 52–53Google Scholar.

72 Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 2nd ed. (New York: Verso, 1991)Google Scholar. Rudolf Mrazek has demonstrated how Indonesian nationalists effectively employed radio as a novel technological medium in their anticolonial struggles. Mrazek, Rudolf, Engineers of Happy Land: Technology and Nationalism in a Colony (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002), 161–81Google Scholar.

73 Hidayat, Farhang-i ʿAmiyanah-i Mardum-i Iran, 164.

74 Subhi, Fazl Allah Muhtadi, Afsanahha-yi Kuhan (Tehran: Rangin, 1946), 15Google Scholar.

75 Ibid., 3–5.

76 Ibid., 10–13.

77 Ibid., 17–29. Muhtadi-Subhi includes references to Iranian provincial variants of stories throughout his text. See Ibid., 73, 84, 90, 98–100, 104–105, 123, 132.

78 Kezer, Zeynep, “Familiar Things in Strange Places: Ankara's Ethnography Museum and the Legacy of Islam in Republican Turkey,” Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture 8 (2000): 101–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

79 For an important discussion of the ethnography museum, see Fazeli, Politics of Culture in Iran, 58–61.

80 Marashi, Afshin, “Performing the Nation: The Shah's Official State Visit to Kemalist Turkey, June to July 1934,” in The Making of Modern Iran: State and Society under Riza Shah, 1921–1941, ed. Cronin, Stephanie (New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 103–25Google Scholar.

81 This need for external validation of Iranian cultural prestige by international arbiters was also evident in the 1934 Firdawsi Millenary celebration, to which many foreign scholars were invited. Marashi, Afshin, “The Nation's Poet: Ferdowsi and the Iranian National Imagination,” in Iran in the 20th Century: Historiography and Political Culture, ed. Atabaki, Touraj (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2009), 93–111Google Scholar.

82 Boum, Aomar, “The Plastic Eye: The Politics of Jewish Representation in Moroccan Museums,” Ethnos: Journal of Anthropology 75 (2010): 49–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cohn, Bernard, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

83 There are perhaps some telling parallels between the ways in which ethnography and literary appropriation were both used for different purposes by European imperialists and non-Western nationalists. For an examination of how literary texts such as A Thousand and One Nights and The Adventures of Hajji Baba Ispahan could be appropriated simultaneously for colonialist/Orientalist and nationalist/anticolonial purposes, see Rastegar, Kamran, Literary Modernity between Middle East and Europe: Textual Transactions in 19th-Century Arabic, English and Persian Literatures (London: Routledge, 2007), 56Google Scholar, 72, 128.

84 For a thorough discussion of the Society for National Heritage in the early Pahlavi era, see Grigor, Talinn, “Recultivating ‘Good Taste’: The Early Pahlavi Modernists and Their Society for National Heritage,” Iranian Studies 37 (2004): 17–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

85 Hikmat, ʿAli Asghar, Si Khatirah az ʿAsr-i Farkhundah-i Pahlavi (Tehran: Sazman-i Intisharat-i Vahid, 1976), 366–75Google Scholar.

86 Hass, Wilhelm, “Muzahha-yi Buzurg-i va Muzah-i Itnugrafi-yi Iran,” Amuzish va Parvarish 10 (Farvardin 1940): 34–38Google Scholar.

87 Hass, Wilhelm, “Vazaʾif-i Muzah-i Insan Shinasi,” Taʿlim va Tarbiyat 6 (1936): 94Google Scholar. Hass also believed that Iran's absence from international ethnography conferences, such as one he attended in London several years prior, was a great shame because Iran's history could shed light on the histories of other nations. Ibid., 95.

88 Haqiq, Fazlullah, “ʿIlm-i Insanshinasi,” Taʿlim va Tarbiyat 7 (1937): 165–70Google Scholar. Haqiq also recounts a conversation he had with a Belgian scholar, Dr. Marne, who had studied many different peoples over a broad geographical area and had apparently noticed the influences of Iranian civilization on them. He expressed hope that in the near future Iran would establish serious ethnographic and anthropological studies and a museum, which would facilitate the study of these various regions. Ibid.

89 Ibid., 170.

90 Yasami, Rashid, “Bayanat-i Aqa-yi Rashid-i Yasami dar Bab-i Fulklur,” Taʿlim va Tarbiyat 6 (1936): 86–87Google Scholar.

91 The equation of the “folk” with the ancient past was also evident in constructions of Greek nationalism that treated folklore “as a repository of verbal monuments.” See Herzfeld, Michael, Ours Once More: Folklore, Ideology, and the Making of Modern Greece, 1st ed. (Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 1982), 30Google Scholar.

92 Yasami, “Bayanat-i Aqa-yi Rashid Yasami dar Bab-i Fulklur,” 88.

93 Fabian, Johannes, Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes Its Object (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 11–21Google Scholar.

94 Furughi was quick to point out that Darwinian evolution did not contradict a belief in God, perhaps anticipating potential criticisms of his evolutionary model of society. He categorized ethnography as a branch of biology on the grounds that humans are animals. He likewise outlined evolutionary models of human development. Furughi, Muhammad ʿAli, “Mardumshinasi Chist?,” Amuzish va Parvarish 8 (1938): 10–12Google Scholar, 17.

95 Ibid., 19.

96 Struggling to articulate a definition of ethnography, Furughi argued that it was simultaneously the study of the “spirit and customs” of a people and the study of their “physical characteristics.” Ibid., 15–16.

97 Ibid., 20.

98 Foucault, Michel, Technologies of the Self: A Seminar with Michel Foucault, ed. Martin, Luther H., Gutman, Huck, and Hutton, Patrick H. (Amherst, Mass.: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988), 16–49Google Scholar.

99 Shawqi, ʿAbbas, Dasht-i Gurgan (Tehran: Intisharat-i Muʾassasah-i Khavar, 1936), 15Google Scholar.

100 Ibid., 18–19.

101 Ibid., 45.

102 Thongchai, Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

103 Shawqi, Dasht-i Gurgan, 13–14.

104 Ibid., 41–42. For similarly romanticized representations of the Bedouin in Iraqi nationalism, see Bashkin, Orit, The Other Iraq: Pluralism and Culture in Hashemite Iraq (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009), 207–12Google Scholar.

105 Shawqi, Dasht-i Gurgan, 40.

106 Ibid., 40–41.

107 Ibid., 44. A strict dichotomy between the “here and now” of “civilization” and the “then and there” of “savage society” was a key assumption of European colonial anthropology. Fabian, Time and the Other, 26–27.

108 Shawqi, Dasht-i Gurgan, 44.

109 Ibid., 8–10, 12–13, 44–48.