Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 January 2009
Laymen, Zionist leaders, and both Jewish and gentile analysts have maintained that in the 1930S the British government's policies toward Palestine were strongly affected by Britain's general orientation toward appeasement. Both contemporaneously and ex post facto, critics have made three assumptions about these policies. First, the decision-making elite which launched Britain's policy of appeasement was also responsible for Middle Eastern policies in general and policies toward Palestine in particular. Second, British actions in Palestine were an integral part of the general trend in British foreign and defense policies. Third, out of selfish interests Britain sacrificed the weaker democratic Jewish community in Palestine (the Yishuv) to its more aggressive protagonist (the Palestinian Arab community) which was supported by the leaders of neighboring Arab countries.
1 See for instance Weizmann, C., Trial and Error (London, 1949);Google ScholarBen-Gurion, D., Memoirs, Vols. 3, IV (Tel Aviv, 1973 and 1974);Google ScholarSharett, M., Making of Policy: The Diaries of Moshe Sharett, Vols. 1, II, III, IV (Tel Aviv, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1975), passim.Google Scholar
2 Sykes, C., Crossroads to Israel (London, 1965), Chap. 9, Appeasement.Google Scholar
3 Royal Institute of International Affairs, Survey of International Affairs, 1936, 1937;Google Scholar RIAA, Great Britain and Palestine (London, 1946).Google Scholar
4 Gurion, Ben, Memoirs;Google ScholarSharett, M., Making of Policy.Google Scholar
5 Sheffer, G., “The Involvement of Arab States in the Palestine Conflict,” Asian and African Studies, 10, 1 (1974–1975), 59–78.Google Scholar
6 Sykes, Crossroads to Israel;,Google ScholarRose, N., Gentile Zionism and Anglo Zionist Diplomacy 1929–1939 (London, 1974).Google Scholar
7 The Times and The Manchester Guardian consistently advocated swift suppression of the Rebellion (see for instance the leaders in The Times of 5, 19, and 26 May 1936). Beaverbrook's papers occasionally called for a withdrawal from Palestine, which had been their line since the early 1930s.Google Scholar
8 See, for example, Lee, J. M., Colonial Development and Good Government (Oxford, 1967), pp. 9, 28.Google Scholar
9 Hansard, Vols. 311, 312, 313, passim.Google Scholar
10 Rendel, G., The Sword and the Olive (London, 1957), p. 82;Google ScholarVansittart, Lord, The Mist Procession (London, 1958), p. 429.Google Scholar
11 The Earl of Avon, The Eden Memoirs: Facing the Dictators (London, 1962), pp. 11–12, 249;Google ScholarMiddlemas, J. and Barnes, J., Baldwin: A Biography (London, 1969), pp. 809, 822.Google Scholar
12 Vansittart's minute June 1936, F.O. 371.20035; see also Vansittart, The Mist Procession, p. 546;Google ScholarGilbert, M., The Roots of Appeasement (London, 1966), p. 149;Google Scholar see Watt, D. C., Personalities and Policies (London, 1965), pp. 102, 109,Google Scholar on Vansittart's anti-German attitudes and his progrssively dwindling influence; see also Avon, The Eden Memoirs, pp. 447–448.Google Scholar
13 See his minute 11 June 1936, C.O. 733.312.75528/9.Google Scholar
14 Minute 10 June 1936, C.O. 733.3.2.75528/9.Google Scholar
15 On 17 June an unofficial Arab delegation arrived in London. This visit encouraged Wauchope and the Home Government to belie ve that the Palestinians were seeking peaceful means of ending the Rebellion (C.I.D. report 11/36, 23 June 1936, F.O. 371.20018; Sharett, Making of Policy, 21 June 1936, p. 171;Google ScholarThe Times, 18 June 1936).Google Scholar
16 This was the subject of an exchange of views between Shertok and Wauchope (Sharett, Making of Policy, 2 June 1935, pp. 145–146, 148–149).Google Scholar
