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ALGERIAN NATIONALISM, ZIONISM, AND FRENCH LAÏCITÉ: A HISTORY OF ETHNORELIGIOUS NATIONALISMS AND DECOLONIZATION

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 July 2013

Todd Shepard
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Abstract

The Algerian war resituated the meaning of “Muslims” and “Jews” in France in relation to religion and “origins” and this process reshaped French secular nationhood, with Algerian independence in mid-1962 crystallizing a complex and shifting debate that took shape in the interwar period and blossomed between 1945 and 1962. In its failed efforts to keep all Algerians French, the French government responded to both Algerian nationalism and, as is less known, Zionism, and did so with policies that took seriously, rather than rejected, the so-called ethnoreligious arguments that they embraced—and that, according to existing scholarship, have always been anathema to French laïcité. Most scholars on France continue to presume that its history is national or wholly “European.” Yet paying attention to this transnational confrontation, driven by claims from Algeria and Israel, emphasizes the crucial roles of North African and Mediterranean developments in the making of contemporary France.

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International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 45 , Issue 3 , August 2013 , pp. 445 - 467
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013 

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References

NOTES

Author's note: This article first took shape thanks to a last-minute invitation to speak at the “Secularism and Its Discontents Conference,” at the University of Pennsylvania's Herbert D. Katz Center for Advanced Judaic Studies. I thank Ethan Katz and Jonathan Gribetz for the invitation and their insightful and careful comments as well as the conversation that it sparked. Subsequent discussions at the “1962/2012: The World after Algerian Independence” conference at Johns Hopkins University; the Centre des études maghrebines en Algérie, in Oran; and Georgetown University at Doha, Qatar, all helped me greatly. My thanks to the American Institute for Maghreb Studies for its support. Particular thanks to Robert Parks, Karim Ouaras, Edward Kolla, Saïd Gahia, and Joan Scott for their suggestions. I also thank Sarah A. Stein for the trip to Ghardaïa and its archives, and the conversations it energized. Finally, the guidance of Beth Baron, Sara Pursley, and the four anonymous reviewers was precious and much appreciated.

1 Scott, Joan W., The Politics of the Veil (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Bowen, John, Why the French Don't Like Headscarves: Islam, the State, and Public Space (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

2 Shurkin, Michael R., “Decolonization and the Renewal of French Judaism: Reflections on the Contemporary French Jewish Scene,” Jewish Social Studies, no. 6 (2000): 156–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Labouret, Vincent, “Politique méditerranéenne de la France,” Politique étrangère 36 (1971): 489–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; La Fracture coloniale, la société française au prisme de l'héritage colonial, ed. Nicolas Bancel et al. (Paris: La Découverte, 2005); Geisser, Vincent and Zemouri, Aziz, Marianne et Allah, les politiques français face à la “question musulmane” (Paris: La Découverte 2007)Google Scholar; Sellam, Sadek, La France et ses musulmans, un siècle de politique musulmane 1895–2005 (Paris: Fayard, 2006)Google Scholar.

3 On the choice of Algeria's Jews for France, see esp. Sarah B. Sussman, “Changing Lands, Changing Identities: The Migration of Algerian Jewry to France, 1954–1967” (PhD diss., Stanford University, 2002).

4 Recent scholarship often cites the works of two French sociologists, Daniele Hervieu-Léger and Dominique Schnapper. These works are particularly focused on Muslims and, in Schnapper's case, Jews in contemporary France. See Hervieu-Léger, , La religion pour mémoire (Paris: Cerf, 1993), 228–37Google Scholar; and Schnapper, , “Le sens de l'ethnico-religieux,” Archives des sciences sociales des religions 81 (1993): 149–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The qualifier “ethnoreligious” has been in use since at least the early 20th century; the first use I have found in print is Dushkin, Alexander M., Jewish Education in New York City (New York: Bureau of Jewish Education, 1918), 1Google Scholar.