17 Ibid., 14 June 1936, pp. 166–167.
18 See Middlemas, Baldwin, pp. 940–941,Google ScholarAvon, Eden Memoirs, pp. 386–387.Google Scholar
19 Gurion, D. Ben, Letters to Paula (Tel Aviv, 1972), 21 June 1936, p. 155. According to him, the Agency prepared all parts of the speeches for Lloyd George, L. S. Amery, T. Williams, Creech Jones, H. Morrison, J. de Rothchild, add V. Cazalet.Google Scholar
20 On 18 June 1936, see minutes, CO. 733.289.75054.Google Scholar
21 Held on 19 June 1936, Hansard, Vol. 313, cols. 1313–1395.Google Scholar
22 George, Lloyd, Amery, and Cazalet (Cons.) reiterated the “imperial Clapham Junction” argument as dictating support for the Zionists; Creech Jones, T. Williams, and H. Morrison (Lab.) praised the Yishuv for its socialist features which commanded their respect. See also The Survey. 1936, pp. 735–736, which noted the expounding of the imperial argument by Amery and Lloyd George.Google Scholar
23 Amery, L. S., My Political Life (London, 1955), Vol. 3;Google ScholarCecil, Viscount, All the Way (London, 1949);Google ScholarWatt, Personalities, p. 133.Google Scholar
24 Ibid., Essay 6.
25 See Ormsby-Gore's private letter to Wauchope 30 July 1936, C.O. 733.297.75156. He wrote:“I have encouraged Eddy Winterton, Crossely and Co. to form a standing committee in the House of Commons to watch the Arab side, as a make weight to those who have numbers of Jewish voters in their constituencies”; see Jeffries, J. M. N., Palestine: The Reality (London, 1939), p. 8.Google Scholar
26 Clifton Brown used the “imperial argument” in reverse, advocating a pro-Arab policy because of Palestine's imperial importance.Google Scholar
27 The former, a Communist, and the latter, an Independent Labour member, each viewed the Arab-Jewish conflict as a class struggle.Google Scholar
28 C.I.D. report 11/36, 23 June 1936, F.O. 371.20018.Google Scholar
29 It was revived by Archer Cust, a former British Official in Palestine at the end of 1935. See his memorandum of 18 January 1935, C.O. 733.283.75288; for his plan in detail see ESCO Foundation for Palestine, , Palestine: A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies (New Haven, 1947), 2, 1147.Google Scholar
30 Ormsby-Gore to Wauchope, 10 June 1936, C.O. 733.297.75156, Pt. III.Google Scholar
31 Wauchope to Ormsby-Gore, 24 June 1936, ibid.
32 Ibid.
33 For further discussion on this question see Sheffer, The Involvement of Arab States.Google Scholar
34 Rendel's minute 18 June 1936, F.O. 371.20021.Google Scholar
35 Sterndale Bennett's minute 18 June 1936, F.O. 371.20021.Google Scholar
36 The memo'randum, thus temporarily withheld, was later to be circulated as C.P. 178(36).Google Scholar
37 Williams's minutes 24 June, 25 June 1936, C:O. 733.311. 75528/8. The gist of these discussions reached the press and Consular Corps in Palestine (Sharett, Making of Policy, 28 June 1936, p. 179).Google Scholar
38 Maffey's minute 25 June 1936, C.O. 733.311.75528/8.Google Scholar
39 Minutes of a telephone conversation with Norton, 26 June 1936, F.O. 371.20021.Google Scholar
40 Thus, C.P. 178(36) mentioned above reached the Cabinet.Google Scholar
41 C.P. 190(36). On 1 July the Cabinet agreed to postpone the discussion on the Foreign Office's memorandum until the Colonial Office rendered its own (Cab. Con. 48(36), 1 July 1936).Google Scholar
42 Military operations on a large scale were planned against guerrillas in Samaria for 5 July 1936.Google Scholar
43 See Oliphant's minute 8 July 1936 and Vansittart's minute of the same day, F.O. 371.20021. He wrote: “The Jews are trying to force us into a hundred percent policy, for which we shall have to pay the entire cost and it will be a heavy political one, with Europe as it is.”Google Scholar
44 See again Sheffer, The Involvement of Arab States.Google Scholar
45 Cab. Con. 51(36) 10 July 1936. The Cabinet had before it C.P. 178(36) of the Foreign Office and C.P. 190(36) of the Colonial Office.Google Scholar
46 See Cab. Con. 51(36) 10 July 1936.Google Scholar
47 Cab. Con. 52(36) 15 July 1936. Ormsby-Gore informed the Cabinet that Wauchope, though in favour of a decision to suspend immigration, was against its immediate announcement.Google Scholar
48 Peel to Ormsby-Gore, 20 December 1936, annexed to C.P. 1(37).Google Scholar
49 See the Chiefs of Staff memo, “Strategical Aspects of the Partition of Palestine,” 14 February 1938, F.O. 371.21870; see also Wedgwood's question on 27 July 1937 in the House of Commons, and Hore Belisha's confirmation that the Commission consulted the Services, Hansard, Vol. 326, cols. 3839–40.Google Scholar
50 Cab. Con. 27(37) 30 June, Cab. Con. 28(37) 5 July 1937.Google Scholar
51 Palestine, Statement of Policy, Cmd. 5513, 1937.Google Scholar
52 See Hirszowicz, L., The Third Reich and the Arab East (London, 1966), PP. 29–42.Google Scholar
53 Shuckburgh's note of a talk with members of the French delegation in Geneva 13 September 1937, C.O. 733.353.75718/3.Google Scholar
54 See Playfair, I. S. O., History of Second World War (London, 1954), 1, 8.Google Scholar
55 C.I.D. 296th meeting 5 July 1937, Cab. 2.6/2.Google Scholar
56 Rendel's minute 21 July 1937, F.O. 371.20808.Google Scholar
57 Lindsay to Secretary of State 21 June; Lindsay to Oliphant 5 July, F.O. 371.20807; Lindsay to Secretary of State, 3 August 1937, F.O. 371.20811.Google Scholar
58 For a summary of this question see “Memorandum for the use of the British Delegation in Geneva”, prepared by the Colonial Office Sept. 1937, F.O. 371.20813.Google Scholar
59 Ormsby-Gore to Eden 15 July 1937, CO. 733.352.75718/5.Google Scholar
60 Eden to Ormsby-Gore 16 July, Eden to Clark Kerr in Baghdad, 16 July 1937 (copy), ibid.
61 Minutes of a talk between Baggalay and Bullard 1 August 1937, F.O. 371.20809; for Abdullah's wholehearted acceptance of the plan see Shwadran, B., Jordan: A State of Tension (N.Y., 1959) pp. 227–231.Google Scholar
62 For Jewish reactions to partition see, for instance, ESCO, Palestine, 2, 852–857.Google Scholar
63 This change of direction was started by Rendel's memorandum of 21 September 1937, F.O. 371.20814, in which he wrote: “The use of force would involve Britain in a policy from which it will be very difficult to draw back without a very serious loss of prestige.” See further his memorandum of 14 Oct. 1937, F.O. 371.20816.Google Scholar
64 See Rendel's memorandum “Palestine, Colonial Office, War Office and Air Ministry Attitudes” (toward partition) 30 October 1937; for the Bludan Conference (7–9 September 1937) see The Survey, 1937, pp. 551–553; for the coup in Iraq see Khadduri, M., Independent Iraq 1932–1958 (London, 1960), pp. 118–130. See also Colonial Office memorandum C.P. 266(37) October 1937.Google Scholar