5 Davidson show how 20th-century French dealings with Islam in metropolitan France were always framed in reference to Algeria and relied on “corporeal” or “racialized” logics to define Muslims as “only Muslims”; however, she largely ignores the role of law and and does not explore how Algerian nationalism and independence or French policy toward Islam shaped wider French institutions, principles, or understandings, such as laïcité or citizenship. See Davidson, Naomi, Only Muslim: Embodying Islam in Twentieth-Century France (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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7 This was particularly true, as Idith Zertal shows, when non-French Jews, notably refugees, were the people linked to Zionism. See From Catastrophe to Power: Holocaust Survivors and the Emergence of Israel (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1998), chap. 2. See also Abitbol, Michel, “La France et le sionisme: aspects historiques, culturels et idéologiques,” in France and the Middle East: Past, Present, Future, ed. Abitbol (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2004), 155–66Google Scholar.

8 Hannah Arendt laid out the template for this 19th-century history in The Origins of Totalitarianism, which describes how French republicans during the 19th century defined their “territorial” nationalism in opposition to French “reactionaries” (Catholic and antirepublican) by linking their opponents to a “German model” (based in ethnicity, an opposition that Rogers Brubaker influentially detailed) or a “British model” (which Linda Colley has linked to Protestantism) of the nation. See Brubaker, Rogers, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Colley, Linda, Britons: Forging the Nation 1707–1837 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; and Arendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism (Cleveland, Ohio: World Books, 1951)Google Scholar.

9 See Ruedy, John, Modern Algeria: The Origins and Development of a Nation (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2005), 159Google Scholar.

10 Shepard, Todd, The Invention of Decolonization: The Algerian War and the Remaking of France, rev. 2nd ed. (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

11 See, for example, Ministère d'Etat chargé des Affaires Algériennes, “Définition de la minorité” (24 March 1961), 1, in Archives du Ministère des affaires étrangères, La Corneuve, France, séries Affaires algériennes (hereafter MAE): 99.

12 Charles Kleinknecht, Adminstrateur des Services Civils, Ancien Sous-Préfet de Ghardaia, “Lettre à M. Cotte” (Barr, 17 May 1965), 1–2, in Centre des archives contemporaines, Fontainebleau, France (hereafter CAC): 950236/9 [C/3614]. On polygamy, see Jean Moriaz, “Situation des Israélites de M'Zab” (Lyon 29 March 1963), 1, in CAC: 19950236/9 [C/3614]; Senateur Abel-Durand, “Rapport . . . rélatif à la constitution de l’état civil des Français des départements algériens . . . qui ont conservé leur statut personnel israélite, et à leur accession au statut civil de droit commun; Annexe au proces-verbal de la séance du 19 juillet 1961,” in CAC: 19950236/9 [C/3614]; CAC: 19950236/9 [C/3614]; Journal officiel de la République française (1961): 1564; on the usual restrictions placed on Jewish immigration, cf. Sussman, “Changing Lands, Changing Identities,” 178–80.

13 See Archives du Ministère de la Justice, Paris, France: FA S54 113 for letters of inquiry and circular.

14 On the role of French republicanism on the development of Zionism, see, for example, Kornberg, Jacques, Theodor Herzl: From Assimilation to Zionism (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; Laqueur, Walter B., A History of Zionism from the French Revolution to the Establishment of Israel (New York: MJF Books, 1972)Google Scholar; and Sachar, Howard M., Israel and Europe: An Appraisal in History (New York: Random House, 1998)Google Scholar.

15 On post-1789 anticorporatism, cf. Sewell, William, Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on anticorporatist arguments vis-à-vis religious and ethnic identity claims, cf. Scott, The Politics of the Veil; on the 1905 law, see, for example, ibid.; and Bowen, Why the French.

16 On how some Catholic movements participated in republican policymaking in the late 19th century, see Ford, Caroline, Creating the Nation in Provincial France: Religion and Identity in Brittany (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; on the “pact,” see Baubérot, Jean, Vers un nouveau pacte laique? (Paris: Le Seuil, 1990)Google Scholar; for how this argument has been taken up in response to current anti-Muslim hysteria, see Borne, Dominiqueet al., eds., Europe et islam, islams d'Europe (Versailles: CRDP, 2003)Google Scholar.

17 NB: The half day off used to be Thursday.

18 Christelow, Allan, Muslim Law Courts and the French Colonial State in Algeria (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barrière, Louis-Augustin, Le statut personnel des musulmans d'Algérie de 1834 à 1962 (Dijon, France: Universitaires de Dijon, 1993)Google Scholar.

19 Weil, Patrick, Qu'est-ce qu'un français? Histoire de la nationalité française depuis la Révolution (Paris: Grasset, 2002)Google Scholar.

20 See the accounts of French nationalism in Arendt, The Origins; and Chapman, Herrick and Frader, Laura, “Introduction,” in Race in France: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Politics of Difference, ed. Chapman and Frader (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004), 1–22Google Scholar. On how to analyze lawmaking and legal thought in the Algerian situation, see Blévis, Laure, “Les avatars de la citoyenneté en Algérie coloniale ou les paradoxes d'une categorization,” Droit et Société 48 (2001): 557–80Google Scholar.

21 See esp. Christelow, Muslim Law Courts; and Ageron, Charles-Robert, Les Algériens musulmans et la France (1871–1919), 2 vols. (Paris: PUF, 1968)Google Scholar.

22 See Merle, Isabelle, “Les ambiguités du statut colonial en droit colonial. Respect des coutumesindigènes ou construction d'une exclusion républicaine,” in Autochtonies. Vues de France et du Québec, ed. Gagné, N., Martin, T., and Salaün, M.(Quebec: Presses de l'Université Laval), 143–50Google Scholar; Blévis, Laure, “La citoyennété française au miroir de la colonisation: Étude des demandes de naturalization des ‘sujets français’ en Algérie coloniale,” Genèses 53 (December 2003): 25–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Shepard, The Invention of Decolonization.

23 Meynier, Gilbert, Algérie révélée. La guerre de 1914–1918 et le premier quart du XXe siècle (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1981), 559Google Scholar; the reference is to querelles de clocher (bell-tower disputes), which disdainfully evokes Catholic “theological” debates such as over how many angels could fit on the head of a pin. See also Le Gall, Michel, “Anticlericalism and Positivism: A Note on French Orientalism,” in Franco-Arab Encounters: Studies in Memory of David C. Gordon, ed. Brown, L. Carl and Gordon, Matthew S. (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1997), 109–28Google Scholar.

24 See McDougall, James, History and the Culture of Nationalism in Algeria (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 89Google Scholar; and Meynier, Gilbert, “L'Algérie, La nation et l'islam: le FLN, 1954–1962,” in Religions et colonisation: Afrique-Asie-Océanie-Amériques XVIe-XXe siècle, ed. Borne, Dominique and Falaize, Benoît (Paris: Editions de l'Atelier, 2009), 241–55, 243Google Scholar.

25 Connections with movements in the larger Islamic, Mediterranean, and Arab worlds were also key factors. Cf. Achi, Raberh, “L'islam authentique appartient à Dieu, ‘l'islam algérien’ à César. La mobilisation de l'association des oulémas d'Algérie pour la séparation du culte musulman et de l’État (1931–1956),” Genèses 69 (December 2007): 49–69, 52–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26 McDougall, History and the Culture of Nationalism.

27 Christelow, Allan describes the earlier historiographic consensus in “Ritual, Culture and Politics of Islamic Reformism in Algeria,” Middle Eastern Studies 23 (1987): 255–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Meynier's Algérie révélée was the first to challenge accounts that defined religious and ethnic criteria as outside impositions on, rather than constitutive of, Algerian nationalism.

28 Meynier, Algérie révélée, 3, 33–39, 167, 702–708, 730–34.

29 Ibid., 257.

30 Thomas, Martin, The French Empire between the Wars: Imperialism, Politics and Society (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 260Google Scholar.