65 See Rendel's memorandum “Palestine, Suggested Alternative Policy,” 3 November 1937, F.O. 371.20819.Google Scholar
66 See Cab. Con. 42(37) 17 November 1937.Google Scholar
67 For the situation in the Mediterranean see Playfair, History of Second World War, pp. 11–12.Google Scholar
68 Cab. Con. 46(37) 8 December 1937.Google Scholar
69 Harvey, O., The Diplomatic Diaries of Oliver Harvey 1937–1940 (London, 1970).Google Scholar
70 Ormsby-Gore to Chamberlain 9 January 1938 (copy), F.O. 371.21862.Google Scholar
71 See Rendel's counter memorandum on policy in Palestine 14 January 1938, ibid. My italics.
72 Harvey, Diplomatic Diaries, p. 140.Google Scholar
73 The Chiefs of Staff did not change their attitude about the strategic importance of Palestine. See their memorandum 462c, 14 Feb. 1938, F.O. 371.21870, in which they wrote that “the retention of the Jerusalem-Jaffa enclave under British Mandate for political and religious reasons would be sufficient for our permanent Imperial requirements” (my italics); this view was endorsed by the C.I.D., see minutes of the C.I.D. 318th meeting 7 April 1938, Cab. 2.7.Google Scholar
74 Cab. Con. 10(38) 2 March 1938.Google Scholar
75 For Malcom McDonald's position in Foreign and defence policy see Cooper, Duff, Old Men Forget (London, 1953), p. 249.Google Scholar
76 See minutes of the meeting held on 22 June 1938, F.O. 371.21878.Google Scholar
77 See Battershill, the then Chief Secretary of the Government of Palestine, private letters from London to MacMichael in Palestine, 6, 8, and 19 July 1938. MacMichael private papers (copies) in the Private Papers Collection, Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College, Oxford.Google Scholar
78 See Cab. Con. 31 (38) 6 July 32 (38) 13 July 33(38) 20 July; 35 (38) 27 July 1938.Google Scholar
79 See The Times, 13 August 1938.Google Scholar
80 C.P. 143(38) August 1938.Google Scholar
81 MacMichael to Secretary of State 23 August 1938, C.O. 733.382.75735/1.Google Scholar
82 Malcom MacDonald to High Commissioner 22 September 1938, ibid.
83 See Watt, Personalities, pp. 169–171.Google Scholar
84 Taylor, A. J. P., The Origins of the Second World War (London, 1961), p. 223;Google ScholarGilbert, M., The Roots of Appeasement (London, 1966), p. 177.Google Scholar
85 Minutes in F.O. 371.21864.Google Scholar
86 My italics.Google Scholar
87 MacDonald to High Commissioner 24 Sept. 1938, F.O.371.21864.Google Scholar
88 See Taylor, The Origins, p. 231;Google ScholarMacleod, I., Neville Chamberlain (London, 1961), p. 256; This question was discussed at various Cabinet meetings after Munich, see Cab. Con. 47(38) 30 Sept.; Cab. Con. 48(38) 3 Oct.; Cab. Con. 50(38) 26 Oct.; Cab. Con. 51(38) 31 Oct.; Cab. Con. 53(38) 7 Nov. 1938. On Nov. 7, 1938, he said: “In our foreign policy we were doing our best to drive two horses abreast — conciliation and rearmament” (Cab. Con. 53[38]).Google Scholar