31 Meynier, Algérie révélée, 113.

32 Bonsirven, Joseph, Le Judaisme palestinien au temps de Jésus-Christ, sa théologie. v. I, La théologie dogmatique (Paris: Beauchesne et ses fils, 1934), 71Google Scholar.

33 Dieckhoff, Alain, The Invention of a Nation: Zionist Thought and the Making of Modern Israel, trans. Derrick, Jonathan (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 130–31Google Scholar.

34 Benbassa, Esther, The Jews of France: A History from Antiquity to the Present, trans. DeBevoise, M. B. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999), 159Google Scholar. See also Wieviorka, Annette, “Les juifs en France au lendemain de la guerre: état des lieux,” Archives juives 28, no. 1 (1995): 7–22Google Scholar; and Malinovich, Nadia, French and Jewish: Culture and the Politics of Identity in Early-Twentieth Century France (Oxford: Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 2008)Google Scholar.

35 Ethan B. Katz, “Jews and Muslims in the Shadow of Marianne: Conflicting Identites and Republican Culture in France (1914–1975)” (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin–Madison, 2009); Poznanski, Renée, Jews in France during World War II, trans. Bracher, Nathan (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 2001), 472–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cohen, Martine, “Les juifs de France. Modernité et identité,” Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 66 (2000): 91–106CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36 Pinkus, Benjamin, From Ambivalence to Tacit Alliance: Israel, France, and French Jewry 1947–1957 (Sede Boqer, Israel: Ben-Gurion Research Institute, 2005)Google Scholar; Ziv, Guy, “Shimon Peres and the French–Israeli Alliance, 1954–9,” Journal of Contemporary History 45 (2010): 406–29, esp. 413–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Within France, see esp. debates in the journal Esprit between writers such as André Neher and Wadi.

37 “Le groupe de sociologie des religions. Quinze ans de vie et de travail (1954–1969),” Archives de sociologie des religions 28 (1969): 3–92, 23, 39–42.

38 Berlioz, Joanny, “L'Afrique du Nord, foyer d'activité pro-hitlérienne et anti-française,” Les Cahiers du Communisme 4 (1945): 47–53Google Scholar; Ruscio, Alain, “Les communistes et les massacres du Constantinois (Mai–Juin 1945),” Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 94 (2007): 217–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ihaddaden, Zahir, “La désinformation pendant la guerre d'Algérie,” in Militaires et guerilla en guerre d'Algérie, ed. Jauffret, Jean-Charleset al. (Brussels: Complexe, 2001), 363–82, 371Google Scholar.

39 Deschamps, Hubert J., Peuples et nations d'outre-mer (Afrique, Islam, Asie du sud) (Paris: Dalloz, 1954), 111Google Scholar; Juin, Alphonse, Le Maghreb en feu (Paris: Plon, 1957), 40Google Scholar; Candas, Maurice, Plaidoyer pour l'Algérie (Paris: Éd. des Quatre Fils Aymon, 1957), 98Google Scholar. Even the small number of radical non-Algerian French intellectuals—notably Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, and Francis Jeanson—who offered their support to the FLN avoided definitions of the Algerian nation that Algerian nationalists developed; most relied on what Frantz Fanon defined as the dialectic of colonizer/colonized to explain its existence. See Shepard, The Invention of Decolonization, chap. 2.

40 For details on “assimilationist” and “associationist” models—their claims and the distinction between claims and practice—see Betts, Raymond, Assimilation and Association in French Colonial Theory, 1890–1914 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961)Google Scholar. On integrationism, see LeSueur, James, Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics during the Decolonization of Algeria, 2nd ed. (Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press, 2005)Google Scholar; and Connelly, Matthew, A Diplomatic Revolution: Algeria's Fight for Independence and the Origins of the Post-Cold War Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), esp. chap. 9Google Scholar.

41 On integrationism, see Shepard, Todd, “Thinking between Metropole and Colony: The French Republic, ‘Exceptional Promotion,’ and the ‘Integration’ of Algerians, 1955–1962,” in The French Colonial Mind, vol. 1, Mental Maps of Empire and Colonial Encounters, ed. Thomas, Martin (Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press, 2011), 298–323Google Scholar.

42 See Shepard, Todd, “Algeria, France, Mexico, UNESCO: A Transnational History of Anti-Racism and Empire, 1932–1962,” Journal of Global History 6 (2011): 273–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 My italics. “Presentation and debate in Senate concerning Loi n. 59-480 du 28 décembre 1959 . . . assurant, par des mesures exceptionnelles, la promotion des Français musulmans,” Journal Officiel du Sénat (26 November 1959): 1205.

44 Sivan, Emmanuel, Communisme et nationalisme en Algérie 1920–1962 (Paris: Presses de la FNSP, 1976), 206Google Scholar; see also Shepard, Todd, “Decolonization and the Republic,” in The French Republic, ed. Berenson, Edward, Duclert, Vincent, and Prochasson, Christophe (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2011), 252–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

45 The most well-known sign was the secularization thesis itself, which turned a conflict into a certainty: religion did not need to be fought, as it would wither away. That story, of course, has been discredited by much scholarship as well as recent developments. See esp. Schnapper, “Le sens de l'ethnico-religieux.”

46 Prost, Antoine, Education, societe et politique. Une histoire de l'enseignement en France de 1945 à nos jours (Paris: Le Seuil, 1992), 48Google Scholar; “Laïcité et paix scolaire: points de vue,” Esprit (new series) 10 (1959): 309–59, 318; on laïcité, see esp. Baubérot, Jean, Histoire de la laïcité en France, 4th ed. (Paris: PUF-Que sais-je?, 2007)Google Scholar; on post-1945 developments, see esp. Rémond, René, L'anticlericalisme en France (Paris: Fayard, 1976), chap. 8Google Scholar; Robert, Colin, “Secularisation and the (Re)formulation of French Catholic Identity,” in Catholicism, Politics, and Society in Twentieth-Century France, ed. Chadwick, Kay (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000), 260–79Google Scholar; and Cholvy, Gerard and Hilaire, Yves-Marie, eds., Histoire religieuse de la France contemporaine, 1930–1988 (Paris: Privat, 1988), 220–35Google Scholar; on the importance of these developments for post-1945 France, see Mendras, Henri, La seconde révolution française, 1965–1984, 2nd ed. (Paris: Gallimard, 1994)Google Scholar.

47 Ministère de l'Intérieur, “Projet d'organisation d'un Institut d'Etudes Franco–Islamiques à Paris,” 1–3, in CAC 19950395/74; see also Archives de l'Institut Pierre Mendès France, Fonds PMF, II/3/A.

48 For an overview of this “Islamophile” form of Orientalist essentializing, see Jung, Dietrich, Orientalists, Islamists and the Global Public Sphere: A Genealogy of the Modern Essentialist Image of Islam (Sheffield: Equinox Publishing, 2011)Google Scholar.

49 See esp. Seferdjeli, Ryme, “French ‘Reforms’ and Muslim Women's Emancipation during the Algerian War,” Journal of North African Studies 9, no. 4 (2004): 19–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50 Mr. le Procureur Général, “Objet: Date d'application de l'ord. du 4 fevrier 1959” (13 June 1959), 2, in CAC 19950236 art. 8. On the marriage reforms, see Seferdjeli, “French ‘Reforms’”; Davidson, Only Muslim, 151–58; and Macmaster, Neil, Burning the Veil: The Algerian War and the “Emancipation” of Muslim Women, 1954–1962 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010), 286–91Google Scholar. All ignore the non-laïc premises of the actual legislation.

51 Pigeot, Deputé de la Saoura, “Reaction des populations musulmanes du département de la Saoura à l'application de l'ordonnance du 4 février 1959” (24 September 1959), 1–5, in CAC 19950236 art. 8.