89 See discussions in Cabinet, Cab. Con. 52(38) 2 Nov. 1938.Google Scholar
90 Lampson to Foreign Secretary 1 Oct. 1938 (copy) C.O. 733.368.75156/16.Google Scholar
91 My italics. Lampson to Foreign Secretary 10 Oct., also 31 Oct. 1938, ibid.
92 Lampson to Foreign Secretary 5 Nov. 1938 (copy), ibid.
93 See Baxter's minute 24 Nov.; see also Lampson's dispatch of 29 Nov. and Halifax's answer 2 Dec. 1938, F.O. 371.21867.Google Scholar
94 Parkinson's minute 6 Oct. 1938 (he was an “appeaser” of the Arabs); for comparison see Lord Dufferin's minute of the same day (initially he was “anti-Arab appeasement”) ibid.; for discussion of the alleged influence of appeasement of the dictators on the rejection of partition see Sykes, Crossroads to Israel, pp. 237–239,Google ScholarWeizmann, Trial and Error, pp. 494–495,Google ScholarGurion, Ben, Letters, 7 Oct. 1938, pp. 236–245. They all accepted a connection between the general mood of appeasement and the rejection of partition.Google Scholar
95 MacDonald to O.A.G. 10 Oct. 1938, CO. 733.368.75156/16. It included a preliminary draft of a Statement of Policy beginning thus: “Policy of partition has been abandoned on strict merits of the case, following on Woodhead's careful expert enquiries.”Google Scholar
96 O.A.G. to Colonial Secretary 11 Oct. 1938 (copy), C.O. 733.368.75156/16.Google Scholar
97 Nine meetings were held between 7 and 12 Oct. 1938. The meetings were attended by MacDonald, Marquess Dufferin, Parkinson, Shuckburgh, O. Bushe, Downie, and J. S. Bennet of the Colonial Office, MacMichael, W. D. Battershill, and D. G. Harris of the Government of Palestine, C. W. Baxter, and Baggalay of the Foreign Office. In the first, second, and third meetings General Pownall and Col. Dennys of the War Office (in the third meeting also Lord Gort), and Air Vice Marshal Prise of the Air Ministry, attended (minutes in F.O. 731.12864).Google Scholar
98 See minutes of the first meeting, 7 Oct. Lord Gort emphasized this point again at the third meeting, 8 Oct. 1938, F.O. 731.12864. Its minutes ran: “He [Gort] made it clear, however, that the War Office could not accept a heavy committment in Palestine later than Spring 1939 [MacDonald explained that] by a joint political and military effort we hoped to achieve a settlement by then.”Google Scholar
99 Minutes of second meeting 7 Oct. 1938, F.O. 731.12864.Google Scholar
100 Ibid. The use of the terms “federation” and “confederation” was loose and interchangeable.
101 Minutes of eighth meeting 11 Oct. 1938, F.O. 731.12864.Google Scholar
102 The minutes ran: “Secretary of State — Possible Formula for five years (a) no land purchases of rural immigration (b) urban immigration to be permitted. Assure Arabs that existing Arab population should always have sufficient land for their subsistence” (F.O. 731.12864).Google Scholar
103 Baggalay's minutes 12 Oct. 1938, F.O. 371.12864.Google Scholar
104 Cab. Con. 49(38) 19 Oct. 1938.Google Scholar
105 My italics. For comparison see Syke's account of the role of the Woodhead Commission in shaping British policy (Sykes, Crossroads to Israel, pp. 230, 240–241);Google Scholar see also Weizmann, Trial and Error, p. 493,Google Scholar for a more accurate account of the shaping of British Government policy see Marlowe, J., Rebellion in Palestine (London, 1946), pp. 209–209.Google Scholar
106 Cf. Wheeler-Bennett, J., Munich: Prologue to Tragedy (London, 1948).Google Scholar
107 Cf. Middelmas, K., Diplomacy of Illusion (London, 1972), chap. 14;Google ScholarWatt, Personalities;Google ScholarNorthedge, F. S., The Troubled Giant (London, 1966), p. 548.Google Scholar
108 Cf. Middlemas, Diplomacy of Illusion, p. 411;Google ScholarWatt, Personalities, pp. 117–139;Google ScholarAster, S., 1939: The Making of the Second World War (New York, 1973);Google ScholarAlexandroff, A., “The British Decision Making Structure from Munich through Prague” (paper presented at 17th Annual Conference International Science Association, Toronto, Feb. 1975; Cato (pseud.) Guilty Man (London, 1940);Google Scholar and see Sheffer, G., “British Colonial Policy Making,” in Middle Eastern Studies, 14, 3 (1978), 307–322.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
109 Cf. Gilbert, M. and Gott, R., The Appeasers (London, 1963);Google ScholarGilbert, M., Britain and Germany betwee the Wars (London, 1964);Google ScholarGilbert, The Roots of Appeasement;Google ScholarTaylor, The Origins of the Second World War.Google Scholar