52 Ibid.

53 For Sid-Cara's decision to abandon her “laïc” approach, see Paris, 19 August 1959, CAC 19950236 art. 8.

54 Letter from the Association Consistoriale Israélite d'Alger to President, Conseil d'administration de les association consistoriale Israélite du Ghardaïa (20 August 1958), Archives Nationales d'Algerie, Wilaya de Ghardaïa, “Culte Israelite.”

55 On the Jews of the Mzab, see Shepard, The Invention of Decolonization, 242–47; and Stein, Sarah A., Indigenous Jews: French Colonialism and Decolonization in the Algerian Sahara (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, forthcoming)Google Scholar. Most scholars who have discussed French policies vis-à-vis Muslim and Jews historically and in the present avoid discussing the Algerian war; in fact, most skip the period 1945–62 entirely. An exception is Katz, “Jews and Muslims in the Shadow of Marianne.”

56 Shepard, The Invention of Decolonization, 170.

57 Alliance Israélite Universelle, “Note concernant les modalités de conservation de la nationalité francaise et l'acquisition de la nationalite Algérienne dans l'Algérie future” (Paris, 17 April 1961), 5, in MAE: 99.

58 Ministre d'Etat chargé des Affaires Algériennes, “Garanties de la Minorité européenne en Algérie” (31 March 1961), 2, in MAE: 96. The new position did admit that “Muslims who expressed the desire” could be included “for political reasons.” See Ministre d'Etat chargé des Affaires Algériennes, “Définition de la Minorité” (24 March 1961 with revision 18 April), 1, in MAE: 96.

59 See Secrétaire d'Etat aux affaires Algériennes, “La Communauté israélite d'Algérie” (19 October 1962), 1, in MAE: 121 bis.

60 For reports on Jewish departures, see CAC: 19920172/08. For early 1961, see “Liste approximative des Juifs en Algérie par localité au début de 1961,” in CAC: 19920172/08. For Algerian Jews’ choice of France versus Israel and other countries, see Secrétaire d'Etat aux affaires Algériennes, “La Communaute Israélite d'Algérie” (19 October 1962), p. 2, in MAE: 121 bis.

61 C. Viellescazes, Dir. du Cabinet, Délégation générale en Algérie, “A l'attention personnelle de M. Aubert” (24 January 1961), 1, in CAC: 19920172/08.

62 Jean Morin, “Objet: Activité des mission israéliennes en Algérie “(Algiers, 24 March 1961), 1, in MAE: 121 bis; see also Délégation générale en Algérie, Affaires politiques, “Télégramme n. 2784” (22 March 1961), 1, in MAE: 121 bis.

63 Ibid., 1 and 2.

64 “Entretien du Général de Gaulle avec M. Ben Gourion le 17 juin 1960 à l'Elysée,” 1–10, in Fondation national des sciences politiques, Fond Debré: 2 DE 60 #1a.

65 See Sussman, “Changing Lands, Changing Identities,” 162–68; and Gallisot, René, Les Accords d’Évian: en conjoncture et en longue durée (Paris: Karthala, 1997), 114Google Scholar.

66 Recent studies that explore the colonial history of modern French governance of Islam include McDougall, James, “The Secular State's Islamic Empire: Muslim Spaces and Subjects of Jurisdiction in Paris and Algiers, 1905–1957,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 52 (2010): 553–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Scott, The Politics of the Veil; Geisser, Vincent and Zemouri, Aziz, Marianne et Allah: Les politiques français face à la “question musulmane” (Paris: La Découverte, 2007)Google Scholar; and Maussen, Marcel, Constructing Mosques: The Governance of Islam in France and the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam School for Social Science Research, 2009)Google Scholar. See also Baubérot, Vers un nouveau pacte laïc?; and Borne et al., Europe et islam.

67 Shepard, Todd, “‘History is Past Politics’? Archives, ‘Tainted Evidence,’ and the Return of the State,” The American Historical Review 115 (2010): 474–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

68 See Shepard, The Invention of Decolonization, introduction and conclusion.